The Life, Times, and Scientific Labours of the Second Marquis of Worcester / To which is added a reprint of his Century of Inventions, 1663, with a Commentary thereon.

CHAPTER IX.

RAGLAN CASTLE: ITS DEFENCE AND SURRENDER. DEATH OF HENRY, MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

From the close of 1645 to the middle of 1646 the military operations within and surrounding the strong fortress of Raglan were conducted with untiring energy. Parties from the castle were continually annoying the enemy, while they on their part pushing their works with vigour at several points caused many disasters, keeping the favourably situated garrison in a state of constant agitation and watchfulness; finding their course of operations gradually limited to acting entirely on the defensive, not being in sufficient force to disperse the stronger besieging army, against whom it is next to a miracle how they maintained their position so long, Raglan Castle having held out longer than any other.

The Marquis of Worcester, the last lord of Raglan Castle, usually occupied, as is supposed, a handsomely carved oak wainscotted parlour or sitting room in the ground floor of the south side of the castle, nearly the whole side of which was a large, handsome window looking over the moat towards the tall, massive tower or citadel. Over that chamber was his dining room, and from his table the various dishes would be conveyed to the grand banqueting hall, the most complete and spacious apartment within the present ruin.

The great state in which the noble Marquis was accustomed to live may be gathered from the following authentic account of the order of his household:—[A]

At 11 o’clock the Castle gates were shut and the tables laid—two in the Dining Room, three in the Hall, one in Mrs. Watson’s apartment where the Chaplains eat (Sir Toby Mathews being the first), in the Housekeeper’s room for the Ladies’ women.

The Earl came into the Dining Room attended by his gentlemen. As soon as he was seated Sir Ralph Blackstone, Steward of the House retired, the Comptroller, Mr. Holland, attended with his staff, the Sewer, Mr. Blackburn, the Daily Waiters, Mr. Clough, Mr. Selby and Mr. Scudamore, with many gentlemen’s sons, from £2. to £700. a year, bred in the castle. My Lady’s Gentleman Usher, Mr. Harcourt. My Lord’s Gentlemen of the Chamber, Mr. Morgan and Mr. Fox.

At the first table sat the noble family and such of the nobility as came there.

At the second table in the dining room sat Knights and honourable gentlemen attended by footmen.

Sir Ralph Blackstone, Steward.
The Comptroller. The Secretary.
The Master of the Horse, Mr. Delaware.
The Master of the Fish ponds, Mr. Andrews.
My Lord Herbert’s preceptor, Mr. Adams,

with such gentlemen as came there under the degree of a knight, attended by footmen and plentifully served with wine.

At the second table in the Hall, served from my Lord’s table and with other hot meat—The Sewer, with the gentlemen waiters and pages, to the number of twenty-four or more.

At the third table in the Hall—The Clerk of the Kitchen, with the Yeomen Officers of the House, two Grooms of the Chamber, &c.

Chief Auditor, Mr. Smith.
Clerk of the Accounts, George Wharton.
Surveyor of the Castle, Mr. Salisbury.
Ushers of the Hall, Mr. Moyle and Mr. Cook.
Closet Keeper.
Gentleman of the Chapel, Mr. Davies.
Keeper of the Record.
Master of the Wardrobe.Master of the Armory.
Master Groom of the Stables for the war horses, twelve.
Master of the Hounds.Master Falconer

Porter and his Men, two Butchers, two Keepers of the Home Park, two Keepers of the Red Deer Park, Footmen, Grooms, and other menial servants to the number of 150. Some of the footmen were butchers and bakers.

Out Officers.

Steward of Raglan, Wm. Jones, Esq. Governor of Chepstow, Sir Mich. Keneys, Bart. Housekeeper of Worcester House in London, James Redman, Esq. Bailiffs thirteen; two Counsel for the Bailiffs to have recourse to. Solicitor, Mr. Jos. Smith.

His Lordship appears to have been very indifferently informed respecting his son’s operations in Ireland. The conveyance of communications of any kind was difficult, hazardous, and uncertain. Of this a rather romantic instance occurs in the relation given of his adventures, by Allen Boteler, in his documentary evidence entitled:—“A most true account of my business from his Majesty at Oxford, intended for the most honourable the Marquis of Ormond, it being the last of my [engagements in?] these employments.” It is a long, prolix account, but sufficiently interesting from the facts it details to be given in extenso. He states:—

“On Friday night being the 22nd of February, 1646, I was conveyed to Abbington by Sir George Lisle, and a party under his command, and from thence near Cisseter, where I parted from them, took a guide and went to Sir William Pooles, from whence by night I was carefully guided to Sir Robert Poyntz’s at Acton, which his Majesty conceived to be the safest way; there by Sir Robert was I exceedingly welcomed as coming from his Majesty, and in that employment, and for the space of five days I was concealed in Sir Robert’s house whilst he did continually employ some of his trusty servants to endeavour a way for my passage over Severn, which both by land and water was very strongly guarded; yet having disguise from him I hired a boat for Black Rock, and passed as a grazier, and a farmer, a friend of his with me, to assist me; but no sooner had we landed but we had, by a grazier, intelligence that in the village, and in all that country of the Moors, were Parliament forces driven by his Majesty’s party from Newport and Carlisle. Thereupon the farmer brought me to a church on a rock [a] few yards from the sea side, into which rock I conveyed my dispatches, and myself and horse into the porch, whilst the farmer bought [brought?] me a guide, a man of his acquaintance, well known to the enemy’s party but honest to his Majesty’s; and after night he conveyed me through their guards by the name of a butcher of Bristol, and on the break of day, three Parliament officers, newly landed at Gouldcliffe from Bristol, seeing me riding fast, charged me in a lane and questioned me who I was for; and I answered that it was then no time to ask impertinences, by my being here you may judge who I am for; I intended for Newport or Carleon in business for the States, but my guide tells me that there is my Lord Charles Somerset with 300 horse, for God’s sake tell me how I shall avoid them. Whereupon they being as much affrighted with my word, as I with their summons, hastily pointed me out a way, and ran themselves another way into the Moors. By this means I came to Carleon, from whence the King’s party were marched two days before; and being then within four miles of Raglan I came (as I thought) undiscovered to Colonel Richard Herbert’s, and finding the passage full of dangers, by reason of Langibby Castle and many soldiers quartered in the way, I sent to the Lord Charles, desiring a convoy, and acquainting him with what business I was in. His Lordship returned me answer that by one of the clock, the next day, by a windmill on Christ Church hill, a party should meet me punctually; and so there did, but it was of the enemy, who having foot with the horse made me distrust and betake myself to a wood adjoining; and when they were past, no convoy coming, nor intended, as it appeared afterwards, I returned to the Lady Mary Herbert’s, who then lay in, and some intelligence being given to the enemy, so soon as it was dark, a party being sent to take me, my Lady Mary secured the despatches in or under her bed, commanded a servant of hers to go with me, called my horse hers; and [I] going on foot all night in most bitter weather and bad way, full of danger, I came to the Castle about the day’s dawning, where I presently appeared myself to my Lord Charles, made my relation, and besought him for a present convoy. His answer was that that house was their own, and not as other garrisons, they must look on their own securities, and had done more than they had thanks for, but would bring me to his father, so soon as he was ready. His Lordship did so, and in the first place my Lord asked me whether in my despatches I had any letters from his Majesty to his son Glamorgan. I answered, not that I knew of, but there might be within the Lord Marquis of Ormond’s; on that I delivered to his That message I well remember and so will his Majesty, I having set it down so soon as I went out of the bed chamber. Lordship his Majesty’s most gracious and comfortable message concerning my Lord his son, with thanks for their former loyal expressions; unto which my Lord Marquis answered that it was the grief of his heart that, he was inforced to say that the King was wavering and fickle, and that at his Majesty’s last being there, he lent him a book[B] to read in his chamber, the beginning of which he knows he read, but if he had ended, it would have showed him what it was to be a fickle prince; for was it not enough, said his Lordship, to suffer him, the Lord Glamorgan to be unjustly imprisoned by the Lord Marquis of Ormond for what he had his Majesty’s authority for; but that the King must in print protest against his proceedings and his own allowance, and not yet recall it.

But I will pray for him, and that he may be more constant to his friends, saith my Lord; and so soon as my other employments will give leave, you shall have a convoy to fetch securely your despatches; that I daily pressed and expected, sometimes it was delayed with fair language and sometimes with such as was very unwelcome to me, both from the father and the son; it being invectives against his Majesty and the Lord Marquis of Ormond, and after fourteen days delay,[C] I advised with Colonel Ratcliffe Jarrard, Colonel Thomas Butler, Major Hugh Butler, and William Watkins, Receiver General for South Wales, being all Protestants, and of the Council of War, who agreed in opinion that the delay was of purpose, and caused by jealousy, conceiving that if I got over before Captain Bacon who was then attending for a despatch to his Lord the Lord Glamorgan, my despatch might tend to the prejudice of his said Lord. On this I took occasion to wait on my Lady Glamorgan, and remembering her of the King’s gracious intentions towards her Lord, I besought her assistance, to which she answered that my going so hastily was not material whatsoever I considered of it, for that there were others gone with duplicates of business to her Ladyship’s knowledge, of whom her cousin Will. Winter was one, and he had no relation to the Lord Marquis of Ormond, but was her husband’s friend. To which I answered that my Lord was her Lord’s very good friend, as I was very much his servant, but if his Majesty’s business be done I care not by whose hand it is; but I thank your honour, for now I know wherefore I am stayed here; and from her Ladyship I went to my Lord Charles, and told him that by his neglect his Majesty might be undone, and that to acquit myself I must lay the blame on those that deserved it; but if his Lordship would yet give way Captain Spite would undertake to do the business with twenty horse. His Lordship answered, that he took my importunity ill, but would impart it to the Council of War, and take their advice, which he did indeed, but that caused so general a knowledge, that the country was laid for me and my business, as I had very good intelligence; and thereupon the Protestant party showed themselves to be much discontented, insomuch that Colonel Butler, Major Butler, and others quitted the Castle the next day, being the nineteenth of my stay there. My Lord sent a party, who bringing the despatches, I desired my Lord, in obedience to his Majesty’s Warrant to afford me a convoy, or if not, two guides, one to ride before me to discous [discover or discourse?] and the other to direct me in my way, both which he refused because, as he said, I had no letters to his brother. Thereupon I went discontentedly away to Aburgainy [Abergavenny] with Colonel Ratcliffe Jarrard, Colonel Butler, and Major Butler, with whom I advised, and sent with their approbation for a woman who was continually employed betwixt the Castle of Denby in North Wales and Raglan in South Wales. I agreed with her to go to Denby, Conway, or Harlo Castles, with the letters quilted up in a truss of linen and tied next to her body, and with her my own man disguised to receive them from her, and to go over with them, if I could not make my way to overtake him, but directed him by the Governors to whom I wrote. The man and woman were taken and carried before Howell Gwynn, then High Sheriff; but what became of the despatches, or how the woman concealed or made them away, I know not, nor dare enquire, but she saw the man taken, being a great distance from her, as I had directed them, to keep in sight one of the other, but not to go together; and she was not taken in two or three hours after, so that by all likelihood she conveyed them away, otherwise the Parliament pamphlets would have told us of it as they did not, for with much fear, I expecting it, perused all the diurnals for more than a quarter of a year. This is all I can deliver of it, and the particulars of these will be punctually justified by those several parties formerly meant, some of them being now about the Court, and for the truth of this I am ready to make Oath when I shall there unto be called.

“Allan Boteler.”[D]

Boteler or Butler’s evidence would appear to have been taken during the Marquis of Ormond’s temporary sojourn in England, after his leaving Dublin in June, 1647, previous to his shortly after going to Paris for six months, when he returned to Ireland to assume his post of Lord Lieutenant.[13] The document derives considerable interest from its conveying to us the sentiments of the Marquis of Worcester, in his reflections on the King’s conduct affecting himself and his son. It was on no light grounds he charged Charles the First with being “wavering and fickle;” declaring his son to have been “unjustly imprisoned;” and bitterly lamenting that the King should, in print, “protest against his [son’s] proceedings;” being no doubt well satisfied through his Majesty’s own discourse and his after written instructions, that the Earl of Glamorgan had, in every sense, been most unworthily used from first to last by his royal master. The upright old Marquis, touched in a tender part, was not disposed to overlook the injury done to his family, although coming from so high a quarter, for he must have felt it as nothing short of a gratuitous maligning and blackening of his son’s character from the most sordid, selfish motives, reckless of all risks and hazards. No considerations swayed him to conceal his utmost anger at the indignity put on himself and his house, rendered perhaps all the keener by the presence of the unsuspecting messenger from that prince who had so utterly deceived him, and that peer who had aided in his dishonour. The blunt Boteler adds, in a marginal notification, “That message I well remember, and so will his Majesty; I having set it down, as soon as I went out of the bed chamber.”[E]

The Marquis, a shrewd, observant man, appears to have expressed his wrath not only by words but acts; not caring that the messenger should return with any favourable account of his reception or dismissal, for after having so unequivocally expressed his mind to him, he is left to shift for himself, is long detained, and at length departs at his own expense.

The siege of Raglan Castle was maintained by Colonel Morgan, Major General Laughorne, Sir Trevor Williams, Baronet, and Colonel Robert Kirle, with about 5000 horse and foot.

It became necessary for the besieged, in their extremity, in the pleasant month of May, 1646, to destroy every shelter or advantage the enemy might derive from the houses in the village, or its old church. They, therefore, levelled the goodly tower of the latter, as also the houses near, burning likewise whatever might in any way have been likely to prove available.

Sir Trevor Williams, at the same time, was arranging to blockade Raglan, garrisoning his men in the town of Usk. On the other side, Colonel Kirle, with his force, was stationed within two miles of Raglan; while Laughorne occupied Abergavenny; and Colonel Birch, besieging Gutbridge Castle, left Raglan without hope of relief.

In their skirmishes with the enemy, posted in these positions, the Royalists lost 16 killed, and 20 taken prisoners; while Sir Trevor Williams seized 80 horses grazing under the castle walls. Colonel Morgan, then at Worcester, shortly after, joining the army, made Landenny his head-quarters, within a distance of three miles.

A domestic incident may be here mentioned, not only as showing the discomfort of the place, but as connected with the wife of the subject of this memoir; and also as characteristic of the Marquis’s religious sentiments. Dr. Bayly states that:—

“One evening, during the hottest period of the cannonade, there came a musket ball in at the window of the withdrawing room, where my Lord used to entertain his friends with his pleasant discourses after dinners and suppers, which, glancing upon a little marble pillar of the window, from thence hit the Marquis upon the side of his head, and fell down flattened upon the table, which breaking the pillar in pieces, it made such a noise in the room, that his daughter-in-law, the Countess of Glamorgan, who stood in the same window, ran away as if the house had been falling down upon her head, crying out, ‘O Lord! O Lord!’ But at length, finding herself more afraid than hurt, she returned back again, no less excusing her—as she was pleased to call it—rudeness to her father, than acknowledging her fears to all the company. To whom the Marquis said, ‘Daughter, you had reason to run away, when your father was knocked on the head.’ Then pausing some little while, and turning the flattened bullet round with his finger, he further said, ‘Gentlemen, those who had a mind to flatter me, were wont to tell me that I had a good head in my younger days; but, if I don’t flatter myself, I think I have a good head-piece in my old age, or else it would not have been musket proof.’”

It shows how closely Raglan Castle was besieged, when on the 26th of May, about 11 o’clock at night, some of the Parliamentary soldiers could be drinking at a public house, but a little distance from the Castle, having alighted from their horses, and sent a scout to reconnoitre: who bringing them favourable news, they refreshed themselves at their ease. Meanwhile, having been observed, 60 or 80 horse were sent from Raglan to surprise them, and they succeeded in seizing three or four of their horses; but some of the Roundheads escaped in a cornfield, while most of their companions quickly mounted; some riding off were lost in the darkness, while the remainder, in a skirmish of half an hour, took two prisoners and rescued their lost horses. Many fruitless skirmishes appear to have been thus made; often as many as 150 horsemen rushing forth, only to return with the report of bootless labour.[83]

On the part of the besiegers, Captain Hooper was employed to conduct the mining approaches, which were pushed forward with great vigour.

The garrison of Raglan (estimated when in full force at 800 strong, in horse and foot) made several desperate sallies on Colonel Morgan’s forces: their bold commander often personally encountering the hostile party with marked gallantry, losing on one occasion a colour; and a cornet his life. While on the Royalist side a major and a captain were slain, besides many wounded. But when General Fairfax, sending reinforcement from Oxford, had raised Colonel Morgan’s regiment of 1500 to 3500 men, such sallies became less frequent.[92] The General, who had been at Bath to recruit his health, hastening to Raglan, put life into the siege by his presence, and, on the 7th of August, he sent in his summons to the Castle; in consequence of which, numerous messages passed between the Marquis and the General, the Marquis reminding him in one of his replies how well he was known “in Henry, Earl of Huntingdon’s time, unto your [the General’s] noble grandfather at York;” at the same time inviting some propositions to be made; specially requiring on his own behalf to have any acts of his first approved by the King, through whom, moreover, he was “above £20,000 out of purse.” The conditions offered, required, among others, that the Marquis should submit to the mercy of the Parliament; while those affecting the garrison and inmates of the Castle were honourable to all parties. In consequence of these negotiations, the Marquis, on the 13th of August, sent out a drum, desiring leave for his Commissioners to meet the next day, to arrange articles of peace; which being approved, the drum was returned with safe-conduct for the Commissioners’ coming forth, and orders given for five hours cessation of arms.

The Marquis must have been fully alive to the jeopardy in which he was placed, after ten weeks of close siege, hemmed in on every side, stores fast diminishing, the cannon ball of the enemy knocking down turret and tower, and demolishing the weaker portions of his castle, never originally intended to withstand more than the ravages of time, with the exception of a very limited portion, the Citadel itself. The main work of the enemy’s approaches, too, was then within 60 yards of the garrison’s works, and a breach already made in the eastern wall, near the library or closet tower; besides which, four mortar pieces had been advantageously planted, capable of carrying grenado shells of 12 inches diameter; also two mortar pieces in another position, capable of delivering similar shells. Captain Hooper, the engineer, expressed his expectation to be in a few days within ten yards of the castle, with trenches, which he was constructing very exact and secure; from these he purposed making galleries, mines, and numerous batteries. The General himself, not only took great interest in these military works, visiting them daily, but at that very time had designed a new approach.

On the 15th of August, final terms were to be concluded; for which purpose the meeting of the Commissioners was appointed to take place at Keventilla House, the residence of Mr. Oates, about a mile and a half from Raglan.[84]

The terms of peace being concluded on the 17th of August, the Castle was to be surrendered to Sir Thomas Fairfax for the use of the Parliament, the articles of the treaty, among others, stipulating:—That all the officers, soldiers, and gentlemen of the garrison, should march out with horses and arms, colours flying, drums beating, trumpets sounding, matches lighted at both ends, bullets in their mouths; and every soldier with twelve charges of powder and ball; with permission to select any place within 10 miles of the Castle, for the purpose of delivering up their arms to the General in command; after which the soldiers were to be disbanded and set at liberty; and safe-conduct and protection given to all the gentlemen and others who had sought refuge within the walls of Raglan Castle.

Wednesday, the 19th of August, 1646, in conformity with the treaty, the Castle was taken possession of by General Fairfax. The Marquis of Worcester, bordering on 70 years of age, infirm and careworn as he was, accosted Fairfax in a pleasant, jocose mood; yet it must have been but a melancholy cortege by which he was attended, on abandoning that roof which was soon to be destined to irreclaimable ruin. It must have appeared to the bystanders more like a military funeral procession than any other conceivable spectacle, in which, however, the glistening of arms and armour, the rustling of banners, the blast of trumpets, and the roll of drums must have been felt by all alike, as though more in mockery than evincing any cause of exultation.

The Marquis was accompanied by his son, the Lord Charles Somerset, governor of the Castle; the Countess of Glamorgan; Lady Jones and Sir Philip Jones; Dr. Thomas Bayly, the chaplain, who had also acted as one of the Commissioners from the Castle; Commissary Guilliam; together with 4 colonels, 82 captains, 16 lieutenants, 6 cornets, 4 ensigns, 4 quarter-masters, and 52 esquires and gentlemen; including also his Lordship’s numerous visitors, household, and retainers.

The General, having thus secured the last stronghold that had withstood the power of the Parliamentary army, went to Chepstow to take part the same night in a splendid entertainment, returning thence the following day to recruit himself at Bath.

There were found in Raglan Castle, a mill for the manufacture of gunpowder, 20 pieces of ordnance, only 3 barrels of powder, good store of corn and malt, beer, and various wines; not many horses, and but little hay or oats. The apartments, however, were amply supplied with rich furniture, and well stored with goods. All these the General committed to the charge of Mr. Herbert, the Army Commissioner, and others to be inventoried.

Thus far the articles of capitulation were punctually performed with regard to all matters, except only the Marquis himself. We are not very precisely informed respecting his removal, but only assured that he was in the custody of the Black Rod; and next hear of him as being in Covent Garden, probably at that official’s residence, where he was repeatedly visited by his former chaplain, the loquacious Dr. Bayly.[7] It was a base violation of the conditions in the treaty, on the part of the Parliament, to keep the Marquis in confinement, and still worse considering his age, corpulency, and bad state of health, aggravated no doubt by the excessive toils and troubles of the last few years, together with the more recent fatigues of his journey from Wales to London. Harassed, afflicted, and a prisoner, he died within the space of four months, in the custody of the Parliament’s Black Rod, in Covent Garden, on the — of December, 1646.[88]

The House of Commons, on the 20th of December, proposed allowing £500[105] for the funeral, out of the Marquis’s estate; the votes being 168 for, and 92 against so much liberality. It was resolved—“That the £500 be raised out of the plate and other goods of the Earl of Worcester, brought up by Mr. Thomas Herbert; and that the disposing of it be referred to his care, to be accountable for it to the House; and especially to take care that the said Earl of Worcester may be buried according to the Directory, and not otherwise.”[57]

In dedicating to the son his collection of the father’s “Apophthegms,” Dr. Bayly observes—“I laid your noble father in his grave, with my own hands.” He was interred in the vault of the Chapel of our Lady, now known as the Beaufort Chapel, in St. George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, near his great ancestor, Charles first Earl of Worcester.

Among the property at Raglan Castle, the most interesting to the biographer was that respecting which an order passed the House of Commons, on the 25th of August 1646, to the effect:—“That Mr. Thomas Herbert be enjoined to deliver all the letters and papers found at Raglan Castle, and remaining in his hands, to the Committee of the Army: Who have hereby further power to send for all such other letters and papers, found at Raglan Castle, which they shall have information of to be in the hands of any other Committee or persons; and are to report the whole to the House.”

The fate of Raglan Castle was decided by an order of the House the same day, when it was resolved:—“That the Castle of Raglan, the works about it, and the house and buildings thereof, be forthwith pulled down and demolished.” And further, “That it be referred to the Committee of the county of Monmouth, to take care that the same may be totally demolished, and all the materials thereof sold and disposed of for the best advantage of the state; deducting the charges for pulling it down; and a due account rendered for the same.”

Various orders were passed regarding the sale of estates, and disposition of the funds, sometimes to raise money for the service of Ireland, at others for reparation of losses through depriving certain noblemen of the Court of Wards, with other and numerous demands. But we must return to review the closing scene of affairs in Ireland.

CHAPTER X.

THE EARL OF GLAMORGAN’S TRANSACTIONS IN IRELAND—CONCLUDED.

We left the Earl at Kilkenny after his enlargement. That his own confidence in his position was not misplaced all his acts clearly prove, and no attempt has been successfully made by his adversaries to show him in any other light than that of being a too ready instrument in the hands of his prince to work out his mystified political schemes.

It requires considerable calmness and consideration on the part of the biographer while undertaking to become the apologist of the Earl’s conduct, particularly when wholly differing in political and religious views. But sincerity will always command respect. That he was strictly conscientious in all his conduct there cannot be the shadow of a doubt; nor can he be accused of rather tempting the monarch than being tempted by him, a man open and most anxious to adopt any measures to regain his despotic authority over the people. Charles the First was all things to all men who offered him service; he was a Catholic to the Catholics, and a Protestant to the Protestants; and it was this duality of character, united with unbounded selfishness and a fatal attachment to secrecy, that perplexed his most discreet ministers. No man’s life or property was safe in his hands. No engagements were held sacred or inviolable, all being artfully contrived to conceal some mental reservation, which expediency always found it convenient to be shifting to serve some opposite purpose or other. All this subtle strategy was perfectly consistent with the possession of the most distinguished domestic affections and habits, and tastes most refined for art and literature, which, after all, may have been but the consummation of that all-grasping selfishness which shows but little integrity beyond the confines of self and home. His Majesty united so many inconsistencies of character that he completely deluded not the Earl alone but the entire Roman Catholic party throughout the land. He had succeeded in draining the Marquis of Worcester of his enormous wealth, and had not blushed to degrade his son, the Earl, by a public accusation (which his private conduct repudiated) to give colour to his own sophisms.

A letter written by the Earl to the Nuncio, in February, together with the oath he afterwards took, are not a little remarkable.[13]

“Most illustrious and most reverend Lord,

“There is no occasion for me to employ any further protestations to persuade your Lordship, how sincerely I desire that the whole glory of the advantages, which this nation and we poor Catholics of England may attain, should, as it ought, be ascribed to his Holiness, through your Lordship’s intervention; whom I beseech to consider the authority granted your Lordship by his Holiness, and to recall to your memory the letter written by the King my master to your Lordship, and my powers for treating with your Lordship. These things being laid down as a foundation, let us not sleep over our cause, but finish all the conventions made or to be made between his Holiness and our Queen (though without suffering them to be published), till your Lordship shall have received the original instruments themselves, or till an answer shall be returned from the King by means of my brother, who shall be sent to his Majesty in the name of your Lordship and myself. During which interval, though there be only a cessation of arms, yet our peace will be secure, and depend only on such conditions, as shall be acceptable to his Holiness; for it will not be such a peace, as the Pope disapproves of in his letters, but the same which your Lordship desires. But while the articles are agreed upon and concluded between your Lordship and me, and no change is made in the government, or in any other respect, till the peace shall be published, and the ratification transmitted hither by the King from England, no danger will arise either on your Lordship’s or my part, since the seven thousand soldiers will not pass over into England, till the peace be concluded and published, nor ever depart, till I shall return from Italy, and there shall be a certainty concerning his Holiness’ pleasure.”

He proceeds to suggest the conclusion of the peace at the end of three months; the signing of the articles by the Nuncio and himself, on the part of the Pope and the King respectively; thus satisfying the Irish, while affording the King security, the articles not being published; the safety of the kingdom ensured, and the Nuncio at ease in having thus conformed to the Pope’s instructions.

He afterwards signed, on the 18th February, 1646, an engagement to the Nuncio; and the next day took the following oath.[13]

“I, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, promise and swear to your most illustrious and most reverend Lordship, that I will adhere to your party, not only against the Marquis of Ormond, and all his relations and favourers, but likewise against all others, who shall oppose the Pope’s treaty and your measures for the good of the Catholic Religion, and the service of the King my master, to supply your Lordship with—

200,000 crowns,
10,000 arms for foot,
2,000 cases of pistols,
800 barrels of powder,
and 30 or 40 ships well provided, over

which your Lordship shall name an Admiral. For I esteem your cause to be the cause of God, and of the King my master, in whose name I make all the concessions agreed upon between your Lordship and me; and am therefore ready, if your Lordship pleases, to confirm this my resolution before the most holy sacrament. In the mean time I subscribe my name, and affix my seal, this 19th day of February, 1646.

“Glamorgan.”

The Earl, in conformity with the power granted him on the 1st of April, by the King, agreed with the Nuncio to create, at his recommendation, one Earl, two Viscounts, and three Barons, hoping thereby to gratify the Irish.

But previously, on his arrival in Waterford, he wrote to the King:[87][13]—

“May it please your Majesty,

“I am now at Waterford, providing shipping immediately to transport 6000 foot; and 4000 more are by May to follow them. I hope these will yet come opportunely to the relief of Chester. What hath been the occasion of so long delays, and yet suffers not your Majesty’s service herein to proceed with that advantage it might do, I conceive not so fit to commit to paper; but I will shortly send my brother, who shall fully inform your Majesty with all particulars, and thereby rectify your opinion, and give you true knowledge, who are your faithful servants. I hope long ere this Captain Bacon hath arrived with you since my enlargement; and, therefore, I need only tell your Majesty that, my further services intended for you will, I hope, without further crosses, be suffered to go on; though strange is the industry used by many seeming friends to hinder me therein. But I am confident it shall not lie in their power, your Majesty remaining still constant, as I doubt not but you will, to your favourable opinion, and right interpretation of my poor endeavours; which, if they may take place, will procure you to be a gracious and happy prince, I having no other ends, but to approve myself,

“Sir, your sacred Majesty’s

“Most dutiful, obedient subject,

“and passionately devoted servant,

“Glamorgan.

“Waterford, Feb. 23, 1645–6.”

The same month, however, Chester surrendered to the Parliamentary forces, after a stubborn siege; while in March following news arrived at Kilkenny of his Majesty’s message of the 29th of January, addressed to the Parliament, denying any participation in and unreservedly disavowing all knowledge of the Earl’s treaty of the 25th of August, 1645. The Roman Catholics were astounded; all their labour and expense, all their negociations at once appeared worse than vain, being only calculated to arouse public indignation.

But the Parliamentary party appeared pretty well satisfied that the Earl’s imprisonment was a merely colourable affair, suspecting that the King was merely sacrificing a devoted friend to clear himself and appease the public wrath.

Notwithstanding this state of affairs in Ireland, the Earl was, on the 4th of March, 1646, created “Duke of Somerset and Beaufort,” which title he afterwards resigned, but the original patent, still existing at Badminton, is translated as follows:—

“Charles, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all our Archbishops, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, Bishops, Barons, Knights, Governors of Towns, Freemen, and all other Officers, Ministers, and subjects to whom these Presents shall come Greeting.

“We esteem the greatness of our Royal Dignity not only to be highly adorned but even to be augmented and enlarged when men eminent for their nobility and virtue, who have deserved well of their country, and by notable achievements and particularly by trophys and other monuments of military valour acquired at home and abroad and distinguished and adorned by any illustrious accession of Honour, Dignity, or Titles.—And Whereas our right trusty and well beloved Cousin Edward Somerset, alias Plantagenet, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Earl of our County of Glamorgan, son and heir apparent of our right trusty and well beloved Cousin Henry Earl and Marquess of Worcester, Baron of the Honours of the castles of Raglan, Chepstow, and Gower, a man eminent for the nobleness of his blood, and his approved attachment and fidelity to us, (by always furnishing the most ready supplies out of his own fortune to us in these most calamitous times) Hath in a special manner recommended himself to our favour: as he is rendered illustrious by a long train of noble ancestors, and by the high nobility transmitted by paternal succession from John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, and his son John Plantagenet Duke of Somerset, from the place of his nativity surnamed Beaufort—and by other connections of blood with the Royal Houses of Lancaster and York, to Charles the first Earl of Worcester; All which dignity of birth and accumulated honours he hath himself greatly surpassed by his own personal virtues and inviolable fidelity to Us.

“For with what integrity, with what constancy, with what expense, he did execute the royal command of President of the six counties of South Wales and the places adjoining to the Severn coast? He was present at sieges and battles.—With what courage and successful conduct did he take Goodridge Castle, the Forest of Dean and the city of Hereford? In short, with what remarkable good fortune, with what unhoped for success he made himself master of the strongly fortified town of Monmouth? And not content with the confined limits of one kingdom, go to the most distant places beyond the seas, through the midst of hostile forces and the dangers of shipwreck, yet at his own private expense, regardless of all dangers, at the loss of his own private fortune, that he might raise succours for the support of the tottering crown of his King. These things, &c.”

Endorsed—“1646, 4 March. 21 Charles I. Creation of Edward, Earl of Glamorgan, Duke of Somerset and Beaufort, 4 March, 1646, and 21 C. I.”

This patent, worthless as it proved for confirming the title it was intended to convey, may well serve to seal the duplicity of the monarch who could thus intend to honour one whom he charged with treasonable acts, if not with absolute forgery of warrants in his own name.

In March 1646, the Earl committed to writing the following memorandum:—[13]

“Considerations and conclusions concerning the present state of my affairs, 29 March, 1646.

“1. As the King has published such a Declaration, I think myself at present incapable of serving him. Yet I am persuaded, that he has done this unwillingly, and through the violent impulse of others, and on account of the bad situation of his affairs. For which purpose, I am desirous to send express to him a person of rank, and my relation; by whose means I shall propose to his Majesty a method, by which he may enable me, under the authority of the Great Seal, to proceed further, both in promoting the interest of this nation, and his Majesty’s own, in such a manner, that his forced renunciation shall not be openly touched upon, and yet my justification, as far as it shall conduce to the good of this kingdom, so sincerely desired by me, may attain its wished-for effect. The safety even of the lowest person of this nation, is so truly at my heart, that I would not expose the life of one man to danger on my own account, nor press the transportation of the soldiers, till the return of the messenger to be sent to the King.

“2. As I have received such instructions from the King as these, viz. If by any unfortunate accident we should be involved in any counsels, in appearance contrary to the powers given by us to you, you shall make no other account of them, but by putting yourself in a condition to help us, and set us free; I do not find any more expeditious way of relieving his Majesty from his distress, than by taking no notice of anything which he has done through compulsion, and by supporting this nation. But if the Supreme Council will engage to adhere firmly to me, I will likewise oblige myself to employ the ships and money, which I had before designed for England, to the assistance of this nation, and devote my labours and endeavours to the service of this kingdom, till we can all jointly succour his Majesty in England. I desire, that the most illustrious and most reverend Nuncio of the Apostolic See will first of all subscribe this treaty of ours.

“But in this affair, I require nothing of the Supreme Council, but their private faith, till I shall return, by God’s blessing, with all things necessary. And though I am sensible, how little this concerns my own interest, yet my zeal prompts me to it. But I am extremely desirous, that General Preston should march the troops, designed for me, into Munster, to compose the commotions there, as well as to take care of this kingdom, whose safety is greatly concerned in it, as that when, through God’s blessing, I return with the subsidies, I may find an army ready. I desire, that our mutual engagement may be committed to writing, and signed and sealed, and kept under the most profound secrecy.”

The Earl of Glamorgan had designed a visit to Rome, anticipating important assistance there, as well as the especial favour of the King in that matter. But the Supreme Council, wearied by the expense of keeping a large army, intended for the relief of Chester, finding no vessels were supplied from England for that purpose, and being further discouraged by his Majesty’s recent proceedings, finally resolved against sending any troops out of Ireland. The critical state of affairs had become so acutely distressing to the Earl, that in a letter addressed to Father Robert Nugent at Kilkenny, he expressed the bitterness of his anguish in the most unrestrained language, such as we find no example of in any other portion of his varied correspondence.

To Father Robert Nugent, he thus wrote:—[13]

“Reverend Sir,

“I return you thanks for the messenger sent me on purpose, and your letter; and desire you to signify to the Nuncio, that if all the devils on earth and in hell had not conspired against me, I should not have been reduced to these difficulties and distresses; and that the loss of life itself would have been more tolerable to me, being now tired of it on account of the present difficulty, and I can think of nothing but redeeming myself; assuring you, that the misfortunes of my whole life have not perplexed me so much as this: to remedy which, though I am pressed by letters and most urgent business to go to Limerick, I still continue here. I swear to you, that I have been disappointed of seven thousand pounds sterling, which I thought as entirely my own as if the money had been actually paid to me; and all this since the resolution was published against sending the soldiers to England. I do not think it necessary to remind the Nuncio, that my enemies in Ireland are exasperated against me, because they perceive me so warmly and sincerely affected towards him, and know, that I shall always continue so; and because I should not hesitate to expose my life and fortune to the utmost danger, in order to bring to an issue his commission and business in this kingdom. This seems to me to deserve, that some pity and toleration should be shown towards me, especially in an event unforeseen by me, and forced upon me, and which has given me a vexation, than which I can imagine nothing more severe to me.

“I remain, in great affliction,

“Your affectionate Cousin and Servant,

“Glamorgan.

“Waterford, 3 May, 1646.”

His operations in Ireland were virtually terminated, every measure had signally failed, and he was without hope, after the Parliamentary publications, of regaining confidence with any party. Much as has been written on this subject, and ably as it has been investigated by Dr. Birch and other writers, it must be admitted that we gain little from the mass of evidence accumulated to enlighten us in respect to the personal character of the Earl of Glamorgan, beyond entire satisfaction that he acted solely as his sovereign’s agent, at his instigation, and entirely under such authority as he could alone give him under all the circumstances of such an important secret mission. Charles the First’s confidence in him was by no means misplaced, and he had no doubt well weighed his character before taking him into his confidence. For this inquiry he had sufficient opportunity while the Earl was at his court, and again while himself a guest at Raglan. He well knew the weak side of the father and the son, the one expectant that his Majesty would be “a defender of the faith,” the other warm-hearted, and generous, to an extraordinary and enthusiastic degree. Not alone were the Marquis and Lord Herbert deceived by the machinations of the wily monarch, but so likewise were the whole Roman Catholic community. Had it been otherwise we might suspect undue measures would have been adopted, but wherever such were carried into effect they were on the side of the Crown and not of the subject. Charles the First’s duality of character in this respect has never been, nor can be, successfully refuted. Embarking, therefore, in his Majesty’s cause, in Ireland, we cease to be surprised that the Earl of Glamorgan should, consistently with his faith, be in constant consultation with the Nuncio and conform to proffered oaths. In short, had he adopted any other course than that which he pursued, his negociations would from the first either have ceased, or merged into the dilatory measures attending the Lord Lieutenant’s previous course, which it was expected by the King that the Earl would be able to out-run and overmatch. But his utmost diplomatic skill was insufficient to grapple with and satisfy the grasping party on his own side; and he was equally unsuccessful placed in opposition to such practised politicians as Ormond, Digby, and others. And above all, a supreme difficulty must have been, the conducting of his entire system to accord with the subtleties and secrecies of the King’s personally communicated and private counsels. He was thus placed in many painful straits, but which his ardent, vigorous temperament determined him to overcome. In his position, however, the Earl felt a compulsory necessity to maintain great secrecy; negociating with many mental reservations. He had to satisfy the King, while he did not wish to disoblige Ormond, and although there was a natural bond of sympathy between himself and the Roman Catholic party, he could neither wholly accede to the Nuncio’s measures nor satisfy the Council. To the best of his ability he consistently and conscientiously employed the vast powers delegated to him for the good of his King and his country through his own party; so that no historian, not his most bitter, sarcastic enemies, can point to any single fact that could cast the slightest taint on the rectitude of his conduct throughout the unfortunate and unhappy transactions into which it was his misfortune to be drawn by a too sanguine, hopeful, but helpless monarch.

On the 3rd of April the Earl wrote to the Marquis of Ormond:—[A]

“May it please your Excellency,

“With many thanks for your letter delivered me by Sir Vivien Molineux, give me leave to congratulate your Excellency’s happy escape from the mischievous intentions against you by the wicked enterprise for the taking of the castle of Dublin. And as nobody joys more in your deliverance than I do, so cannot any one wish more heartily than I, that all the warnings which your Excellency hath had might prevail to persuade you, in whom you might totally best confide, and of whom to beware; and then with a stedfast resolution to adhere to your truest and most real friends. Amongst whom, if your Excellency afford me not a place, I dare boldly say that it is not for want of having already endeavoured to deserve the same by serving you, with as great expressions, both public and private, as my wish and will could possibly obtain unto. Neither shall my future actions be inferior to what is past, but shall (God willing) enact those things wherein my good will only can yet be seen: for upon the ground work of my professed reality and affection unto your Excellency, and of your noble and friendly acceptance thereof, have I ever thought to build a fabric of my future services to his Majesty and most real friendship to yourself, whose subsistence I tender as mine own. And if your Excellency’s first begotten and expressed confidence in me had not been retarded by some unknown means unto me, though I humbly and thankfully acknowledge you never suffered it to be extinguished; give me leave to aver with truth, that your Excellency ere this should have seen the remarkable effects thereof. But this is so copious a theme, as that I fear already I have been too prolix, I will therefore abridge myself, and not extend unto the latitude, which the truth of this subject prompts me unto.

“And to the second part of your Excellency’s letter, give me leave to thank you for your tenderness in not accepting the £2500 from me; but also your Excellency may know, that it is upon a reliance thereon, that the Council offered you the £3000, and for the performance thereof I am enforced to this journey, without which against the prefixed time I could not have supplied them with the money. Now to the latter part of your letter, wherein you promise I should at large hear farther from you, as upon Friday last; but yet have received no other your commands, which I expected, before I thought it necessary to answer yours of the 24th of March. But receiving no other your directions, I think it opportune to let your Excellency know, that, of three vessels which I sent for a convoy unto the Prince, Sir Nicholas Crispe, and Mr. Hasendanke, the merchant, I have but one return, Captain Allen being taken and stript. And I hear a packet of your Excellency’s, as well as letters, thrown overboard without weight, were taken up; which I look for shortly to have in print.[B]

“By the sole return which came unto me, I received notice from the Prince and those about him, in how ill a condition he was enforced to retire into the Isle of Scilly, where he now is; and made use of Hasendanke’s frigates to transport himself, whereby I was not only disappointed of what I hoped for by the Prince, but also of his.

“Sir Nicholas Crispe indeed offers to send me three, but they were not then with him, and he desires a return from me first, so that only my Lord of Antrim’s frigates are come; and a ship with 18 pieces of ordnance, which is hourly expected, and bought by me at Galway. Two Hollanders there are likewise at Waterford, and two frigates likewise of Captain Antonio’s, and the Spanish agents, which carry ordnance. These are all of force, and truly I conceive, might, for so short a cut, be a sufficient convoy, were not Chester taken, the Prince in so bad a condition, and some defeat of my brother’s forces in Glamorganshire spoken of. But upon these considerations, how hazardous it will be to send away a part of the army only. I humbly offer to your Excellency, not speaking anything of a great disheartening and discouragement some take at a pretended declaration of his Majesty against me, though I myself value it so little, as that, could I, without shortening much more advantage to his Majesty’s service, go myself in person with 6000 men, I should no ways boggle thereat. And as it now stands, to give testimony that my zeal is not lessened to his service, and that you may have further assurance of my care to your person, I make this offer, that if you please to join, and together with the Supreme Council assure me, that against my return I may have 10,000 men in readiness for his Majesty’s service, I will immediately go and bring back with me twenty sail of good shipping at the least, well furnished for men of war; £40,000 ready money; 10,000 musquets, 2,000 case of pistols, 800 barrels of powder, and a gallant train of artillery.[C] For I shrink not at this instant from pain and expenses out of diminution of zeal to his Majesty’s service, as by the present difficulties propounded may perchance be surmised by others, though not by your Excellency, who (I am confident) will make a right construction, and how I only would willingly retire myself from further present charge, as a ram doth to take a greater vease. For I am not so much frightened at the bugbear declaration, but that, if I could go myself with a considerable force and provisions, it should not any ways deter me, from the confidence I have in his Majesty’s justice and goodness. It is true that two days since I have sent to take myself off from paying demurrage, which would have amounted to one hundred or two hundred pounds a day. But the shipping are still under an embargo, and the soldiers designed for England no other ways disposed of, who may in the interim until my return be useful unto this kingdom, assisted by the Nuncio’s purse. If therefore your Excellency resolve upon my journey, I pray send me immediate word by this messenger, whom I have sent of purpose, assuring that the shipping I speak of shall also attend this coast. And if (which God forbid) the King should be already joined with the Parliament, and that my services for him there be consequently rejected, I shall endeavour to serve his Majesty at my return in preserving your Excellency and this kingdom for him; and nothing but an extraordinary confidence in your Excellency’s goodness, and an infinite zeal unto my master’s service, could make me take this resolution; which I humbly submit to your better judgment, and ever remain,

“Your Excellency’s, &c.

“Glamorgan.

“Waterford, the 3rd of April, 1646.”

The reply made by the Marquis of Ormond,[D] to this noble offer, only three days after, shows that he did not esteem it as being in any way extravagant or impossible; he writes:—

“My Lord,

“I receive your gratulations and devices for my future security as evident testimonies of your continued favour to me; and I am much joyed to find, that the accidents fallen out concerning your Lordship have not left any impression on you, to the prejudice of the real affection you give me to bear you.

“My Lord, I had, according to my promise, given you a larger account of things here; but that, at the concluding of the articles, we found ourselves so straitened in time, that many material parts of the agreement were fain to be put in another way than was first thought of; and at this instant I am so pressed with important despatches from Kilkenny, that I shall be able but shortly and confusedly to give you a return to the main parts of your Lordship’s [letter] of the 3rd of this month, which came to my hands yesterday about noon. Touching the noble and large offer you are pleased to make of shipping, arms, ammunition, and a train of artillery for the King’s service, in case you may receive assurance from those in power among the confederates, and from me, that ten thousand men shall be ready against your return, to be transported to serve the King in England. I return your Lordship this answer, that I shall, and by this letter do, cheerfully oblige myself for as much as shall lie in my power, either in my public or private capacity, to have that number of men in the readiness you expect; and to compass it, am contented all the remainder of my fortune should stand engaged. If your Lordship can procure as much as this from the other party, I conceive you will proceed in your intended voyage with satisfaction, and return (I hope) with success; which is earnestly wished by

“Your Lordship’s, &c.

“Ormond.

“Dublin Castle, the 6th of April, 1646.”

The following letter from the King, dated the 20th of July, 1646,[E] originally written in cipher, while it shows the estimation in which he justly held the Earl of Glamorgan, only throws a darker shade on his own mysterious and inexplicable line of policy. The Earl’s zeal and unbounded confidence in his Royal Master (determining rather to die in his service than to break faith with him), served, as they well might to continue him in his favour:—

“Glamorgan,

“I am not so strictly guarded, but that if you send to me a prudent and secret person, I can receive a letter, and you may signify to me your mind, I having always loved your person and conversation, which I ardently wish for at present more than ever, if it could be had without prejudice to you, whose safety is as dear to me as my own. If you can raise a large sum of money by pawning my kingdoms[F] for that purpose, I am content you should do it; and if I recover them, I will fully repay that money. And tell the Nuncio, that if once I can come into his and your hands, which ought to be extremely wished for by you both, as well for the sake of England as Ireland, since all the rest, as I see, despise me, I will do it. And if I do not say this from my heart, or if in any future time I fail you in this, may God never restore me to my kingdoms in this world, nor give me eternal happiness in the next, to which I hope this tribulation will conduct me at last, after I have satisfied my obligations to my friends, to none of whom am I so much obliged as to yourself, whose merits towards me exceed all expressions, that can be used by

“Your constant Friend,

“Charles R.

“From Newcastle, July 20th, 1646.”

On receipt of this letter in Ireland, a copy of it was sent to the Pope, who is related to have shed tears, with mingled feelings of gratification and sorrow, the King’s circumstances being so desperate; while at the same time his determination to favour the Irish and English Roman Catholics in all their demands was, to all appearance, proportionably increased. The Earl of Glamorgan, on his part, sent his suggestions and devised a plan for his Majesty’s safe conduct to Ireland; but the scheme either failed or was abandoned.

On the 30th of August, the Earl addressed a long letter to the Lord Lieutenant,[G] when he must have been unaware of the fate of Raglan Castle:—