"The 51st Regiment was in the Corps of the Army immediately under Lord Hill—brigaded with the 14th and 23rd, under the command of Colonel Mitchell, being a Light Corps, and standing at the head of the column upon its first formation at the crest of the position. Companies were in succession ordered in front, and occupied ground to the right of the Nivelles road, pretty nearly in line with the Hougoumont farm. Lastly, the remaining companies under my command descended and took possession of a favourable rising ground, covered with thick brushwood, and very defensible against any sudden attack of cavalry. Here we remained posted, waiting orders.
"Late in the day, I forget the hour, an aide-de-camp from Lord Hill came down with an order to keep this ground to the last, as he was withdrawing his whole force to the left, and that I must not expect any support. Consequently I prepared myself to render as defensible as possible the post committed to my charge.
"Being so separated from the army, you will perceive we bore no decided part in the action, and were but holding ground during the great movements. The French had a line of cavalry—vedettes—in our front; and to their rear, at a considerable distance, I could perceive a body of lancers, who no doubt were waiting some favourable moment to advance.
"Situated as I was, I could see but little of what was going on to my left, except the charge of the French cuirassiers, on the left of Hougoumont farm, on the position. After being foiled in this attempt against the squares, a considerable body passed down the Nivelles road, on which there was an abatis. I was so placed as to perceive this, and gave my parties in advance orders to fire, for being so much in their rear, I could not well distinguish friend from foe. The fire was successful, though some few miraculously cleared the abatis. I mention this merely to show our ground more than anything else.
"What I have offered I fear you will not consider very satisfactory, but you must remember we were not connected during any part of the memorable day with any of the principal movements. In fact, I have considered my regiment as a picket detached from the main body, throwing out skirmishers and supports, according to my own view, and in covering a certain space of ground.
"I have been frequently questioned respecting the battle of Waterloo and movements, and my reply has invariably been that I was so situated as to have but a partial view of the field, and not engaged in the great conflict that was raging to my left. In fact, I may say that I was stationary throughout the day, and the only order I received was the one I have already mentioned.—I beg, &c.,
S. Rice,
Colonel late 51st Regiment."
CHAPTER XIV.
PARIS—AND PEACE.
To capture the French capital as rapidly as possible, and before Napoleon should have an opportunity of rallying his defeated army, now became the object of the allied forces. On the 20th June the Prussians had passed the frontier in hot pursuit of the fugitive Frenchmen, and by the 23rd Blücher was at Catillon and Wellington at Le Cateau Cambresis. Meanwhile, the French had begun to recover from their panic, and twenty thousand had assembled at Laon, where Soult was working strenuously to get them into order, hoping that when Grouchy arrived with his corps it would be possible to do something to check the advance of the Allies. After Ligny, Grouchy had pursued the beaten Prussians towards Wavre, where he defeated their rearguard on the 18th and 19th June. Then, retreating, he beat off an attack by Pirch at Namur on the 20th, and withdrew into France. Wellington and Blücher were aware of all this, and debated whether to turn aside and attack Soult forthwith, or whether to pass him by and push on to Paris. They decided on the latter course.
From the Belgian frontier four principal roads converged on Paris. On the easternmost road the French were collecting at Laon, while scattered fugitives, making for the capital, were pressing along the other three roads, of which the two on the west were allotted to Wellington's columns and the third to Blücher's troops. On the 24th June Mitchell's brigade, which had marched from Nivelles to Le Cateau, received orders to proceed to Cambray, which was still held by a French garrison. The reduction of the place was entrusted to Colville's division, and the garrison was summoned that night, but refused to surrender. Next morning Colville ordered the assault of the works, detailing the light companies of Johnstone's brigade to storm the Valencienne gate, while the 23rd and 51st simultaneously assaulted the Paris gate. The two regiments succeeded in breaking open the outer gate of the Couvre Port with little difficulty, but the Paris gate itself resisted every effort. Close by, however, there was found a breach in the walls under repair, and by storming this an entry was effected, without much loss—the 51st having no more than two men killed and ten wounded. The Valencienne gate was carried by Johnstone's brigade, and the garrison withdrew to the citadel, which held out until the evening of the 25th.
The advance on Paris was then resumed; Peronne was captured by the Guards division and Ham by the Prussians; and a few days later Soult and Grouchy, retreating towards Paris, made a feeble attempt to cut in on Blücher's flank, but failing to make any impression continued the march to the capital, which they reached on the 29th June. Napoleon himself had arrived there on the 21st, but had been forced by the Chamber of Deputies to abdicate, and had then retired to Malmaison, a few miles out of Paris.
On the 29th Blücher was at Gonesse, with his advanced troops close to Aubervilliers, near St Denis; and Wellington was at Senlis. Although the Chamber had asked for a suspension of hostilities, no agreement had been arrived at, and knowing that the French now had some 80,000 soldiers in Paris, Wellington and Blücher decided that the Prussians should move round to the south of the city, while the remainder of the allied troops pushed in from the north. On the 30th, therefore, the Prussians crossed the Seine near St Germains, and two days later Blücher was at Versailles. On that day (July 2) Wellington threw a bridge across the Seine at Argenteuil, to better his communications with Blücher, and on the following day the last shots of the campaign were fired, the Prussians having a smart skirmish at Issy, and the opposing piquets on the north of the city exchanging a few shots. In the evening part of the 51st moved to the village of Aubervilliers, which had not been wholly abandoned by the French troops, so that, as had frequently occurred in Peninsula times, one half of the village was held by the British and the other by the French, without molesting one another. And here occurred one of those curious incidents illustrative of the friendship of enemies which were not uncommon in Peninsular warfare. Ensign Mainwaring tells the story:—
"We soon grew friends, and on the full security of honourable warfare some of us crossed the streets and entered into conversation with the officers. They good-naturedly asked us how we were off for eatables, and offered to send us some white bread and tobacco; and the nearest picket was immediately furnished with a good supply, for which their sutler-woman was well paid, though the French refused at first to take payment. They asked us into the house and gave us an excellent luncheon, and whilst we were all laughing and talking away, one of the officers, by his epaulettes apparently a major, took hold of the button of my jacket, and looking at it exclaimed, 'Ah, 51st! Was monsieur with his regiment in Spain? for I saved the life of one of your captains, whom we captured at the battle of Nivelle; he was un brave homme, bel homme. Is he alive? I should so much like to see him.' It was rather singular that the person of whom he spoke was the captain of my company (Phelps),[84] and I accordingly told the Frenchman that his wish could be instantly and easily gratified, that the Brave was in a house not a hundred yards distant, and I immediately sent for him. He soon came; the Gaul was delighted, flew into his arms, kissed him on one cheek and then on the other, talked with the utmost rapidity, asked a hundred questions and never waited for one answer from my gallant old chief, who, when he got breathing-time, recognised him instantly, shook him heartily by the hand, acknowledged that he had saved his life, prevented his being plundered or ill-used, and that he behaved in the kindest and most generous manner possible to him.[85] No one who saw us all clustered together in this friendly manner, amongst these mustachioed veterans of Napoleon, would ever have imagined that we were foes, and that perhaps in a short half hour we might be seeking each other's lives, with bayonets clashing and bullets whizzing from those hands so cordially grasped in kind and grateful feeling without one spark of national hate or animosity between us."
In all probability, although young Mainwaring was not in the secret, the senior officers on both sides had an inkling that the campaign was over, for, earlier in the day, an agreement to suspend hostilities had been negotiated at St Cloud. This was known as the "Convention of Paris," by the provisions of which the French army was to be withdrawn to the south of the river Loire within eight days, and Paris to be handed over to the Allies. During the two following days the French troops marched out of the capital, and the Allies encamped in the Bois de Boulogne, the occupation of the actual city being completed on the 7th July, on which day Adam's brigade made a triumphant entry and pitched camp in the Champs Elysées. Thus within three weeks of the firing of the first shot of the campaign Napoleon had been crushed, his capital captured, and Louis XVIII. restored to the throne.
The fate of the greatest Frenchman who ever lived was certainly pitiable, yet for the peace of Europe it was impossible to allow him liberty. From Paris he fled to Rochefort on the 2nd July, hoping to escape to America, but discovering that the Bourbons were about to arrest him, he surrendered to Captain Maitland of H.M.S. Bellerophon, and was at once conveyed to Plymouth. Here he made the bold request to be permitted to reside in England, as a country gentleman, on his parole; but the allied Powers refused his request, and politely intimated to him their decision that the remainder of his life should be spent at St Helena. There, accordingly, he lived, in open arrest, until the end came on the 5th May 1821.
Paris was the second European capital into which Samuel Rice and the 51st, as part of a triumphant army, had marched within the past three years, and as all chance of further fighting was at an end, they thoroughly enjoyed the life which they led for the next few weeks. Great numbers of English people visited Paris, to see their relations and friends in the army of occupation, and as the Parisians themselves were both friendly and hospitable, there was no lack of amusement. There were, of course, plenty of guards to be found and other duties to be performed, the most interesting of which, perhaps, were in connection with the removal of art treasures from the Louvre. For many years Napoleon and his victorious generals had made it a custom to bring back as spoils of war the choicest paintings and statues to be found in the museums of conquered countries, and to place them in the Louvre, to become heirlooms for the French nation. Now, however, that the Allies were masters of the situation, they decided to restore all these things to their rightful owners, and the various regiments furnished working parties, to assist in packing up the treasures, as well as guards, to prevent possible French interference, for many days in succession. Curiously enough, the Parisians paid very little attention to what was going on, and the removal of everything that was claimed by foreign nations was effected without trouble.
Gay times the British subaltern had in Paris, with dances, dinners, and theatres galore, and many a one lost everything he possessed at the gaming tables. Yet the young officer cared little for his losses, and the Frenchmen wanted every scrap of British gold that they could collect, since they were called upon to pay a war indemnity of thirty million pounds for espousing the cause of Napoleon and defying all Europe.
Until the 30th October, the 51st remained encamped in the Bois de Boulogne, and then moved to the village of Verrieres, some ten miles from Paris, five weeks later receiving orders to march to Calais and embark for England, since the regiment was not required to form part of the army of occupation of France. So Samuel Rice returned from his last campaign, covered with honour and glory, to rest on his laurels, and to settle down to the dull monotony of peace-time soldiering—the comparison between which and campaigning is well described in the following words:—
"Those were spirit-stirring days indeed, and although it may perhaps be wrong to say so, yet what has life to offer now that can compare with them? How tame, how stupid, how insipid, does all the monotony of the daily routine of drills, peace-guards, and dress-parades, which now fill up and fritter away our time, appear to them whose lives for years were passed in camps, living in the open air, seeing the glorious sun rise every day, or watching by the piquet-fires at night the beautiful stars; their minds elevated by the thought that they were doing their duty to their country, that the eyes of all Europe were upon their slightest movements, their hearts beating with enthusiasm, as victory followed victory; and if death sometimes came in the midst of all this, its sting was scarcely felt, since the soldier's soul winged its flight to heaven 'mid the roar of cannon, the blaze of musketry, and the victorious cheers of his gallant comrades."
Thus soliloquised Frederick Mainwaring, when, some years afterwards, he was setting down stray reminiscences of his fighting days. He was then, with eighteen years' service, still only a lieutenant in the 51st, and a decade of garrison life must have weighed heavily on him. But his lot was shared by plenty of other Peninsular and Waterloo heroes, and amongst them, his commanding officer, Colonel Rice. Yet Mainwaring was more fortunate than many of his brother officers, who, when the reductions consequent on peace took place, were placed on half pay, and so debarred from even following the profession to which they had devoted the best part of their lives.[86] Hundreds of officers were thus thrown on their own resources, and for years the country was flooded with half-pay lieutenants. It was, of course, impossible to retain the services of all of them, and the Government cannot be accused of meanness, for the half pay of the infantry lieutenant was increased very considerably, and he was allowed to count two years for Waterloo towards service qualifying for the higher rate.
The 51st arrived in England in January 1816, to commence a five years' tour of garrison duty, being quartered first at Blatchington and then at Chichester, with a detachment for duty at the Pavilion, at Brighton. In 1817 it moved to Chatham, and later in the year to Portsmouth, Samuel Rice being promoted to the command of the regiment, on the death of Colonel Mitchell, on the 20th April. In 1818 the 51st marched from Portsmouth to Plymouth, and in the following year moved by sea to Chatham and Sheerness, whence company detachments were furnished for Harwich and for the island of Heligoland.[87] In 1820 the regiment was on the move again, changing quarters an extraordinary number of times, and being frequently split up into detachments. Romford, Brighton, Chichester, Croydon, Woolwich, Greenwich, Deptford, Bow, Stratford, Teddington, Twickenham, Isleworth, and Winchester all provided temporary homes for headquarters or detachments during the year. Three months in barracks at Winchester was the longest resting-time allowed the regiment, for though the officers had begun to hope that these were to be their quarters for a year or two, in February 1821 they were ordered to Portsmouth, and, after all these incessant movements, it came almost as a relief to them to receive, in April, further orders to prepare for immediate embarkation for the Mediterranean.
In spite of its distracting changes of quarters, the regiment had found time to gather recruits and to recover from the effects of active service, so that by 1820 it was up to full strength, and most favourably reported on by the inspecting general for "its movements and appearance." With regard to the latter point, it may be of interest to remark on the dress of the officers and soldiers of this time. It will be remembered that in 1809, when the 51st was made a light infantry regiment, it received a new uniform, and in this it fought through the Peninsular War and the Waterloo campaign, though during the former strict regulations in the matter of dress were, by force of circumstances, seldom adhered to. It was frequently impossible for officers to replenish their worn-out garments, and at times they presented a most ragged appearance—very different from that in which they are handed down to posterity by painters of the various battle-scenes. Still, so much was thought of the smart turn-out of a regiment even on active service, that it was a point of honour with both officers and men to clean up on every possible occasion, and it is on record that the men who stormed Badajoz spent the hours previous to the assault in polishing themselves up, "as if for a review." The light infantry uniform which should have been worn by the 51st from 1809 onwards, consisted principally of a short-tailed, easy-fitting red jacket, white breeches, black cloth leggings, and shoes, with a light felt shako (having an oilskin covering for wet weather) as head-dress. At first the officers wore cocked hats, but in 1811 these were replaced by shakos with a green feather in front. Probably it was found that the breeches and leggings were difficult to keep in repair, for it is certain that they soon disappeared in favour of blue-grey cloth trousers, with short spat-gaiters underneath; and the officers, who were supposed to wear long boots (to the knee), took to the trousers also, wearing leather gaiters over them, if they were able to obtain them. In the interval between the Peninsular War and the Waterloo campaign regiments had time to return to a strict uniformity of dress, and the grey trousers became the regulation covering for the legs on active service; otherwise there was no change until after Waterloo.
As soon as peace was established and regiments began to return home, the military tailors, who had had idle times for some years, cast about for openings for innovations; but since the army had now established the fact that it was intended for fighting more than for show, and since the uniform worn in 1815 was considered both serviceable and showy, the tailors found some difficulty in introducing alterations. The opportunity came, however, in 1816, when some one took a fancy to the head-dresses worn by some of the foreign troops forming part of the army of occupation of France, and forthwith a new shako was designed for the British army. This was heavy and cumbersome, being seven and a half inches high and eleven inches in diameter at the top, but its shape and size gave the tailors wide scope for lace and other adornments. So appearance, not for the first or the last time, was made to override utility. Other innovations in dress soon followed, and by 1821 the uniform in which the 51st had fought in the Peninsula and at Waterloo was almost entirely altered. The grey trousers had gone, and the white breeches and black leggings had come back; the curved light infantry sabre, worn by the officers suspended from slings, was replaced by a straight sword, hung in a frog from the white shoulder-belt; and for the short-tailed light infantry jacket there had been substituted the long-tailed coatee. The 51st still wore grass-green facings, but in April 1821 his Majesty conferred upon the regiment the additional title of "The King's Own Light Infantry," when its facings were changed to blue and the lace to gold (oak-leaf pattern). A year later the historic breeches and leggings finally disappeared, and trousers, grey or white according to the season, were ordered to be worn.
In May 1821 the 51st, six hundred and fifty strong, embarked at Portsmouth for the Ionian Isles, and reaching Corfu in the following month, occupied the Citadel and Fort Neuf. It was just twenty-four years since Samuel Rice and the regiment had arrived at Gibraltar from Elba, when the general scuttle from the Mediterranean had taken place, but in those twenty-four years Great Britain had established a firm footing in that sea, having taken and retained possession of Malta (1800) and the Ionian Isles (1809), and having at different times occupied, but subsequently evacuated, Minorca, Sicily, and Alexandria. The Ionian Isles, in which the 51st remained for thirteen long years, were seven in number—viz., Corfu, Cephalonia, Zante, Ithaca, Santa Maura, Cerigo, and Paxo—and, though essentially Greek, had been under Neapolitan and Venetian rule previous to being ceded to France in 1797. In 1801 they were formed into a republic (The Septinsular Republic) under the protection of Turkey and Russia, but only to pass again to France in 1807. Collingwood captured Cephalonia, Zante, Santa Maura, and Ithaca in 1809, and by the Treaty of Paris (1815) all seven islands became a British Protectorate, remaining such until 1863, when they were transferred to Greece. As a foreign station for British troops the islands were always most popular, at any rate with the officers, the climate being good and the shooting excellent.
Probably no officer was better acquainted with the Ionian Islands than was Colonel Samuel Rice, for during the last ten years of his command of the 51st the regiment furnished detachments at different times to all the islands, and the colonel transferred his headquarters from one to another, though residing principally at Cephalonia, Zante, and Corfu. Life there was devoid of all excitement, except, perhaps, that afforded by the wrangling between the High Commissioner of the Islands, Sir Frederick Adam (of Adam's brigade of Waterloo fame), and the British Resident of Cephalonia, Charles Napier, the eventual conqueror of Sind; but Rice's twenty odd years of campaigning had left him none too strong, and he was apparently content to finish out his regimental service by devoting himself to the welfare of the corps of which he was so justly proud. That under his command the 51st retained its high reputation there is ample proof in the reports made by various inspecting generals; and when he gave up the command, in July 1831, he had the satisfaction of feeling that, as the last officer of the 51st who had served in it under Sir John Moore, he had carried out the teachings of his illustrious chief for thirty-eight years, and handed the regiment over to his successor not only in as good a state as he had found it on joining as an ensign in 1793, but also with added laurels which, moreover, he himself had helped to win.
During the period of Samuel Rice's regimental service the 51st was abroad for no less than thirty years; but those were strenuous times, and no regiment could count on a lengthy sojourn at home, for, in addition to the long war in Europe, Great Britain was kept busily engaged in the East Indies, in the West Indies, and in America. Still it was exceptional even then for a regiment to be so continuously on foreign service, but in this respect, it may be remarked, the 51st was always exceptional. Apart from the campaigning, and apart from the bad climate of foreign stations, the life of the regimental officer was ever without rest, for the slight repose which might have come with service at home was broken into by the authorities, who seem to have been at pains to deny a resting-place to a regiment for more than a few months at a time. Yet we people of to-day find fault with the unfortunate officer of a century ago, because he did not read military history and study the theory of his profession! There can be little doubt, however, that the effect of all this harassing service was to wear out the officer before his time. Some veterans there were, of course, who, being particularly robust, lived to a ripe old age, but the majority of those officers who fought for England in the great struggle from 1793 to 1815 passed away long before attaining the allotted span of three-score years and ten. And Samuel Rice was one of these.
Under the usual purchase system arrangements, a purse was made up to induce Colonel Rice to vacate the command of the regiment, but, hoping for further employment, he exchanged to the half-pay unattached list. Having no son of his own to carry on his name in the 51st, he did his best to make amends by getting two of his three Rice nephews[88] appointed to the regiment, thus prolonging the family connection with it for a further period of twenty-three years. He remained on half pay until 1834, when he was appointed Inspecting Field Officer of the Leeds Recruiting District, an appointment, however, which he held for only a little more than a year, as his health gave way and obliged him to lay down his sword. He died in London on the 7th March 1840, in his sixty-fifth year, leaving a widow and a daughter.[89]
Such was the career of a typical regimental officer of the old school, who served his country throughout, perhaps, the most critical period of its existence, who witnessed the rise and fall of England's inveterate enemy, who shared in the victories which won for England fame, and who never claimed that he had done more than play a very minor part in the epoch-making drama. Still, Samuel Rice was one of those who helped to raise the power and name of England to the loftiest position in Europe—and, indeed, in the world.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] An account of the Rice family will be found in 'Some Things we have Remembered,' by Percy Melville Thornton. London: Longman. 1912.
[2] France declared war against Austria 20th April 1792.
[3] Prussia joined Austria on the 26th July, and the Duke of Brunswick held the post of commander-in-chief of the allied armies.
[4] His younger brother Charles Rice was at the time a midshipman on the Circe.
[5] Originally, on active service at any rate, the triangle was formed of halberds, lashed together. Hence the term "brought to the halberds."
[6] Flogging in the navy was carried out with even greater severity than in the army, the most brutal form of the punishment being that known as "flogging round the fleet."
[7] "Why, sir, no man will be a sailor who has contrivance enough to get himself into a jail."—Dr Johnson.
[8] The Royalists applied this term to the Republican leaders, who affected a carelessness in dress; and subsequently all Republicans were called "Sans culottes," i.e., ragamuffins. Nowadays the French use the term, in a more literal sense, as slang for our Highlanders.
[9] The Duke of York defeated by Hoche, 7th September 1793.
[10] It is perhaps worthy of note that there were present at Toulon on the eventful 19th December 1793, two men who afterwards became world-renowned. Napoleon Buonaparte, aged twenty-three, commanded the Republican artillery which was instrumental in hastening the withdrawal of the British from Toulon. Horatio Nelson, aged thirty-five, commanded the Agamemnon, forming part of Lord Hood's fleet. Napoleon was then on the winning side, but twelve years later Nelson wiped out his fleet at Trafalgar, and died on board the Victory, which had been Lord Hood's flagship at Toulon.
[11] La Moselle, previously a French sloop.
[12] 'Narrative of Some Passages in the Great War with France, 1799-1810.' By Lieut.-General Sir Henry Bunbury. Bentley, 1854.
[13] Extract from the General Order, issued 1st February 1809, by H.R.H. the Commander-in-Chief, on the death of Sir John Moore.
[14] See also chapter vi. for Sir John Moore's remarkable success in training officers and men for war.
[15] 'The Influence of Sea Power upon the French Revolution,' by Captain A. T. Mahan, U.S.N. 2nd edition. 1893.
[16] General Sir J. F. Maurice, in his 'Diary of Sir John Moore,' says that the tower was so named from its situation on the shore of Mortella Bay—i.e., the Bay of Myrtles: that it was on the plan of this tower that the so-called "Martello Towers" on the English coast were afterwards built; and that the spelling "Martello" was an error in an early despatch. The derivation of the word as coming from an engineer of the name of Martel is said to be pure fiction.
[17] At this period all regiments had ten companies, the flank companies being known as the grenadier company and the light, or light infantry, company. It was considered an honour to belong to these two companies, which consisted of picked men under picked officers.
[18] Not the Royal Marines as we know them, but detachments of ordinary infantry regiments, detailed for duty as marines on board the ships, and under the command of the Admiral. The following regiments furnished marine detachments to Lord Hood's fleet at this time—the 11th, 25th, 30th, and 69th.
[19] Maurice's 'Diary of Sir John Moore.'
[20] Ensign Thomas Boggis, killed 30th July 1794.—'Records of the 51st.'
[21] The Regimental Agent, who would (presumably) have to write to the Colonel to inform him that the purchase money had been lodged with him.
[22] Maurice's 'Diary of Sir John Moore.'
[23] Southey's 'Life of Nelson.'
[24] Maurice's 'Diary of Sir John Moore.'
[25] James Tourle entered the 51st as ensign, 1784; lieutenant, 1790; captain, 1791. He commanded the light infantry company, and died on the 6th November 1794. Colonel Moore mentions him as "a gentlemanly, spirited officer, as well as a worthy, cheerful companion."—Maurice's 'Diary of Sir John Moore,' vol. i. p. 130.
[26] The Corsicans were by nature true light infantrymen, and some years later Sir John Moore suggested the advisability of recruiting, for the British army, a light infantry corps in Corsica, whose inhabitants he considered to be the most suitable in Europe for the purpose.
[27] Charles Alcock, ensign, 51st, 1781; lieutenant, 1786; captain, 1791.
[28] 'Diary of Sir John Moore.'
[29] According to the postmark this letter was not delivered in London until the 19th August.
[30] Robert Shawe, ensign, 51st, 1782; lieutenant, 1788; captain, 1793.
[31] 'Life of Nelson.'
[32] Sir David Dundas, at the age of seventy-four, was (1809) appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Army, vice H.R.H. the Duke of York (who resigned on account of certain scandals), and held office for two years, after which the Duke of York again took up the appointment. Sir David was a fine old soldier of the pre-Peninsular type, but, as Commander-in-Chief, was not popular with the army. He published, in 1788, his famous book on drill, which became the first authorised Manual for the British army; and he lived to the age of eighty-five.
[33] He was buried in the old St Pancras cemetery, London; but, in 1889, his remains were exhumed and conveyed to Corsica for re-interment.
[34] Off Cape St Vincent (S.-W. Portugal), 14th February 1797, where the Mediterranean fleet (15 sail) defeated the Spanish fleet (27 ships), capturing four ships and sinking several others. For this victory Sir J. Jervis was created Lord St Vincent.
[35] Piombino, on the Italian coast.
[36] On the coast of the mainland opposite Elba.
[37] Gretton's 'History of the Royal Irish.'
[38] Sir David Baird, the hero of Seringapatam, commanded the troops, and Sir H. Popham the naval forces.
[39] Sam Rice's brother Charles was present, with the fleet, at these captures. He died in 1801, and his Ceylon prize-money was subsequently paid to his relatives.
[40] Maurice's 'Diary of Sir John Moore.'
[41] Highlanders, in whom guerilla warfare was inherent, had been employed much in the same way as light infantrymen for a number of years, though without any systematic training.
[42] Fortescue ('History of the British Army') says that the regiment was clothed in dark brown. This would seem to have been the first regiment in the British army to be designated "Light Infantry"; it was numbered the 80th, but was disbanded within a few years. In 1759 Morgan's Light Infantry was raised, numbered the 90th, and disbanded in 1763. For the next forty years no light infantry regiments appeared in the Army List. The following are the dates of the formation of other light infantry regiments: 1803, 52nd and 43rd; 1808, 68th and 85th; 1809, 71st and 51st; 1815, 90th; 1822, 13th; 1840, 105th and 106th; 1855, Royal Marines; 1858, 32nd. There are now in the Regular Army seven light infantry regiments, each with two battalions.
[43] Thomas Graham, of Balgowan, was born in 1748, and married (1774) a daughter of Lord Cathcart. On his wife's death in 1792 he joined Lord Hood's fleet as a volunteer, but came home in 1794 and raised the 90th, or Perthshire Volunteers, being gazetted to the command of it in the same year. He was thus forty-six when he obtained his first commission, but he became a famous general, and the victor of Barrosa.
[44] This was the Sir William Howe previously mentioned, subsequently (1799) 5th Viscount Howe. His eldest brother, the 3rd Viscount, killed in 1758, was succeeded, as 4th Viscount, by his brother, the famous Admiral, who again was succeeded by his brother, Sir William.
[45] Afterwards the Rifle Brigade.
[46] Colonel Henderson's 'Science of War.'
[47] Maurice's 'Diary of Sir John Moore.'
[48] Fortescue's 'History of the British Army,' vol. iii.
[49] This order appears to have been held in abeyance during the Peninsular War, as officers as young as fourteen frequently joined regiments. Its object, however, was to abolish the pernicious custom of granting ensigncies to children in the nursery, and allowing them leave of absence until they were old enough to join.
[50] 'Narrative of the Peninsular War,' by Lieut.-General Charles William Vane, Marquess of Londonderry, G.C.B., G.C.H., Colonel of the Tenth Hussars. 1826. He was better known as General Charles Stewart, Adjutant-General of Wellington's army.