The Life, Times, and Scientific Labours of the Second Marquis of Worcester / To which is added a reprint of his Century of Inventions, 1663, with a Commentary thereon.

“This 13th of August, 1644.”

His military career in Wales appears to have terminated late in 1644, at which time the Parliament having protested against the cessation made by the Marquis of Ormond with the Irish rebels, by the King’s express orders, his Majesty determined not only on a speedy peace in Ireland, but also on the raising of troops there to be sent over to England. Difficulties, however, arising consequent on the demands made by the Irish Roman Catholics, the King devised the expedient of engaging the services of the Earl of Glamorgan in that hazardous negotiation. Adopting his customary narrow policy, he planned and plotted alike with friends and foes. Ormond was to be flattered and deceived, next Glamorgan, and in succession all his ministers, council and court, yea, the very Parliament and the public were to be hood-winked by a master-stroke of double-dealing. Such a net-work of intrigue had he woven, before the least of his measures could be finally executed, that Charles the First’s course of conduct throughout this affair, has confounded early as well as later and most dispassionate politicians. That the King was wavering and uncertain, at least in his decisions, is admitted by all, and it is very evident that expediency was with him a sufficient plea for the most perfidious treachery, without distinction of parties. He first wrote to the Marquis of Ormond that well-known letter, in which he says:[25]

“Ormond,

“My Lord Herbert having business of his own in Ireland (wherein I desire you to do him all lawful favour and furtherance), I have thought good to use the power I have, both in his affection and duty, to engage him in all possible ways to further the peace there; which he hath promised to do. Wherefore, as you find occasion, you may confidently use and trust him in this, or any other thing he shall propound to you for my service; there being none in whose honesty and zeal to my person and crown I have more confidence. So I rest,

“Your most assured constant friend,

“Charles R.

“Oxford, 27 Decemb. 1644.

[F]“His honesty or affection to my service will not deceive you; but I will not answer for his judgment.”

In this letter we detect the artful arrangement of its matter, making Lord Herbert’s real mission secondary to some private business of his own, to the forwarding of which the wily monarch solicits the kind offices of his minister. Yet, secondary as was his mission apparently, he is much lauded for his “honesty and zeal” to the royal person and crown; while the same hand adds a postscript in cipher,—“but I will not answer for his judgment.”

Yet he was not so insufficient in “judgment,” but that the royal adept in deception could purpose his eventually superseding the Lord Lieutenant, whom he was thus cajoling meanwhile.

On the 12th of January, 1644, his Lordship received a Commission under the Great Seal from the King, empowering him to levy any number of men in Ireland and elsewhere, with other considerable powers, requiring for their exercise a man of no ordinary “judgment.” So that when the King wrote one thing, he meant another, for his acts reversed his own statement, and offer the best proofs of the want of truth, although he might consider himself obliged to adopt this shallow species of subterfuge, in such an emergency.

The Commission is as follows:—[13]

“Charles R.

“Whereas we have had sufficient and ample testimony of your approved wisdom and fidelity, so great is the confidence we repose in you, as that whatsoever you shall perform, as warranted under our sign-manual, pocket signet, or private mark, or even by word of mouth, without further ceremony, we do on the word of a King and a Christian, promise to make good to all intents and purposes, as effectually as if your authority from us had been under the Great Seal of England, with this advantage, that we shall esteem ourself the more obliged to you for your gallantry, in not standing upon such nice terms to do us service, which we shall, God willing, reward. And although you exceed what law can warrant, or any powers of ours reach unto, as not knowing what you have need of; yet it being for our service, we oblige ourself, not only to give you our pardon, but to maintain the same with all our might and power; and though either by accident, or by any other occasion, you shall deem it necessary to deposit any of our warrants, and so want them at your return, we faithfully promise to make them good at your return; and to supply anything wherein they shall be found defective, it not being convenient for us at this time to dispute upon them; for of what we have here set down you may rest confident, if there be faith and trust in men. Proceed, therefore, cheerfully, speedily, and boldly; and for your so doing this shall be your sufficient warrant.

“Given at our Court at Oxford under our sign-manual and private signet, this 12th of January, 1644.”

The Warrant his Lordship received from his Majesty, to treat and conclude with the Irish confederates, dated 12th of March, 1644, proceeds as follows:—[13]

“Charles R.

“Charles, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to our trusty and right well-beloved cousin, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, greeting. We, reposing great and especial trust and confidence in your approved wisdom and fidelity, do by these (as firmly as under our Great Seal, to all intents and purposes) authorise and give you power, to treat and conclude with the confederate Roman Catholics in our kingdom of Ireland, if upon necessity any be to be condescended unto, wherein our Lieutenant cannot so well be seen in, as not fit for us at present publicly to own. Therefore we charge you to proceed according to this our warrant, with all possible secrecy; and for whatsoever you shall engage yourself, upon such valuable considerations as you in your judgment shall deem fit, we promise on the word of a King and a Christian, to ratify and perform the same, that shall be granted by you, and under your hand and seal; the said confederate Catholics having by their supplies testified their zeal to our service. And this shall be in each particular to you a sufficient warrant.

“Given at our Court at Oxford, under our signet and royal signature, the 12th of March, in the twentieth year of our reign, 1644.”

It is generally asserted that the visit of the Earl of Glamorgan to Ireland was of a personal nature, having by his marriage become allied to some of the first Irish families; but no one can doubt that the important commission he had received from the monarch swayed all other considerations. He was then about 43 years of age. His royal master was profuse in the professions of the most sincere attachment to the person of his Lordship; his acts and words being such as were best calculated to ensnare an honourable man quite incapable of insincerity. But the King, after his own fashion, had sound reasons for his conduct; the Marquis of Worcester was still rich, and might continue his liberality; and, as belonging to the Roman Catholic faith, the son might promote his measures in Ireland. He only felt it necessary to flatter without serious meaning, and to promise without feeling the duty of performing, should expediency cause him to change his views.

To Ormond, however, from whom he was not seeking any favour, yet whose suspicion he desired not to awaken, the royal diplomatist made light of this visit to Ireland—“having business of his own” there; spoke sneeringly of the Earl—“I will not answer for his judgment;” and yet employed him on matters of such vital importance for the success of his own measures, that we at once detect the sophistry of such language.

The Earl of Glamorgan, it would appear, went to Ireland at the end of 1644 or commencement of 1645, as his Majesty addressed the following letters to him in 1645;[G] the first in February:—

“Herbert,

“I am confident that this honest trusty bearer will give you good satisfaction why I have not in every thing done as you desired, the want of confidence in you being so far from being the cause thereof that I am every day more and more confirmed in the trust that I have of you, for believe me it is not in the power of any to make you suffer in my opinion by ill offices, but of this and divers other things I have given so full instructions that I will say no more, but that I am

“Your most assured constant friend,

“Charles R.

“Oxford, 26th Feb. 1645.”[H]

The next in June following:—

“Glamorgan,

“I am glad to hear that you are gone to Ireland, and assure you that as myself is no wise disheartened by our late misfortune so neither this country; for I could not have expected more from them, than they have now freely undertaken, though I had come hither absolute victorious, which makes me hope well of the neighbouring Shires. So that (by the grace of God) I hope shortly to recover my late loss with advantage, if such succours come to me from that kingdom which I have reason to expect, but the circumstance of time is that of the greatest consequence, being that which is chiefliest and earnestliest recommended you by

“Your most assured, real constant friend,

“Charles R.

“Hereford, 23rd June, 1645.”

The Earl wrote the annexed letter to the Marquis of Ormond, dated from Kilkenny in February, 1645:—[I]

“May it please your Excellency,

“I need not give you a relation of the public audience given to the Nuncio yesterday by the Assembly, nor of his addresses thereunto; all which (I am confident) will be at Dublin before this can have the happiness to arrive with your Excellency. Neither need I use many words to persuade your Lordship, that the expectance of a more advantageous peace, wrought by the powerful hand of her Majesty, soon wipes out the clandestine hopes of my endeavours to serve this nation, to which any professions of mine have never been other, and always in order to the King my master’s service, which my duty commands me ever to have before mine eyes. And my zeal unto that transports me beyond all other considerations. Neither was ever anything of vanity in me to be esteemed the person that should contribute to the satisfaction of this kingdom, which I have ever aimed more to do than to seem to do (as the private way of my proceedings may well testify for me). But the saying is, a burnt child dreads the fire; and, therefore, if I be contented to withdraw my hands from meddling with concessions, I conceive it is your Excellency’s own dictamen, not only as you are so great a public Minister of State, but likewise as your Excellency is pleased in all things to express yourself my noble friend. And sure I am in all things you will find me a devoted servant unto you; and according unto the freedom that your Excellency is pleased to give me in order to his Majesty’s service, I must needs deal so plainly with your Excellency, as to put you in mind how absolutely necessary it is not to disgust the Nuncio, since that the supplies out of this kingdom unto the King can be but men. And certainly, before I can put myself into a handsome posture to serve the King my master by sea and land, and in some kind to supply his Majesty’s private purse, I think it will stand me in little less than £100,000, within three months; all which whence can I have it but out of Catholic countries; and how cold I shall find Catholics bent to this service, if the Pope be irritated, I humbly submit to your Excellency’s better judgment. And here am I constrained, to your friends and mine here, absolutely to profess not to be capable to do the King that service which he expects at my hands, unless the Nuncio here be civilly complied with, and carried along with us in our proceedings. Besides (if there be understanding or reality in me), it is impossible to carry this nation, and make them do any notable service for the King my master, against the hair, and contrary to the Nuncio’s satisfaction. And (pardon me to tell you) he is not a friend to your Excellency that will persuade to the contrary, knowing very well that you place your happiness and contentment in serving his Majesty and this kingdom, as far as any great and public Minister of State and real Protestant can attain unto. According to which conditions I confess it is not fit for your Excellency to appear in it yourself; but if you please to interest myself and some others of your chief assured friends and servants here (even with whom your Excellency must give me leave to vie in reality and zeal to serve you), to deal with the Nuncio, I am most confident in a few days (if not in a few hours), we shall bring him so far to comply in order to his Majesty’s service, as may give your Excellency satisfaction. And for the present I alone have dealt with him so efficaciously, as that he hath not only given his consent and approbation for the 3000 men to go for Chester (for the transporting whereof I shall find shipping sufficient ready); and if that will not serve, he means to-morrow or the next day to make it his absolute business. And I beseech your Excellency to take what I have said here into your serious and speedy consideration, as proceeding from me, who am not only transported with zeal to the King my master’s service herein, but also to manifest myself how much I am

“Your Excellency’s, &c.

“Glamorgan.

“Kilkenny, the 8th of February, 1645.”

To which the Marquis replied from Dublin Castle on the 11th of February:—[25]

“I hope the supplies your Lordship labours for with so much diligence will yet come seasonably for the relief of Chester, notwithstanding the rumours raised here of the taking of it; but of this and the rest of the 10,000 men I can say no more than I lately have done, in a letter commended to Mr. Browne’s conveyance.”

And in a letter of the 26th of March, he observes:—

“By intercepted letters of the 16th (Feb.) of this month out of the North, I find it confirmed that Chester held out, and was not delivered on the second, as was confidently written hither out of North Wales by some that desired it should not be relieved; but it will infallibly be lost if the succours be not speedily sent.”

And also writes desiring to be informed when the shipping and men will be in readiness.

Again the Earl addressed the Lord Lieutenant on the 24th:—[J]

“May it please your Excellency,

“I am now setting foot in stirrup for Waterford, having made an embargo of all the shipping there, at Wexford, and all other places of that coast, towards the exportation of six thousand men, and have likewise sent an express to St. Ives and Falmouth for shipping, either to convoy or to help to transport these men. And if your Excellency please to inform yourself what may be done to forward this business out of Dublin, I shall not fail to see performed any agreement your Excellency shall make, whose zeal to the service I know to be such as that it were vanity in me to recommend it unto you. I will, therefore, only desire to know your Excellency’s pleasure as soon as may be, and as it is my part, so it is my affection always to obey you, and ever to remain,

“Your Excellency’s, &c.

“Glamorgan.

“Kilkenny, the 24th Feb. 1645.”

These letters seem at variance with the statement made by Dr. Birch and others, that “the Earl left Oxford, in March, 1644–5, in company with Sir Brian O’Neile and some Romish Priests, and went to Wales;” [K] [22] unless we suppose he went to Ireland in December or January, and returned to England sometime in February or March, which, although not impossible, yet was a matter not so easily accomplished in those times and under existing circumstances.

It is possible, however, that his own private, and the urgency of public affairs, might induce his setting out early to arrange the one, and to settle preliminaries in the other; for this latter purpose he would certainly require his commissions of the 6th and 12th of January, 1644–5.

Then in March, 1644–5, being returned from Ireland, he waits on his Majesty at Oxford, and receives from him his Warrant of the 12th of March, and on the 1st of April his extraordinary and ever-memorable patent; than which nothing could possibly show more convincingly his Majesty’s surpassing confidence in the newly-created Earl, and his determination to “answer for his judgment.”

But this last favour had to be sent to him, as we find from his instructions to Edward Bosdon, accompanied by a letter to his Majesty, dated the 21st of March, 1644.

We are here enabled to clear up a mystery which has hitherto hung over this portion of his personal history, through a very humble source, fortunately preserved in the Letter Book of Sir William Brereton, now in the British Museum, wherein is the copy of a letter from John Bythell, apparently the commander of the “Peter,” bound for Dublin. The circumstance is too interesting to epitomise, and might suffer in graphic description by any attempt to curtail its minute particulars intended to interest his father and family.

From this document we learn that the party left Carnarvon for Dublin on the 25th of March, 1645:—

[L] “John Bythell his letter to his father Rich: Bythell, in Wyre hall. Wherein the much admired Providence of God is to be observed in commanding the seas, &c.

“Loving Father and Mother,—

“My duty remembered unto you, and my love to my brother Peter and my sister. These are to certify you that I am in health, but am very sorry that I have such an occasion as this to write to you of. But I pray you be not dismayed nor discouraged, for I trust that that God that hath preserved me from my child-hood, and brought me into these troubles, will in his good time deliver me from them again. For when I went into a place into Wales, called Carnarvon, with a small barque laden with corn, intending to go for Dublin, which [where] it was my fortune to stay some six weeks for a wind; in the interim there came some great men from Oxford, and pressed the barque for the King’s service to carry them to Dublin, and said if I did deny they would throw my corn overboard; and they being of that power forced the barque to go out with them. There was the Lord Herbert, and the Lord John Somerset, the Lord Herbert’s brother, and many knights and colonels and captains, all being strangers to me. But as it seemed, and so it fell out, God was not pleased to grant them a passage, for we left Carnarvon upon the 25th day of March, being our Ladyday, with a very fair wind, although north-east, and as fair a day as possibly could be. But when we came over the bar of Carnarvon the wind began to calm, and to come to the south and south-east. And when we had not sailed past three or four leagues, but the wind came to the south-west, and began to blow very hard about two or three of the clock in the next morning, so that we could not possibly get the Holyhead; and it increased more and more still, insomuch that when we came to the Skerries the storm grew to that [remorselessness?] that the barque had much ado to recover for being swallowed up in those great waves. But when we had passed the Skerries the wind grew greater and greater, and with much ado we recovered the shore with the [ship], but could not possibly gain any harbour, but were driven to the main sea. And seeing the danger we were now in, the passengers threw over some of my corn and cheese, so we lay on the sea Tuesday and Wednesday; and on Thursday we could not gain any land but in the North of England, at a place called Pillen; there we came to anchor on Thursday about five of the clock in the afternoon. But Lord Herbert would not go on shore, nor suffer any that was in the barque to land before him. But on the Friday the storm increased more and more, insomuch that no man did expect life, but every man prepared himself for death. But God (out of his great mercy) was pleased to spare our lives for that time most miraculously; for about ten of the clock in the morning, about one hour before full sea, the barque not being able to ride, we were forced to cast our main-mast overboard, and presently after cut both her cables, and committed ourselves to God’s mercy. But it pleased God we run on a part of the sand called Cockram Sand, near to Pillen, but she struck many times before she came near any shore; but at the last we recovered shore, but had neither anchor nor cable to hold her, so she did [lie] all a-dry, and as soon as she did ebb a-dry all the great men went away that were papists, and are got to some garrison under the king’s command. But one Mr. Nutterfield and his wife, and one Mr. Argent and his daughter, and one Mr. Collour and his wife, and myself, went to Pillen with some few men more, to comfort ourselves with the fire and to refresh ourselves. And the next morning being Saturday, Mr. Collour and one Mr. Hambleton and myself hired horses from Pillen to go to the governor of that place to make him acquainted with our landing. His name is Colonel George Doddinge, and when we came to him and told him our cause, he said he could not do any less than commit us to Lancaster, where now I am, at a very good place, one Capt. Rippendshoupe’s. The Colonel was pleased to remove me out of the Castle to his house, a very good place, where I am well used; but it has pleased the Colonel to seize on all my corn, and to take it from me, so that I cannot tell what course to take; for all our names are sent up to the Parliament, and the Colonel cannot release any till he receives an answer, how we must be disposed of. The best course that you can take to have me released will be to make some friends to Sir Wm. Brereton and Colonel More, and to procure their answer to Colonel Doddinge, and to inform him where I lived, and that I never took up any arms on either side, but have lived in Ireland this ten years. And so I hope that will be answer to procure my enlargement, for here I am a stranger, and am not known by anybody, so I desire this truly may be certified, and by the hands of Sir Wm. Brereton and Colonel More; and I hope that will give satisfaction. I desire my brother Peter to use his best endeavour herein for my liberty, and to come to see me. The Colonel hath granted Mr. Collour and me the favour [and me sic] to send to his friends, being at Namptwich, and the same messing [messenger?] to come down from thence to you with my letter for fear [if] ours were sent before [they] should miscarry, so we sent letters by the Colonel’s directions to Namptwich from hence on Wednesday, being the first of April; my letters were inclosed in Mr. Collour’s letters, and he desired his father-in-law, Lieut.-Col. Jones, Sir Wm. Brereton, Lieut. Coa, that as soon as his letters came to his hands, to send my letters down to you. But for fear these should miscarry, we have sent the bearer to you with this letter. I had all my money taken from me, therefore I pray you to make shift to procure me four or five pounds, for I have not a penny but what I do borrow. I pray you to send a shirt and two or three bands, for I have none left me. I hope my brother Peter will not fail to come and to bring these things along with him, that I have written for; so desiring you to remember my love to all our friends, especially to Mr. Glegg and Mrs. Gregg, to Capt. Edw. and Capt. John Glegg, and to Capt. Robert, and to Mr. Wm. and Mrs. Elizabeth and Miss Jones, and all the rest; so desiring a happy meeting, I rest,

“Your loving and obedient son, till death,

“Jo. Bythell.

“Lancaster, 6 April, 1645.

“I pray you give the bearer hereof, Mary Goadfine, 2s and 6d, and make much of her. But let her make what haste she can back again to me.”

We have next:—[M]

“A list of their names that were aboard the ‘Peter,’ bound for Dublin and distressed by storms, and cast upon the coast of Lancashire, and [who] afterwards escaped to Skipton Castle.”

(The name of the Prisoners taken at Lancaster, 1st April, 1645.)

The Earl of Glamorgan, the Lord Herbert.

The Lord John his brother.

Sir Brian, uncle of Sir Francis Edmonds.

Sir Charles Hayward, the Duke of Norfolk’s grandchild.

Lieut. Vivian Mouelex, a man who was very decrepid.

Col. Cave, Col. Mitchell (Irish).

Mr. F. Flemmia, a Lancashire man.

Captain Mulbrian, Captain Bacon.

Mr. Peters, the Lord Peters’ brother, Mr. Poynes.

Mr. Hutton, Col. Pristoe, Captain Butler.

“Some two or three more whose names are not known to any passenger, but they were men of ordinary quality.

“The Protestants that are now prisoners at Lancaster, and went of their own voluntary will, and not taken by force, and hired horses.

“Mr. Collham, Mr. Jones, James Hambleton, Jo. Bythell, Mr. Rob. Noterfield, his wife and children and three servants; not siding with the papists, Mr. Argent a gentleman, his daughter, and Boyes, and his maid; Mr. Barker, Mr. Floyde, a minister.

“Two of the Lord Herbert’s men who were taken in their escape after their Lordship; two poor sailors.”

Mr. Carte, in his Life of the Duke of Ormond,[22] and Dr. Birch,[19] following the same authority, assert that—“The Earl of Glamorgan, having embarked on board a small vessel, was near being taken by a Parliament ship, which pursued him till he took refuge in a port of Cumberland.” This, however, must refer to his second, and not to his first, attempt to set sail from Wales.

We can now understand the occasion of delay previously unaccounted for; thus, Dr. Birch, after informing us through Mr. Trevor’s letter of the 9th of April, 1645,[N] that the Earl has actually “gone into Ireland,” proceeds in the next page to quote a passage from Lord Digby’s letter, dated Dublin, 8th of May, 1645:—“Though I have no full knowledge of what Lord Herbert was to bring with him; yet by his letter to me out of Wales, I guess his missing this place (Dublin) was a great misfortune to the King’s service, even in relation to the credit I found the Irish were apt to give to his services and undertakings; and therefore if he be where he can get once more to the water’s edge, and will venture over, I am very confident the little frigate I now send to stay the return of the bearer, will land him in some safe port of Ireland.”

In consequence of this arrangement he at length arrived at Dublin about the end of July or beginning of August,[22] 1645, being a space of about six months from the time of his leaving Oxford.

An incident with which the Earl of Glamorgan was connected occurred during his stay in Wales, affords an amusing episode illustrating the prevailing superstition of the age, against which his Lordship was by no means proof. Dr. Bayly states that: “The Earl, accompanied by officers, knights, and gentlemen of high rank, all of the red letter, as they were in their journey for Ireland, quartered in the town of Carnarvon, a sea-port in North Wales, where they were entertained with discourse at their table by some of the gentlemen of the country, who informed them of the fulfilling of an old Welsh prophecy, at that very time and place.” The legend related to the building of nests in the crown on the head of King Edward I., over the gate of Carnarvon Castle, and was interpreted as significant of the times. “Dinner being ended, they all went to the castle gate.” Thereon the Earl of Glamorgan “commanded the nest to be pulled down, which was done accordingly; and being thrown down, they found the materials of the nest to be such, as wherewith never any bird did build her nest, viz. with white thorn, which, for a memorandum or rarity, every one of them stuck a thorn in his hat-band, and wore it.”[7]

But we must now, however, revert to Raglan Castle, to keep in view what had been passing there in the interim.

---

CHAPTER VII.

RAGLAN CASTLE—ROYAL VISITS.

While the Earl of Glamorgan was zealously prosecuting Charles the First’s designs in Ireland, he had left his Countess under his father’s protection at Raglan Castle. At the commencement of this period the noble Marquis would be in about the 63rd year of his age, rather feeble, and a martyr to gout, which his fondness for claret may have aggravated; a pleasant story being related by his chaplain, that on the physician recommending abstinence from his favourite beverage, he declared that he would rather incur the attacks of his old enemy than abandon his favourite claret.[7]

Between the years 1640 and 1641 Raglan Castle had been strongly garrisoned, when much activity was evinced in providing and securing stores, arms, and the munitions of war. It must, therefore, have worn a very animated and impressive appearance, occupied as it was by hundreds of soldiers, with a large number of war-horses. The exercising of the troops would most likely take place daily in the extensive paved or pitched court, under full view of the drawing-room windows, a spacious upper apartment, ranging behind the hexagonal towers of the grand entrance, all of which remain to this day.

A contemporary writer[93] states that in the hall windows of this princely castle might be seen the ancient arms:—Argent, a lion rampant, sable, within a garter. Thomas Lord Morley, died 1416; and an old carving on the outside walls, representing three lions rampant, impaling, a fess, in chief three martlets.

In the adjoining village of Raglan the old parish church of St. Cadocus had its large pedestal sun-dial perfect, its yew-tree flourishing, and its burial-ground hedged in with trees. Within the sacred edifice, the Worcester chapel possessed its funeral ornaments in varieties of fine marble, sculptured with artistic skill. Against the north wall was the statue of an armed knight, in parliamentary robes, decorated with the Garter, in memory of William Somerset, who died 21st of March, 1589, aged 61 years. Another fair monument consisted of two statues, male and female, under an arch between the chancel and this chapel; he in parliamentary robes, garter, badge, sans gloire, an earl’s crown, and the privy-seal purse. Edward Somerset died 1627–8.[93]

Dr. Bayly, in his capacity of chaplain to the then Marquis of Worcester, appears to have resided in the Castle from 1643 to 1646. His collection of the Marquis’s sayings and family anecdotes, under the title of “Apophthegms,” includes some antecedent matters related on the authority of others. He expressly remarks:—“I have lived in Raglan Castle three years, and in all that time I never saw a man drunk, nor heard an oath amongst any of all his servants; neither did I ever see a better ordered family.”

He describes from hearsay, in his usual gossiping strain, the ceremony of a mock wedding, which was conducted as a kind of masque at the Castle some years previously, on the occasion of the marriage of the Marquis’s fourth daughter Elizabeth to Francis Brown, Viscount Montagu, the particulars of which graphically illustrate the domestic manners and customs prevailing in those times, affording also a fair example of the Marquis’s own peculiar humour, and further offering a scene in which there can be little doubt that the then Lord Herbert fully participated: for he would scarcely have absented himself on so important an occasion as that of his sister’s marriage.

Dr. Bayly expresses himself as not being sure whether the mock ceremony happened on the occasion of Lord Herbert’s marriage, or on that of his fourth sister Elizabeth.[23] However, it seems that no sooner had the marriage party been seated at the feast provided for the occasion, than, as the chaplain states, “Tom Deputy, an old bachelor, chanced to cast his eye upon a pretty piece of waiting woman, one of the appurtenances of this honourable bride. He, this jovial Tom, having whetted his wits by the sides of the marriage bowl, fixes upon her, being enabled sufficiently thereby to follow any humour, as a fit subject to make their lordships some sport; which happened to be so suitable to the occasion and so well performed, that it soon captivated the ears also.” Tom, being informed he may have the lady for asking, makes that request of the fair bride, remarking, “I protest I will marry her, and fancy myself to be a lord, and herself a lady. My mind to me a kingdom is, which shall make her a sufficient jointure.”

“Tom, Tom,” said the Marquis, “such men as you and I, whose joints are enfeebled with the strokes of many years, must not think to win young maids, by promising to make them jointures of the mind, but will you make her Deputy of Deputy Hall? and landlady of all the land that is belonging to it? and mistress of all the stock that is upon the land, and goods that are within the house, and then you shall hear what my daughter[A] and her waiting woman will say unto you.”

“With all my heart,” said Tom, “and all the hogs and poultry that are about the house to boot, and she shall lie upon six feather-beds the first night.”

Matters being arranged after some jocular preliminary promises, Tom telling the bride that they were agreed, the lady drank to him, he promising to marry her after dinner; the only difficulty appearing to arise from the want of wedding clothes. The Marquis, willing to remove that obstacle, told Tom that he thought his clothes would fit him, and bid him go into his wardrobe, and take what he had a mind to.

“Give me your key,” said Tom; and receiving it, went up, and equipped himself with the Marquis’s beaver hat, satin cloak laid with plush, daubed with a gold and silver lace, suit of the same, silk-stockings, with roses and garters suitable, inside and outside, cap-a-pie, all as brave as if he carried a lordship on his back.

“The lady bride takes her woman aside, and dresses her in one of her richest and newest gowns, with all things answerable thereto, not without some store of slight jewels, and brings her down as glorious as the morn that breaks from the eastern hill, and chases night away.

“Tom acted this scene of mirth in the Hall, which proved to be a thing of that convenience, as if it had been an act of some set policy to keep the crowd out of the parlour, that the Masquers might have room enough to dance in. At last, when the Masque was ended, and Time had brought in supper, the Cushion led the dance out of the Parlour into the Hall,[B] and saluted the old new-made bridgroom and his lady, leading them into the parlour to a table which was furnished with the same allowance that was allotted for all the nobles; where they were soon forced to sit down,” and were bountifully served.

“Supper being ended, the Marquis of Worcester asked the Lady, his daughter, if she had a hundred pounds about her. No, my Lord, she answered, but I can send for as much. I pray do, said the Marquis, but it must be all in gold. She sent for it accordingly, presenting it to her father, who pulled out another purse of a hundred pieces; and put the two hundred pieces in the basin, saying—‘Madam, if you do not give earnest, Deputy will tell you in the morning, that he married your woman but in jest.’ Whereupon some gave fifty, others forty, some twenty, others ten, the least gave five pieces, who sat at the table, in all seven hundred pounds; the apparel and other gifts amounting to no less value than one thousand pounds, which so transported the old man, that he protested, that now he was in the humour, he would marry all the waiting gentlewomen they had; one every day in the week, as long as the wedding lasted.”

Thomas, however, was at that period of the entertainment overcome with the potent effects of the good wine of which he had freely partaken. The Marquis, desirous of making the practical experiment of trying whether Thomas could be persuaded that the past was all a dream; had him carried to his old lodging in the Porter’s Lodge, and disrobed of his fine clothes, which was done accordingly. Next morning the experiment realized all their expectations; and the Marquis, after many good exhortations to both parties, delivered unto them the money that had been collected.

During the troubles preceding the civil war, a circumstance occurred at the castle which establishes the early attachment of the Earl of Glamorgan to scientific and mechanical pursuits, whilst it affords tolerably conclusive proof of his having actually constructed the identical invention which has immortalized his name.

Dr. Bayly informs us, to quote his own words, that “At the beginning of this Parliament (Nov. 1640), there were certain rustics who came into Raglan Castle to search for arms, his Lordship being a Papist.” The Marquis met them at the castle gate, desiring to know whether they came to take away his money, seeing they intended to disarm him. They stated that they made the application merely in consequence of his being a recusant. To which he replied, “he was a peer of the realm, and no convict recusant, therefore the law could not in reason take notice of any such things.” Finding some sharp and dubious expressions coming from the Marquis, they were at last willing to take his word; but he, not wishing to part with them on such easy terms, had before resolved to return them one fright for another. With that view he conveyed them up and down the castle, until at length he “brought them over a high bridge that arched over the moat, that was between the castle and the great tower,[C] wherein the Lord Herbert had newly contrived certain water-works, which, when the several engines and wheels were to be set a-going, much quantity of water, through the hollow conveyances of the aqueducts, was to be let down from the top of the high tower; which, upon the first entrance of these wonderful asinegoes, the Marquis had given order that these cataracts should begin to fall, which made such a fearful and hideous noise, by reason of the hollowness of the tower, and neighbouring echoes of the castle, and the waters that were between, and round about, that there was such a roaring as if the mouth of hell had been wide open, and all the devils conjured up, occasioning the poor silly men to stand so amazed, as if they had been half dead; and yet they saw nothing. At last, as the plot was laid, up came a man staring and running, crying out, Look to yourselves, my masters, for the lions are got loose. Whereupon the searchers tumbled so over one another escaping down the stairs, that it was thought one half of them would break their necks, never looking behind them until out of sight of the castle.”[23]

It was probably not long after the commencement of the civil war that the occurrence we have next to notice happened at the castle, affecting the then Lord Herbert, which is related by the family chronicler in his 48th Apophthegm thus:—“My Lord Herbert of Raglan (eldest son of the Marquis) came into Raglan Castle, attended with 40 or 50 officers and commanders; and his business with his father being about procuring from the old man more money for the King, the Lord Herbert in his request unto his father (unhappily and unawares) chanced to use the word must; which his father (the Marquis) laying hold on, asked him, Must you? I pray take it; and threw him the keys of his treasury, out of his pocket; whereat his son was wonderfully out of countenance, and abashed (being otherwise ever a dutiful and respectful son to his father) replied: ‘Sir, the word was out before I was aware, I do not intend to put it in force; I pray will you put up your key again?’

“To which the Marquis returned his son these words. ‘Truly, son, I shall think my keys not safe in my pocket, whilst you have so many swords by your side; nor that I have the command of my house whilst you have so many officers in it; nor that I am at my own disposal, whilst you have so many commanders.’

“My Lord (replied the son), I do not intend that they shall stay in the castle, I mean they shall be gone.

“I pray let them (said the Marquis), and have care that must do not stay behind.

“Whereat, after my Lord Herbert was gone out of the room, there were some who, as mannerly as they could, blamed the Marquis for his too much severity to his son, after that he had seen him express so much of sorrow for that over-slip; whereupon the Marquis replied:—‘Hark ye, if my son be dejected, I can raise him when I please; but it is a question, if he should once take a head, whether I could bring him lower when I list. Ned was not wont to use such courtship to me, and I believe he intended a better word for his father; but must was for the King.’”[23]

In August, 1644, Charles the First wrote to the Marquis, in the following gracious and flattering terms:[D]

“Worcester,

“I am sensible of the great affection which you and your son have expressed unto me, by eminent services, and of the means he may have of doing me more in that way wherein he is now engaging himself, that I cannot choose, before his going, but express unto you, in a very particular manner, the value I have of you both, and to assure you, that if God bless me, I will not be behind-hand with either of you. In the meantime, finding your son so much more desirous that there should be placed upon you some mark of my favour, rather than upon himself, I have thought fit to let you know that as soon as I shall confer the Order of the Garter upon any, you shall receive it as a testimony of my being,

“Your assured constant friend,

“Charles R.

“Liskeard, Aug. 2nd, 1644.”

And again, the same month, he further assured and promised him as follows:—[E]

“Worcester,

“Yours and your son’s daily endeavours to serve me, makes me think which way to give you assurance of my gracious acceptance. And, therefore, as a further testimony, I have sent you this enclosed, only known to him and me, and fit, for several reasons of importance to you and me, to be kept private, until I shall esteem the time convenient, when, as God shall enable me, I will show my tender care of you and yours; as, by a match propounded for your grandchild, you will easily judge; the particulars I leave to your son, Glamorgan his relation, which I have commanded him to make to you only; and you may be confident that I so much esteem your merits, and your upholding your son in my service (wherein no subject I have equals either of you), as that I cannot think anything too much that lies in my power; though, as yet, some considerations hinder me from doing all I would towards you and yours. But, by your son’s endeavours, I make no question but in short time to pass them so over, as that I shall make good the intentions I have, to manifest that I esteem your services such as my words cannot express them; nor I, but by showing myself at all occasions, and in all things to be,

“Your assured friend,

“Charles R.

“For the Marquis of Worcester.”

Which communication conveyed the following enclosure, prepared some time previously.[F]

“Charles R.

“Our will and pleasure is, that you prepare a bill for our signature, for creating our right trusty and entirely-beloved cousin, Henry, Marquis of Worcester, Duke of Somerset, to him and the heirs male of his body issuing, with all the privileges and immunities thereunto belonging, and with a grant of an annuity of fifty pounds yearly, to be paid to him and them, out of our customs of Swansea, in our county of Glamorgan, for the support of the said dignity, for which this shall be your sufficient warrant. Given at our Court in Oxford, the sixth day of January, in the twentieth year of our reign.

“To our Attorney or Solicitor-General

“for the time being.”

After the fatal battle of Naseby, 14th June, 1645, the position of Charles the First becoming desperate, he early sought the repose and security afforded by Raglan Castle, with the equally or more important purpose of stimulating a further drain on the fast diminishing resources of its munificent proprietor. It will be requisite to relate some particulars in reference to these royal visits from their connection with this memoir, incidentally proving the position and prospects of the Earl of Glamorgan; while they account for much of both his father’s and his own misplaced confidence in the fickle monarch and false friend, whose obligations to the aged Marquis of Worcester and his noble minded son were equally of personal as well as political importance to him, during the many mischances of his career at that most critical period of his reign.

On Thursday, the 3rd of July, 1645, late in the afternoon, Charles the First arrived at Raglan Castle, where he was received with all possible state and ceremony. We are informed that:—When the King first entered the castle, the Marquis having kissed the King’s hand, on rising, he saluted his Majesty with the compliment—Domine non sum dignus. The King replied:—“My Lord, I may very well answer you again; I have not found so great faith in Israel; for no man would trust me with so much money as you have done.” To which the Marquis rejoined:—“I hope your Majesty will prove a defender of the faith.”[23] He was entertained to supper on the occasion, remaining at the castle until Wednesday, the 16th of the same month, when his Majesty left to proceed to Cardiff.

From a Warrant issued on the 5th of July, 1645, we learn the losses sustained by and the situation of the Earl of Glamorgan’s regiment of horse. It is a manuscript in the Harleian Collection, as follows:—[G]

“Whereas the Earl of Glamorgan’s regiment of horse being over at least 200, is now by reason of continual duty, 2 troops taken from it, and 60: (sic) more lost in fight, much weaker, therefore it is desired that the remainder of this horse may be by order secured in Colonel Lingen’s regiment; till such time the rest of the money by the said Earl, appointed for the raising of his regiment, may be received.”

On Friday, the 18th of July, his Majesty returning to the Castle dined there, continuing his visit until the 22nd, when he set out for a place called The Creek. In the evening, however, he had supper at the Castle, and remained there until Thursday, the 24th. He purposed going to Bristol, but apprehending the approach of the Scots, on arriving at The Creek, he went thence to Newport, Cardiff, Radnor, and Ludlow Castle. After a lapse of six weeks, his Majesty, on Sunday, the 7th of September, paid his third visit to Raglan Castle in time to partake of supper. He staid until Monday, the 15th of September,[H] when he took a final leave of his bountiful host. During this last visit his Majesty appears, on different occasions, to have gone to Abergavenny on the 8th and 11th, attended with his guards.[56]

Much misapprehension prevails respecting these royal visits, which it is clear were made on three distinct occasions, his Majesty staying the first time thirteen days, on the second six days, and on the last eight days.

A singular instance of the Marquis’s freedom in addressing the King occurs in the following statement made by his chaplain:—[23]

“The Marquis had a mind to tell the King as handsomely as he could, of some of his (as he thought) faults; and thus he contrived his plot against the time that his Majesty was wont to give his Lordship a visit, as commonly he used to do, after dinner. His Lordship had the book of John Gower[I] lying before him on the table; the King, casting his eye upon the book, told the Marquis that he had never seen it before.

“Oh,” said the Marquis, “it is a book of books, which if your Majesty had been well versed in, it would have made you a King of Kings.”

“Why so, my Lord?” said the King.

“Why,” said the Marquis, “here is set down how Aristotle brought up and instructed Alexander the Great in all his rudiments, and the principles belonging to a prince.”

“And under the persons of Alexander and Aristotle, he read the King such a lesson, that all the standers by were amazed at his boldness; and the King, supposing that he had gone further than his text would have given him leave, asked the Marquis whether he had his lesson by heart, or whether he spoke out of the book.

“Sir,” the Marquis replied, “if you could read my heart, it may be you might find it there; or if your Majesty please to get it by heart, I will lend you my book.”

“Which latter proffer the King accepted, and did borrow it.

“Nay,” said the Marquis, “I will lend it you upon these conditions: 1. That you read it; and 2. That you make use of it.”

“But perceiving how some of the new made Lords fretted and bit their thumbs at certain passages in the Marquis’s discourse, he thought a little to please his Majesty, though he displeased them, the men who were so much displeased already, protesting unto his Majesty that no man was so much for the absolute power of a King as Aristotle. Desiring the book out of the King’s hand, he told the King he would show him one remarkable passage to that purpose; turning to that place that had this verse, viz.:—