The Life, Times, and Scientific Labours of the Second Marquis of Worcester / To which is added a reprint of his Century of Inventions, 1663, with a Commentary thereon.

CHAPTER III.

EDWARD, LORD HERBERT’S SECOND MARRIAGE.

In 1639 Lord Herbert entered a second time into the matrimonial state, a prudential step as he was then situated, at the age of 38, having a young family without any sufficient guardian. He married the Lady Margaret, second daughter and co-heir of Henry O’Brien, Earl of Thomond; by which alliance he obtained some possessions, as well as a connexion with many of the best and most powerful families in Ireland. Of this, as of his first marriage, no particulars have been preserved, not even their date, or where celebrated; yet considering that both occurred during his father’s lifetime and greatest prosperity, we can readily believe that they were accompanied with all the usual demonstrations of joy, ceremony and feasting. They had but one daughter, Mary, who died during her infancy. In a family group, painted by Hanneman, a close imitator of Vandyck, Lord Herbert is represented as a Roman general, seated by his lady attired in a modern costume of pale blue satin, with their child standing before her in a reclining position. He has a very aged appearance, although one might presume that the portrait was executed when he was under forty-five. It is a very thinly and sketchily painted performance. His Lordship presents a singular appearance in a toga and tight fitting hose of deep scarlet, an ornamented leathern jerkin, and wearing a wig streaming over his breast and shoulders, sitting in a chair with his right hand resting on a walking stick, while his left hangs negligently over the arm of the chair in proximity with a mighty sheathed sword. His lady in ample folds of silk, with the usual long, tightly fitting, jewelled stomacher, has her hair in a fringe of small curls over her forehead, combed closely back, where it terminates in a knot from which a few ringlets flow behind; she wears also pearl ear-drops and a pearl necklace, which ornaments are repeated on her child.

The same year, on the 8th of April, he lost his mother, Anne, Countess of Worcester, who was buried at Raglan. It is possible, therefore, that his marriage was deferred during her illness, and not celebrated until some months after her decease.

It was then the 15th year of Charles the First’s reign. Before the close of the year following, the Long Parliament commenced its sittings, when Lenthall was chosen Speaker. All projectors and monopolists were denounced as incapable of holding office, several members, therefore, withdrew, whose places were speedily supplied. What must have been his Lordship’s impressions under the existing aspect of political affairs may easily be conceived, while as yet “Royalist” and “Roundhead” could scarcely be called popular terms of party distinction.

In 1641, that martyr of science, Galileo, died, whose case so far assimilated with the Marquis’s own, that they were of the same religious persuasion: the one proscribed at home for the peculiar heretical turn his genius had taken, the other under the ban of suspicion for his papistical persuasion and supposed consequent prejudices.

We now enter on the most critical era in the history of this great and good man. He was then residing in London, where he continued for some length of time, with the politic motive of avoiding as much as possible the suspicion of Parliament; for through his father’s liberality he had already commenced supplying Charles the First with heavy loans.

In the collection of manuscripts at Badminton, is an unpublished letter from Charles the First, dated 3rd of August, 1641, and also copies, in an ancient and probably contemporary hand, of letters, the originals of which, according to Birch, form part of the Harleian collection.[A] In the first of these, dated 7th of December, 1641,—Charles the First requires Lord Herbert to repair to Whitehall, “not only for his own particular use, but likewise for the good of the kingdom,” so early had his Majesty taken him into his confidence and council. He had then not long returned from Scotland, and soon after he retreated to Hampton Court. He writes:—

“Charles R.

“Right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin, We greet you well,—whereas We have heretofore by many letters and messages signed by us, given you testimony of Our favour and inclination to reward the good service of you and yours: These are further to assure you, that neither the times nor business shall ever make us unmindful of them: Yet upon occasions when Our good intentions therein may be really manifested, We desire to be put in mind that we may readily concur to a speedy performance, of which you may be ever most confident. And being [seeing?] your indisposition of body is such, that before Our intended journey We cannot signify the same to yourself in person, We have thought good to express it by these our Letters, Given at our Palace of Westminster, 3 day of August, In the seventeenth year of Our Reign and 1641.”

[Endorsed in an old handwriting, 1641.]

“To Our Right trusty and right well beloved Cousin, Henry Earl of Worcester.”

Next comes the following:—

“Herbert,

“Yours of the 1st of December has given me a just reason for your absence but certainly I have juster cause for your attendance, for it is well known how that you are to give me account of matters not only for my particular use, but likewise for the good of the kingdom; wherefore I require your repair hither with all convenient diligence; And the rather that you may find out the authors of these lying and scandalous Pamphlets concerning your father and you, touching [which] I not only promise you protection to your innocency but justice against those offenders, assuring you likewise that I shall be so mindful of you that, if I live, you shall neither be a loser in, nor repent you for the services you have done me. And so I rest

“Your assured friend,

“Charles R.

“Whitehall, the 7th December, 1641.[13]

“I send you herein the paper that I could not find when you were with me.”

In his journey towards the north, his Majesty, on arriving at Royston, wrote to Lord Herbert as follows:—

“Herbert,

“Your services are expressed to me in so noble a way that I cannot but acknowledge to you under my own hand, and that I should think myself very unhappy, if I did not live by real testimonies to express my gratitude to you. And for your sister, Carnarvon, though I cannot punctually answer your expectation therein, yet I hope you will be satisfied with the answer you will receive by your cousin Sir John Byron, to whom, referring myself for many things I have not time to write. I rest,

“Your most assured constant friend,

“Charles R.

“Royston, 6 March, [1641–2.]”

And again he addressed him a few lines, shortly before being refused admittance to Hull:—

“Herbert,

“I entrusted your cousin Byron with the particular answers to your letter, reserving only to myself to answer you, that I esteem your services such as my words cannot express them; but by showing myself at all occasions to be

“Your most assured constant friend,

“Charles R.

“York, 9 May, 1642.”

We have here the earliest communications on record between these two remarkable individuals, whose personal histories have alike perplexed all political, polemical, and philosophical writers.

Before setting out for Scotland, the King appears to have desired a personal interview with his Lordship, who seems to have been prevented from complying by some severe indisposition in July, 1641; his Majesty, therefore, conveys to him in writing, his “favour and inclination to reward the good service of you and yours.” His Lordship’s father had already made to the needy monarch some of those munificent advances, which, as long as he could obtain them, he was in the habit of repaying with ample promises and abundant flattery.

In his second letter, he alludes to “lying and scandalous pamphlets concerning” his Lordship’s father, but what these may have been has not transpired; they may only have referred to him as connected with the Roman Catholic party.

In another letter he expresses his “gratitude” for his Lordship’s noble expression of services; and alludes to his sister Carnarvon. And in the last of these letters, he flatteringly informs his Lordship, that,—“I esteem your services such as my words cannot express them;” yet by words alone were they ever, as then, expressed, only to be as conveniently repudiated.

Up to forty years of age, Lord Herbert had lived as became a gentleman of ancient nobility, great expectations, and in the enjoyment of the most friendly intercourse with his sovereign. Well educated, travelled, accustomed to courtly life, devoted to learned studies and given to scientific pursuits, he has been hitherto only presented to us, in his domestic relations, as a dutiful son, a husband and father, having few engagements to withdraw him from the management of his estates, or distract him from the enjoyment of country sports and social intercourse. During this period, he had probably nothing more serious on hand than an occasional change of residence, as he passed some portions of the year at Raglan Castle, and occupied at others the ample accommodations of Worcester House.

In a statement[B] he wrote long after, he incidentally remarks:—“I was not privy, or present with his Majesty at Greenwich [26th February, 1641] when he first took his resolution for the North, and removed, without the Queen, to Theobalds; from which he was pleased to write me a lamentable letter by the hands of Sir John Byron, averring that he had but £600, and £300 of which was given to defray his horses, which the Marquis of Hamilton, then Master of the Horse, refused to do, fearing to displease the Parliament.”

For awhile he was necessitated to act with consummate caution to conceal his true political bias from the Parliamentary party. But the drama of his life has now to change; his “golden days” are gone, and hereafter we view him only in evil times, times so distracted and turbulent, that the materials they afford us of his future life, are but like the fragments of a terrible wreck.

CHAPTER IV.

HENRY, EARL OF WORCESTER.—CREATED MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.—RAGLAN CASTLE.

The general aspect of public affairs in 1641, foreshadowed the coming storm. Charles the First had departed from Whitehall; civil war raged through the length and breadth of the land, terminating in fearful consequences to the monarch and all his wealthiest loyal supporters.

On the 2nd of November, 1642,[88] Henry was created Marquis of Worcester, being the first of his family raised to that dignity. He would then be 65 years of age, but does not appear to have enjoyed uniform good health; he was corpulent in body, possessed a vigorous intellect, and was remarkable for his flow of humour. It is recorded of him, but without reference to any authority for the statement,[4] that he was singular for the custom of wearing a coat of frieze, a coarse narrow cloth much in use; the term being applied to garments having long wool, then said to be friezed. Sanderson speaks of him as a plain man, especially in his apparel.

His great wealth enabled him to afford Charles the First early important pecuniary assistance, which, together with his great loyalty, although a papist, secured him all that esteem and favour, which the peculiar mental constitution of his royal master, alone best knew how to turn to the largest possible amount of personal profit, without being absolutely necessitated to make any adequate return other than his word and honour. If the materials for the personal character of Charles the First had to be drawn solely from his treatment of the first two Marquisses of Worcester—the veteran Lord of Raglan Castle, and his enthusiastic valorous son, the Lord Herbert, sufficient evidence would be found to establish that monarch’s perfidious nature, and the utter worthlessness of his plighted word and most solemn protestations.

The Parliament took early notice of the proceedings of both the Earl of Worcester and his son Lord Herbert. The Journals of the House of Commons[A] inform us that on the 29th of January, 1640–41:—

“Die Veneris, 29 Jan., 1640.

“Mr. Treasurer acquaints this House, that his Majesty’s pleasure is, that this House do attend his Majesty this afternoon, at two of [the] clock, in the Banqueting House, and that he had intimated his pleasure likewise to the Lords to attend him at the same time.

“Ordered, That the consideration of the commission granted to the Earl of Worcester, and his eldest son the Lord Herbert, and the sub-commissions by them granted to others, for the levying of forces in several Counties of England and Wales, and all the circumstances depending thereupon, be referred to the Committee appointed to draw up the charge against the Earl of Stratford, &c.”

And on the 11th of February following, that:—

“Die Jovis, 11º Feb 1640.

“Mr. Reignolds reports from the Committee of the Earl of Worcester, the substance of that business. * * * * * * (thus printed in Journal.)

“And then it was resolved, upon the question, That the particulars reported by Sir W. Erle, Sir Jo. Clotworthy, and Mr. Reignolds, shall be the heads of the Conference to be desired with the Lords, concerning the disbanding of the new-levied Irish Army, and disarming of the Popish Recusants here in England.”

Later we find a guard set on his residence in London.[B]

“Die Martis, 16º Nov. 1641.

“Mr. Wittacre, Sir John Francklin, Sir John Hippisley, Mr. Wheler, Mr. G. Long, are appointed to go immediately, and take order to set a good guard upon the house of the Earl of Worcester; and to search for persons suspected of high treason.

“They are to take like care for setting a guard upon, and searching * * *; and likewise upon such other houses, as they shall be informed; and that they have power to search all such houses at such times as they shall think fit.

“... To acquaint their Lordships, what this House has done for the searching, and setting a guard upon, the Earl of Worcester’s house, and upon what grounds.”

On the 5th of January, 1642, his Majesty addressed the following letter to the Marquis, in which he says—

“The large expressions which you and your son have made unto us of your forwardness to a service, shall never be forgotten.”

“Charles R.

“Right trusty and right entirely beloved Cousin, We greet you well. Your son, the Lord Herbert, hath excused your not writing unto us; but where we find so much royalty, there needs not ceremony, and your last performance of our desires hath crowned the rest. And we would have you confident that the mentioning of leaving few forces at Raglan, was not out of any diminution of our care of you, or meant to lessen any provision fitting thereto: For we well understand that there were never any of the forces raised in the county, applied thereunto more than a private company under servants of your own. But the Ward of Raglan was given as a general ward attributive to the country, as that time we understood it. The large expressions which you and your said son have made unto us of your forwardness to a service, shall never be forgotten. He now commands in chief in the absence of the Lord Marquis [of] Hertford, and besides his dutifulness unto you, our command is, that his power and yours shall [be] the same, as your hearts are to our service. The acceptance whereof we shall not fail to make appear on all occasions, whereof you may rest assured. Given under and signed at our Court at Oxford, the 5th day of January, in the eighteenth year of our reign, 1642.[C]

“To Our Right trusty and right entirely beloved Cousin, Henry, Marquis of Worcester.”

The earliest direct intimation we have of money passing from the Marquis to the King occurs in two letters from Sir John Byron. In his first communication he says:—

“My Lord,

“The King is so oppressed with [a] multitude of business that he has commanded me to write unto your Lordship this inclosed letter, not having leisure himself to write more than a short postscript to give credit to what I have written. I had thought to have sent some of my own servants to convey the money hither, but Mr. Griffin tells me your Lordship would rather send it by him and some other, whom you should think fit to trust, and then it may be brought so privately to Newstead, where I shall be ready to receive it, that none but such as your Lordship trusteth need to know of it. I humbly desire your Lordship it may be sent with all possible speed, because his Majesty hath allotted it for a service that must immediately be gone in hand with all [speed]. I shall not need to trouble your Lordship any farther, and therefore humbly kissing your hands, rest ever,

“Your Lordship’s most humble Servant,

“John Byron. [D]

“York, July 8, 1642.
“To the Earl of Worcester.”

On the 24th of the same month Sir John Byron[E] wrote a second letter as follows:—

“My most honoured Lord,

“Your Lordship hath honoured me with a title which I value above any other that can be given me, and of which I shall ever endeavour to make myself worthy by all real expressions of faithful and humble service. It was my misfortune to be from home when Sir John Somerset came, and though I acquainted his Majesty therewith (upon whom I then attended), yet he would not permit me to go to him for a day or two, having some other service to employ me in by reason of his journey to Leicester, where it was thought he would have had some opposition; but upon his Majesty’s approach, his enemies fled, Hazelrick,[F] the chief of them, was said to be lurking hereabouts, whereupon the King commanded me and some other gentlemen, to go out and see if we could apprehend him; but, though we used the best diligence we could, riding both day and night, yet we came short of him.

“This is the cause of the delay in returning your Lordship an answer, for which I hope your Lordship will pardon me; and now, since Sir John Somerset is come hither, having left the £5000 your Lordship sent at Newstead, my house, his Majesty hath commanded me to make use of it for the levying of 500 horse, and withal, in his name, to return your Lordship all possible thanks for your seasonable assistance both now and heretofore, and that he hopes he shall not die in your debt. These are his own words, and desires to be excused for not writing himself, by reason of the little leisure he hath; for my own particular, I humbly beseech your Lordship to believe that, as there lives not any body more deeply engaged for real and noble favours to your Lordship than myself, so no man can be more sensible of them, or more ready upon all occasions to express myself, my Lord,

“Your Lordship’s most humble

“and faithful servant,

“John Byron.

“Leicester Abbey, this Sunday, being the 24th of July, 1642.”

Still later, and the House of Commons directs its attention to the disarming of the Earl, and the requiring of his son’s attendance.[G]

“Die Sabbati, 20 Augusti, 1642. Post meridiem.

“Message from the Lords by Sir Robt. Riche and Mr. Page;

“That the Lords had sent them with Three Orders: 1. For the disarming of the Earl of Worcester, and all Papists; wherein they desire the concurrence of this House, &c. &c.

“Answer returned by the same messenger (as to two of the Orders); And as to that of disarming the Earl of Worcester, will send an answer by messengers of their own.”

And again on the following month:—

“Die Martis, 3º Septembris, 1642.

“That Mr. Speaker shall write his letter to the Lord Herbert, son of the Earl of Worcester, to appear here, and attend the House.

“Mr. Glyn to prepare this letter.

“That the Lords be moved to send for the Earl of Worcester, to attend the Parliament.”

In August, 1642, had commenced that series of national disasters, which divided shires and even families into either Cavaliers or Roundheads—Royalists or Parliamentarians—Protestants or Puritans, in short, Tories or Whigs. It was then, or perhaps somewhat earlier, previous to his elevation, that the Earl of Worcester garrisoned Raglan Castle, strengthening his position by the raising of extensive earthworks on its most approachable side, and maintained there 800 men entirely at his own expense.

In September, 1642, Lord Herbert was in personal communication with his Majesty at Nottingham. He was then, although 41 years of age, a man singularly inexperienced in the ways either of commerce or of courts. His studies, pursuits, domestic habits, were not calculated to foster that spirit of intrigue which a deep designing mind alone knows best how to conjure up and apply with consummate art, and the exercise of which base quality his position would seem to have frequently demanded. We have now to peruse a minute report, drawn up by Lord Herbert, of what passed between himself and the King in regard to a further loan.[H] The cunning and artfulness of the royal negotiator is mirrored forth in this affair in most unmistakeable characters. But the whole document is a striking example of the arts by which Charles the First could practise on his unsuspecting victims. It is an engrossed copy—not signed—but has been endorsed on the back, “Lord Herbert’s Message from the King to be delivered to his father from Nottingham, Sept. 9th, 1642,” and runs as follows:—

“The effect of the message your Majesty desireth I should deliver to my father for your Majesty at Nottingham, the 9th of September, 1642.

“That your Majesty with many thanks expresseth yourself most sensible of the great expense and charge his Lordship hath been at for your service, far more than any man else, considering what I have had as well as Sir John Byron’s [expenses], that it is most true at this time, much lieth at stake both of your Majesty’s honour and power for want of a little money, since £20,000, with what you have, would further your Majesty’s designs to a most hopeful condition; for want whereof, your Majesty is enforced to dally (though you will never yield), and at this present you offer that which is worth £100,000 for £50,000, besides my Lord Capell, Sir William Savill and others of good estates do offer also theirs for security;—yet no want nor occasion can make your Majesty to press my Lord, who hath already done so much, but if he and his friends could procure £10,000, your Majesty would suddenly (if it please God to restore you) see it repaid, and would presently in token of thankfulness send my father the Garter, to be put on when he pleased, and also having the Great Seal in your Majesty’s own custody you would pass a patent of Marquis of what title my father should desire, and keep it private as long as he thought fitting; and to show that this proposition is far from urging him to his inconvenience, and so much doth your Majesty acknowledge yourself already beholding to him, as that even without procuring his Majesty this unspeakable advantage, your Majesty is graciously pleased that if he desire either or both these, your Majesty, at my return unto you, will vouchsafe them; but if this could be possibly performed, then the Crown, which hitherto your Majesty confesseth to stay upon your head by his assistance, will be then confirmed by him, and your Majesty; and your Majesty esteemeth so much of his understanding, as well as passionate zeal to your service, that if he will send your Majesty his advice (upon the relation of the state of business which your Majesty hath commanded me to make unto him) your Majesty will as soon follow it as any man’s, and the power you give, or intend to give me is, as I am subordinate, and most dutiful unto him to whom your Majesty esteemeth it to be given when it is to me; and your Majesty doth not only faithfully promise on the word of a King but of a Christian, that you will punctually perform your engagements advantageously to him and his, and never forsake either, whilst you breathe, joining his safety with your own, which is, and ever shall be your Majesty’s resolution.”

We have here a summary of the interview between Charles the First and Lord Herbert at Nottingham. The King was no doubt very gloomy, and the discourse between them most serious. There was on all occasions an imperturbable dignity of manner about his Majesty, although his personal appearance operated against him, his visage being long, with a narrow forehead, large nose, grey eyes, thick lips, and peaked beard. He stammered, too, in his speech, being also somewhat impetuous and hurried amidst all the apparent coolness and calmness of his conduct and conversation. Lord Herbert, on the contrary, in the very prime of life, was a man of cheerful aspect, with small dark full eyes, and smooth, oval, delicately formed features. Both wore the flowing locks in fashion, the one in ample curls, the other in plain long wavy hair. The Marquis fastidiously observed all courtly etiquette; without the accomplishment of fluency in speech, his conversation would be deferential, simple, without any show of boldness other than what conscious integrity of purpose might naturally inspire; unaffected, direct, and straightforward; displaying much suavity without any taint of selfishness, and profound zeal without the slightest hypocrisy.

We almost see and hear again the wily financier, (such is the freshness of the reported conversation) while the meek, unsophisticated Lord Herbert is scrupulously noting each suggestion as it is dictated by his suppliant royal master, anxious to give in their integrity the identical honeyed phrases the Sovereign employs in depicting his obligations, his necessities, his securities, with the readiest means for extricating the royal cause and assuredly giving stability to the already tottering crown. His Majesty is gracious to an extreme; he will in very “thankfulness send the Earl the Garter,” and having “the Great Seal” in his “own custody,” he offers to “pass a patent of what title the Earl should desire;” nay, should he desire unconditionally to have either or both “his Majesty will vouchsafe them.” It was by such unworthy arts in diplomacy that Charles the First drew the loyal, warm-hearted, sincerely attached Lord Herbert into his toils, inducing him by unremitting flattery, artfully simulated condescension, and consummate sophistry to become instrumental in the ruin of both himself and his father. There is not the slightest ground to suppose that from the first to the last advance of money made by this family to the King, a single offer in the first instance came direct from either the Earl or his son; but there are abundant proofs that his Majesty held out from time to time every possible inducement he could conceive to sap the wealth of the too-confiding Earl of Worcester. Transparent as the craftiness of the present transaction must appear to the reader, it was not so obvious to the peer whom it interested, for he having once made his election to support the royal cause magnanimously proceeded as he had begun, until he exceeded even the bounds of common prudence.

It will be requisite, as we progress, to notice many particulars which might at first appear irrelevant, as relating more considerably to the father than to the son; but it is important to bear in mind, that Lord Herbert becomes intimately associated with events then apparently only concerning his father, but which really are those most seriously affecting that turn in events which colour all his future history, whether as regards his early military career or his later cheerless destiny.

Raglan Castle was then in its glory; it was often gay with numerous noble visitors. Lord Herbert resided there with his lady, particularly at that disturbed period; his father too had a numerous family and household. Although rather isolated in position, it must have been a place possessing considerable internal comfort. The good old Marquis was constituted to make all around him as happy as circumstances would permit; with strong religious and moral principles he combined the strictest possible sense of honour, of a gentlemanly and military bearing, with a joyous temperament that refused no source of accidental innocent amusement, turning the very ills of life to sources either of merriment or moral reflection as the case might be: which, with his princely means and liberal spirit, must have largely contributed to the promoting of good feeling and hilarity within the fortress of Raglan.

The Castle crowns one of the many broad low verdant hills occupying a valley of immense extent in Monmouthshire. It is at present so embowered in a forest of ancient lofty trees, as to be all but hid from view within the circuit of a mile radius. There is just one point from which may be seen at the same time towering above the foliage the Tower of Gwent or Citadel on the right, and the Closet Tower on the left. The Citadel, which in reality stands outside the Castle, as being the loftiest object, is visible from the village, the Warrage, and other points of view. In its palmy days there were attached to the Castle an extensive, well-wooded and highly picturesque home-park, with a well-stocked red-deer park; also various gardens, orchards, lawns, pleasure grounds, and fish-ponds artfully constructed, affording islands here, fountains there, and summer houses where they could be most advantageously placed. Thus were the demesnes of Raglan characteristic of its noble possessor’s distinguished position.

The most ancient portions of the Castle itself, were probably raised in the reign of Henry V., others are of more recent construction, but not much, if any of it, dates later than that of Elizabeth. Its mixed styles of architecture are very obvious. Among its later improvements were, no doubt, those large windows, which were better suited for an elegant domestic mansion, than for a fortress. The grand entrance was secured by its double portcullis, as likewise by a gate, leading to the paved or pitched court; a portcullis also protected the south-eastern entrance, leading from the fountain court to the pleasaunce or bowling-green, supposed by some to have originally been the tilt-yard; both of which entrances were further guarded by draw-bridges. The tower of Gwent, citadel, or keep, stands before, and a little removed from the castle, surrounded with a broad moat, which it would appear could be crossed by two bridges; one permanent, connected with, and for the special use of the castle, reaching to the walls of the bastions, whence communication was kept up by a draw-bridge with the keep itself; the other a draw-bridge only, in an opposite direction, whereby to pass over the moat to the sunk walk, for ordinary use. The tower is of extraordinary strength, its form hexagonal, its walls ten and a half feet thick, and its summit reached by a stone staircase.

The Castle may be described as presenting two portions, distinguished by two courts and two fortified arched entrances. The grand entrance between two hexagonal towers leads to the paved court, with the closet tower or library to the right, a withdrawing or ball-room over head, and the banqueting or stately hall to the left, which last attracts much notice from its size, nobleness, and state of preservation. It had a magnificent oak roof lighted by a lantern or cupola window at the top; at one end is a large stone carving of the arms of the Beaufort family, with their celebrated motto, Mutare vel timere, sperno; at the opposite end rose the minstrels’ gallery. One entire side is occupied with an ample fire-place, having large windows above, and on the right hand side a magnificent bay window; the opposite side of this great apartment is a mere lofty blank wall. Returning to the court we see the kitchen-tower, larders, and other domestic offices. Passing to the second, or Fountain Court, we observe a small chapel, marked only by its foundation stones. Above it, on the same level and of no greater width, ran the picture gallery, which may have been 126 feet long by 13 feet wide. In it were, among others, many family portraits, particularly one of Charles, the first Earl, and another of Henry, the second Earl of Worcester.[93] The Marquis’s private chamber was probably over the gate; but here, the outer walls excepted and the grand staircase, few remains of the ruin rise above the ground to distinguish their character.

The vaults and cellars are numerous, but not so large as is generally supposed, although sufficiently capacious. Some were undoubtedly used as cells for prisoners, others for various stores, while certain vaults are even reputed to have served the purpose of underground stables.

The Fountain Court, derives its name from formerly possessing a handsomely carved fountain which stood in its centre, supposed to have been supplied with water by means of water-works erected by Lord Herbert, in contiguity with the citadel, and sufficiently near for that purpose, as already noticed.

Such then was Raglan Castle in the days of its magnificence, during the life-time of its last munificent lordly resident. But the time had arrived to protect it against the worst consequences of civil war. Its paved court afforded ample scope for the drilling of recruits, and the reviews of the regular soldiery, when the open ground could not be safely taken. A mill was also erected for the home manufacture of gunpowder, in which we imagine the combined skill of Lord Herbert and Caspar Kaltoff was actively exercised. The clang of arms, the beat of drum, the constant firing of artillery, with all the noise, the show, and circumstance of war, soon transformed the once quiet homestead into a most mortifying scene of discomfort, alarm, watchfulness, care, anxiety and activity.

Charles, Lord Somerset, the Marquis’s sixth son, officiated as governor of the castle. The garrison, originally amounting to 300 foot,[93] was considerably augmented to meet the threatening aspect of public affairs.[90]

Warfare, as at that time conducted, bore but a slight analogy to modern practice. The bow and cross-bow, it is true, were entirely superseded by the use of gunpowder, but that material was comparatively indifferent, and the ordnance and arms employed of the clumsiest possible description. Great guns weighing from 3½ tons to half and less that weight were denominated cannon, demi-cannon, culvering, demi-culvering, saker, minion, drake, &c. Then for small arms, they had the musket, carbine, arquebuse, blunderbuss, pistol, &c. Their weapons were chiefly swords and pikes. Armour was employed to a considerable extent. The curious in such military matters may consult with advantage “The exercise of arms for Calivers, Musketts, and Pikes,” in the masterly executed folio engravings by Jacob de Gheyne, printed at the Hague in 1607. The soldiers of the 17th century had to carry immense unwieldy fire-arms, requiring a crutch or rest on which to steady them while taking aim, and had to fire with the ignited end of prepared rope, used as a match for that purpose, and which for security against accidental extinction was usually kept lighted at both ends.

In respect to the Marquis’s wealth, a contemporary authority informs us in reference to that period, that,—“His whole estate ubique was esteemed 24 thousand pounds per annum.”[93] Indeed he was almost an universal landlord in the county.[29] He had then altogether raised 1500 foot and near 500 horse, the command of which he gave to his son, Lord Herbert; thus raising the first horse levied by the King.

The writer of a contemporary pamphlet published at Oxford, entitled—“A short view of the late troubles,” states: “Moreover, within few days following, one John Davis discovered [12th Nov.] to the House that the Earl of Worcester had large stables under ground, at Raglan Castle, and a number of light horse in them; likewise arms for a hundred and forty horse, and two thousand men, whereof seven hundred were then in pay, and ammunition proportionate.”[90]

We learn little more personally affecting the Marquis of Worcester for about two years, during which his time must have been both fully and painfully absorbed in superintending the warlike preparations which environed his domicile.