Section CXV. THE LIFE AND FAITH OF THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION
[Sidenote: Jos. Ant. XII, 3:1a] The Jews obtained honor from the kings of Asia when they became their auxiliaries; for Seleucus Nicator made them citizens of those cities which he built in Asia and in lower Syria, and in Antioch, the metropolis, and gave them privileges equal to those of the Macedonians and the Greeks who were its inhabitants.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, VII, 3:3a] For the Jewish race is widely dispersed among the inhabitants of all the world; and especially was it intermingled with the population of Syria, because of the nearness of that country. Above all, in Antioch, because of the size of the city, it had great numbers. There the kings who followed Antiochus gave the Jews a place where they might live in the most undisturbed security; for although Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, laid waste Jerusalem and plundered the temple, the kings who succeeded him restored all the gifts of brass that had been made to the Jews of Antioch, and dedicated them to their synagogue.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, VII, 3:3b] The succeeding kings also treated them in the same way, so that they became very numerous, and adorned their temple with ornaments and at great expense with those things which had been given them. They also continued to attract a great many of the Greeks to their services, making them in a sense part of themselves.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, VII, 10:2d-3e] Now Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from Antiochus [Epiphanes] the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria. And after Ptolemy [Philometor] received him very kindly on account of his hatred to Antiochus, Onias assured him that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance. Now when the king agreed to do whatever he was able, Onias desired him to give him permission to build a temple somewhere in Egypt and to worship God according to the customs of his own nation. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals and gave them a place about twenty miles distant from Memphis. That province was called the province of Heliopolis. There Onias built a fortress and a temple like that at Jerusalem except that it resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits, but he made the structure of the altar an imitation of that in his own country. In like manner also he adorned it with gifts, excepting that he did not make a candlestick but had a single lamp hammered out of a beaten piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold. The entire temple was surrounded by a wall of burnt brick, although it had a gateway of stone. The king also gave him a large territory for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have plentiful provision for themselves, and that God might have abundance of those things which were necessary for his worship.
[Sidenote: Jos. Ant. XIII, 10:4] Now in the days of John Hyrcanus, not only did the Jews in Jerusalem and Judea enjoy prosperity but also those who were at Alexandria in Egypt and Cyprus. For Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who is called Lathyrus, and appointed as her generals Chelcias and Ananias, the son of that Onias who built the temple in the province of Heliopolis similar to that of Jerusalem. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army and did nothing without their advice. Strabo of Cappadocia also attests that only those who were called Onias's party, being Jews, continued faithful to Cleopatra because their countrymen, Chelcias and Ananias, were in highest favor with the queen.
[Sidenote: Wisd. of Sol. 6:12-16]
Wisdom is brilliant and fades not away,
And she is easily seen by those who love her,
And found by those who seek her.
She anticipates those who desire her, making herself first known.
He who eagerly seeks her shall have no toil,
For he shall find her sitting at his gates.
For thinking upon her brings perfect wisdom,
And he who lies awake for her sake shall quickly be free from care.
For she herself goes about seeking those who are worthy of her,
And in their paths she graciously appears to them,
And in every purpose she meets them.
[Sidenote: Wisd. of Sol. 7:25-8:1, 7]
For she is breath of the power of God,
And a clear effluence of the glory of the Almighty;
Therefore nothing defiled can find entrance into her.
For she is a reflection of everlasting light,
And a spotless mirror of the working of God,
And an image of his goodness.
And though she is but one, she has power to do all things;
And remaining the same renews all things,
And from generation to generation passing into holy souls,
She makes them friends of God and prophets.
For God loves nothing except him who dwells with wisdom.
For she is fairer than the sun,
And surpasses all the order of the stars;
Compared with light, she is found to be superior to it.
For night succeeds the light of day,
But evil does not prevail against wisdom.
But she reaches from one end of the world to the other,
And she directs all things graciously.
The fruits of her labors are virtues;
For she teaches moderation and good sense,
Justice and fortitude,
And nothing in life is more profitable for men than these.
[Sidenote: Wisd. of Sol. 1:1-8]
Love righteousness, O rulers of the earth,
Think of the Lord with sincerity,
And seek him in singleness of heart.
For he is found by those who do not tempt him,
And manifests himself to those who do not distrust him.
For perverse thoughts separate from God,
And his power, when it is tried, convicts the foolish;
For wisdom will not enter into a soul that devises evil,
Nor dwell in a body that is pledged to sin.
For a holy spirit which disciplines will flee deceit,
And will start away from senseless thoughts,
And will be frightened away when unrighteousness comes in.
For wisdom is a spirit that loves man,
And she will not absolve a blasphemer for his words,
Because God is a witness of his innermost feelings,
And a true overseer of his heart,
And a hearer of his tongue.
For the spirit of the Lord hath filled the world,
And that which holdeth all things together knoweth every voice.
Therefore no one who speaks unrighteous things can be hid,
Nor will justice, when it convicts, pass him by.
[Sidenote: Wisd. of Sol. 1:12-15]
Do not court death by leading an erring life,
And do not by the deeds of your hands draw destruction upon yourselves.
For God did not make death,
And he hath no pleasure when the living perish;
For he created all things that they might exist,
And the created things of the world are not baneful.
And there is no destructive poison in them,
Nor has Hades dominion on earth,
For righteousness is immortal.
[Sidenote: Wisd. of Sol. 2:23-3:1]
For God created man for incorruption,
And made him an image of his own peculiar nature;
But through the envy of the devil death entered into the world,
And they who belong to him experience it.
But the souls of the righteous are in the hand of God,
And no torment can touch them.
[Sidenote: Wisd. of Sol. 5:15, 16]
But the righteous live forever,
And in the Lord is their reward,
And the care for them with the Most High.
Therefore they shall receive the glorious kingdom,
And the diadem of beauty from the Lord's hand;
Because he will cover them with his right hand,
And with his arm he will shield them.
[Sidenote: Wisd. of Sol. 11:21-12:2]
For thou, O Lord, lovest all things that are,
And thou dost not abhor any of the things which thou hast made,
For thou wouldest never have formed anything that thou didst hate.
And how would anything have endured, if thou didst not wish it?
Or how could that which was not called into being by thee have been
preserved?
But thou sparest all things, because they are thine,
O Sovereign Lord, thou lover of men's lives!
For thine incorruptible spirit is in all things.
Therefore thou convictest the fallen little by little,
And, reminding them of the things in which they sin, thou dost warn them,
That freed from wickedness, they may believe on thee, O Lord.
[Sidenote: Wisd. of Sol. 15:1-3]
But thou, our God, art gracious and true,
Long suffering, and in mercy directing all things.
For even if we sin, we are thine, since we know thy might.
But we shall not sin, knowing that we have been counted as thine;
For to know thee is perfect righteousness,
And to know thy might is the root of immortality.
I. Conditions of the Jews in Antioch and Asia Minor. Seleucus Nicanor, who in 311 B.C. founded the city of Antioch, like Alexander, granted many privileges to the Jewish colonies whom he thus sought to attract hither. They not only possessed the rights of citizenship, but lived in their separate quarter. Their synagogue was one of the architectural glories of the city. There they engaged in trade and undoubtedly grew rich, taking on largely the complexion of that opulent Hellenic city. Later the Jewish colony was enlarged by the apostates who fled from Judea when the Maccabean rulers gained the ascendancy. The corrupt and materialistic atmosphere of Antioch doubtless explains why its Jewish citizens apparently contributed little to the development of the thought and faith of later Judaism. Similar colonies were found throughout the great commercial cities of Asia Minor. In many of these cities—for example, Tarsus—they seem to have enjoyed the same privileges as those at Antioch.
II. The Jews in Egypt. The chief intellectual and religious center of the Jews of the dispersion, however, was in Alexandria. It is probable that fully a million Jews were to be found in Egypt during the latter part of the Maccabean period. Industry and commerce had made many of them extremely wealthy and had given them the leisure to study not only their own scriptures but also the literature of the Greeks. The prevailingly friendly way in which the Ptolemaic rulers treated the Jews naturally led them to take a more favorable attitude toward Greek culture. Alexandria itself was the scene of an intense intellectual activity. Attracted by the munificence of the Ptolemies and by the opportunities offered by its great library, many of the most famous Greek philosophers and rhetoricians of the age found their home in the Egyptian capital. Public lectures, open discussions, and voluminous literature were only a few of the many forms in which this intellectual life was expressed. Hence it was at Alexandria that Hebrew and Greek thought met on the highest plane and mingled most closely.
III. The Jewish Temple at Leontopolis. After the murder of his father Onias III near Antioch, whither he had fled from the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes, Onias IV sought refuge in Egypt. Here, as the legitimate head of the Jewish high-priesthood, he was favorably received by Ptolemy and granted territory in the Nile Delta to the north of Memphis in which to rear a temple to Jehovah. In the light of recent discoveries at Elephantine it is evident that this step was not without precedent (Section XCI:vii). Ptolemy's object was to please his Jewish subjects and to attract others to the land of the Nile. Josephus's statement in The Jewish War, VII, 10:4 favors the conclusion that the temple was built two hundred and forty-three years (not 343) before its final destruction in 73 A.D., that is, in 170 B.C. In any case it was probably built between 170 and 160 B.C., at the time when the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes made pilgrimages to the Jerusalem temple impossible, and threatened its continued existence. The plan of the Leontopolis temple indicates that it was not intended to be a rival to the Jerusalem sanctuary, but rather a common place of meeting for the Egyptian Jews and of defence in case of attack. It never seriously rivalled the Jerusalem sanctuary, although in later days it was viewed with jealousy by the Jews of Palestine.
IV. Translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek. Far more significant than the building of the Leontopolis temple was the translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek. The tradition preserved by Josephus that the translation was made in seventy-two days by seventy-two scholars, sent from Jerusalem by Eleazar the high priest at the request of Ptolemy, is clearly unhistorical. The impossibility of completing so vast a task in this limited time is obvious. Moreover, the character of the translation indicates that it was the work not of Palestinian but of Alexandrian Jews familiar with the peculiar Greek of Egypt and the lands of the dispersion. It was also the work not of one but of many different groups of translators, as is shown by the variant synonyms employed in different books to translate the same Hebrew words and idioms. In the case of several books the work of two or more distinct translators is readily recognized. The quality of the translation also varies greatly in different books. It is probable that the one historical fact underlying the tradition is that the work of translation was begun in the days of Ptolemy Philadelphus, who may have encouraged his Jewish subjects in their undertaking. From the character of the translations and the nature of the situation it is probable that the first books to be translated were certain historical writings, as Samuel-Kings and the books of the Law. The remaining books were probably translated by the end of the succeeding century (between 250 and 150 B.C.), for the grandson of Ben Sira implies in his prologue that he was acquainted with the Law, the Prophets, and the other writings in their Greek version.
The primary aim of this Greek translation was to put the Hebrew scriptures themselves into the hands of their Greek persecutors as the best possible answer to their false and malicious charges. Evidence of this apologetic purpose is found in the fact that glaring inconsistencies and expressions, where Jehovah is described in the likeness of a human being, were usually left out. Where the Hebrew text was corrupt the translators restored or else freely paraphrased what they thought was the original meaning. In time, however, the translation gained a new importance, for the Jews of Egypt soon began to forget the language of their fathers and so became increasingly dependent for a knowledge of their scriptures upon the Greek translation. In the end it almost completely superseded the original Hebrew version not only in the lands of the dispersion, but even in Palestine itself. A large proportion of the quotations from the Old Testament in the New are from the Greek rather than the Hebrew text. Although it is only a translation, the Greek version, or Septuagint (the Version of the Seventy), as it is popularly known, still possesses a great value for the modern translator, inasmuch as it is based upon Hebrew texts centuries older than any which now exists. At many points, especially in the historical prophetic books it makes possible the restoration of the original reading where the Hebrew has become corrupt in the long process of transmission.
V. Apologetic Jewish Writings. During the centuries immediately preceding the Christian era the Jews of the dispersion, and especially of Egypt, were the object of constant attack. Manetho, an Egyptian priest, wrote a history purporting to give the origin and the early experiences of the Jews. Portions of this have been preserved and reveal the bitter and unjust spirit with which this race was regarded by the Greek and Egyptian scholars of the day. To defend themselves from these attacks the Jews not only translated their scriptures, but employed many different types of writing. A certain Jew by the name of Demetrius about 215 B.C. wrote a commendatory history of the Jewish kings. Aristobulus, the teacher of Ptolemy Philometor, wrote an "Explanation of the Mosaic Laws," in which he anticipated, in many ways, the modern interpretation of the early traditions found in the opening books of the Old Testament. Like all Alexandrian scholars, however, he overshot the mark under the influence of the allegorical or symbolic type of interpretation. Other Jewish writers appealed to the older Greek historians and poets. Adopting the unprincipled methods of their persecutors, they expanded the original writings of such historians as Hecataeus, who had spoken in a commendatory way of the Jews. They even went so far as to insert long passages into the writings of the famous Greek poets, such as Orpheus, Hesiod, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Menander, so as to transform them into ardent champions of the persecuted race. The culmination of this illegitimate form of defence was to insert in the famous Sibylline Books (III) a long passage describing the glories of the Jewish race and voicing the hopes with which they regarded the future. It was in this atmosphere and under the influence of these methods that the anti-Semitic spirit was born in ancient Alexandria. Thence it was transmitted, as a malign heritage, to the Christian church.
VI. The Wisdom of Solomon. The noblest literary product of the Jews of the dispersion was the apocryphal book known as the Wisdom of Solomon. It was so called because the author assumed the point of view of Solomon. In so doing he did not intend to deceive his contemporaries, but rather followed the common tendency of his day. Although the book has many characteristic Hebrew idioms, which are due to its Jewish authorship, it was without doubt originally written in Greek. Its author was evidently acquainted with the writings of many of the Greek poets and philosophers. He accepted Plato's doctrine of the pre-existence of the soul (8:19, 20), of the limitations of the body (9:15), and of the creation of the world out of formless matter (11:17). He was especially influenced by the beliefs of the Epicureans and Stoics. He was acquainted with Hellenic art, astronomy, and science (7:17-29) and throughout shows the influence of Greek methods of thinking. His rejection of the teachings of the book of Ecclesiastes, his wide learning and his conception of immortality indicate that he lived some time after the beginning of the Maccabean struggle. His reference in 3:1-4 is probably to the persecutions through which the Jews of Egypt passed during the reign of Ptolemy Psycon (140-117 B.C.). On the other hand the book clearly antedates the writings of the Jewish philosopher Philo, who lived during the latter part of the first century B.C. The Wisdom of Solomon, therefore, may be dated somewhere between 100 and 50 B.C.
VII. Its Important Teachings. The author of the Wisdom of Solomon aimed, first, to commend Israel's faith to the heathen by showing that it was in substantial accord with the noblest doctrines of the Greek philosophers, and second, to furnish the Jews of the dispersion, who were conversant with Hellenic thought and yet trained in the religion of their race, a working basis for their thought and practice. From the first it appears to have been highly esteemed by the Jews outside Palestine, although it never found a place in the Palestinian canon. Like most wisdom books, it describes at length the beauty and value of wisdom. The figure of Proverbs 8 and 9 is still further developed under the influence of the Greek tendency to personify abstract qualities. In the mind of the author, however, wisdom is simply an attribute of the Deity which he shares in common with men. The book is unique in two respects: (1) it contains the earliest references in Jewish literature to a personal devil and identifies him with the serpent that tempted the woman in the garden (2:24, cf. Gen. 3) Elsewhere, however, the author traces sin and evil to men's voluntary acts (e.g., 1:16). (2) It teaches the immortality of righteousness and hence, by implication, the immortality of the individual. "God created man for incorruption," and "the souls of the righteous are in his hand." The doctrine here presented is ethical and spiritual rather than the belief in a bodily resurrection already formulated in the twelfth chapter of Daniel. It also teaches that both the good and bad will be rewarded according to their deeds. Its conceptions of God are exalted. He is the incorruptible spirit in all things, just and yet merciful, the lover of men. The book also places side by side with the Jewish teachings regarding men's duties to God and their fellow-men the Greek virtues of moderation, good sense, justice, and courage or fortitude. It also teaches that, like God, each of his children should be a lover of men. Thus the book unites most effectively that which is best in the thought of Judaism and Hellenism and is an earnest of that still nobler union that was later realized in the thought and teachings of Christianity.
Section CXVI. THE DECLINE OF THE MACCABEAN KINGDOM
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 4:1] After Aristobulus died, his wife Salome, who by the Greeks was called Alexandra, released his brothers from prison (for Aristobulus had kept them in confinement), and made Alexander Janneus, who was the oldest, king.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 4:2] Now there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city of Asochis. He indeed slew many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother, Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged and took Gadara and Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were beyond the Jordan, and the most valued of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno, were therein. Thereupon Theodorus marched suddenly against him and took what belonged to himself, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. Alexander, however, recovered from this blow and turned his force toward the maritime districts and took Gaza, Raphia, and Anthedon.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 4:3] But when he had enslaved all these cities, the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival and it looked as though he would not have been able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries come to his aid. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he invaded Arabia, and when he had conquered the Gileadites and Moabites, he commanded them to pay him tribute and returned to Amathus and took the fortress and demolished it.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 4:4, 5] However, when he fought with Obedas, king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush for him near Golan, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley and trampled to pieces by the multitude of camels. And fleeing to Jerusalem because of the greatness of the calamity that had overtaken him, he provoked the multitude, which had hated him before, to make an insurrection against him. He was, however, too strong for them in the various battles that were fought between them and he slew no fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet he had no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own country, until he at length ceased fighting and desired to come to an agreement with them. But his changeability and the irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him and what he should do to appease them they said, "Die."
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 4:4c, 5c, 6a, c] At the same time they invited Demetrius to assist them, and as he readily complied with their request and came with his army, the Jews joined with these their auxiliaries about Shechem. In the battle which followed, Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander's mercenaries performed the greatest exploits. Nevertheless the outcome of this battle proved different from what was expected by both sides, for those who had invited Demetrius to come to them did not continue loyal to him although he was the conqueror, and six thousand Jews out of pity because of the change in Alexander's condition, when he fled to the mountains, went over to him. Demetrius, supposing that all the nation would run to Alexander, left the country and went his way. The rest of the Jewish multitude, however, did not lay aside their quarrels with Alexander when the auxiliaries were gone, but had perpetual war with them until he had slain the greater part of them. Then such a terror seized the people that eight thousand of his opponents fled away the following night out of all Judea and did not return until Alexander died.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 4:8c, d] Alexander also subdued Golan, Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which he took the strong fortress of Gamala. Then he returned into Judea after he had spent three years on this expedition. Now he was gladly received by the nation because of his success. So when he was at rest from war, he fell ill and died, terminating his troubles after he had reigned twenty-seven years.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 5:1] Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra, his wife, and trusted the Jews would readily submit to her, for in opposing his habitual violation of their laws she gained the good-will of the people. Nor was he mistaken in his hopes, for this woman retained the rulership because of her reputation for piety. For she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country and cast those men out of the government who offended against their holy laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made the older, Hyrcanus, high priest, on account of his age and also on account of his inactive temperament.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 5:2, 3a, b] And the Pharisees joined themselves to her in the government and Alexandra henceforth hearkened to them to a great degree. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor little by little and presently became the real administrators of public affairs. They banished and recalled whom they pleased. While she governed the people, the Pharisees governed her. Accordingly, they slew Diogenes, a person of prominence, because he had been a friend of Alexander; they also urged Alexandra to put the rest of those to death who had stirred up Alexander against them. But the chief of those who were in danger fled to Aristobulus. He persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their rank, but to expel them from the city. So when they were given their freedom, they were dispersed over all the country.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 5:4-6:1b] In the meantime Alexandra fell sick and Aristobulus, her younger son, seized this opportunity to get possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to gather together a number of mercenaries and to set himself up as king. But Alexandra, after she had lived nine years, died before she could punish Aristobulus. Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom and to him his mother intrusted it while she was living. But Aristobulus was superior to him in ability and spirits, and when there was a battle between them near Jericho to decide the dispute about the kingdom, the majority deserted Hyrcanus and went over to Aristobulus. But they came to an agreement that Aristobulus should be the king, and that Hyrcanus should resign, but retain all the rest of his dignities.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 6:2, 3] Now the others who opposed Aristobulus were afraid, when he thus unexpectedly came to power. This was especially true of Antipater, whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean and one of the chief men of that nation on account of his ancestry and riches and other authority that belonged to him. He urged Hyrcanus to flee to Aretas, king of Arabia, and to retrieve the kingdom. When he had prepared them both beforehand he took Hyrcanus by night away from the city and escaped to Petra, which is the royal capital of Arabia. Here he put Hyrcanus into Aretas's care. He prevailed with him to give him an army to restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen which Aristobulus was not able to withstand, but was defeated in the first encounter and was driven out of Jerusalem. He would have been taken by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and opportunely raised the siege. This was the Scaurus who was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great when he was fighting against Tigranes. As soon, therefore, as Scaurus arrived in the country, ambassadors came from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance. But Aristobulus's three hundred talents blocked the way of justice. When Scaurus had received this sum, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and Pompey unless they raised the siege. So Aretas was terrified and retired from Judea to Philadelphia.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 6:4-5] When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they fled to Pompey for assistance and besought him to show his disapproval of the violent action of Aristobulus and to restore to him the kingdom, as it justly belonged to him. Aristobulus was also there himself, dressed in regal attire, but Pompey was indignant at his behavior. When Hyrcanus's friends also interceded strongly with Pompey, he took not only his Roman forces but also many of his Syrian auxiliaries and marched against Aristobulus. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis and had come to Korea, he heard that Aristobulus had fled to Alexandrium, which was a stronghold fortified with the greatest magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain, and he sent to him and commanded him to come down. So Aristobulus came down to Pompey and when he had made a long defence of the justness of his rule, he returned to the fortress. Pompey however commanded him to give up his fortified places and forced him to write to each of his governors to surrender. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do, but being displeased, he retired to Jerusalem and prepared to fight with Pompey.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 6:6-7:2b] But Pompey gave him no time to make any preparations and followed at his heels. And Aristobulus was so frightened at his approach that he came and met him as a suppliant. He also promised him money and to deliver up both himself and the city. Yet he did not keep any one of his promises. At this treatment Pompey was very angry and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he had entered the city he looked about to see where he might make his attack, for he saw that the walls were so firm that it would be hard to overcome them and the valley before the walls was terrible and the temple which was in that valley was itself surrounded by such a strong wall that if the city was taken the temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy. Inasmuch as Pompey deliberated a long time, a sedition arose among the people within the city. Aristobulus's party was willing to fight to save their king, while the party of Hyrcanus was ready to open the gates to Pompey. Then Aristobulus's party was defeated and retired into the temple and cut off the communications between the temple and the city by breaking down the bridge which joined them together, and they prepared to resist to the utmost.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 7:3] Pompey himself filled up the ditch which was on the north side of the temple and the entire valley also, the army being obliged to carry the material for this purpose. Indeed, it was difficult to fill up that valley because of its great depth and especially as the Jews from their superior position used all possible means to repel them. As soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 7:4, 5] Now Pompey admired not only the other examples of the Jews' fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were surrounded with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications and all their religious rites were still carried out before God with the utmost exactness. Nor when the temple was taken and they were slain about the altar daily, did they cease from those things that are appointed by their law to be observed. For it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with a great struggle overthrow one of the towers and get into the temple. The greater part of the Jews were slain by their own countrymen of the opposite faction and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down from the walls. Of the Jews twelve thousand were slain, but of the Romans very few, although a greater number were wounded.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 7:6a, b] But there was nothing that affected the nation so much in the calamities which they then suffered as that their holy place, hitherto unseen, should be laid open to strangers. For Pompey and those who were about him went into the temple itself, where it was lawful for the high priest alone to enter, and saw what was deposited therein; but he commanded the ministers about the temple to purify it and to perform their accustomed sacrifices.
[Sidenote: Jos. War, I, 7:7] Moreover he reappointed Hyrcanus high priest, by which he acted the part of a good general and reconciled the people to him rather by kindness than by terrorizing them. He took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken and reduced Judea to its own bounds. Then he made all the haste he could to go through Cilicia on his way to Rome, taking Aristobulus and his two children along with him as captives. One of Aristobulus's sons, Alexander, ran away on the journey, but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, was carried to Rome.
I. The Character and Policy of Alexander Janneus. For the picture of the character of Alexander Janneus we are chiefly dependent upon Josephus, and it is not clear how far this late Jewish historian was influenced by the prevailing prejudices against that ruler who figured as the arch enemy of the Pharisees. The incidents recorded reveal, however, a most sinister character. He was ambitious, but his ambitions were selfish and low. He was energetic and tireless, but his energy was wasted in futile undertakings. Furthermore, he was unscrupulous, vindictive, and merciless. There is not the slightest indication that he was actuated by any worthy ideal of service. To the Jewish state and race it was a great calamity that a man of this type should gain control of the nation at the moment when it had attained its greatest material strength. Under the kindly and wise guidance of Simon the subsequent history of the Jewish state would doubtless have been far different. Janneus's first aim was to establish his power as an absolute despot. He ardently accepted the ideal of an Oriental ruler that had been imposed upon the Jews during the short reign of his brother Aristobulus. In realizing this ambition he met, as did every other king in Israel's history, the strong opposition of the people and a bold assertion of their inherited liberties. His second aim was to break completely the power of the Pharisees. They were the party of the people and had no sympathy with his policies. In them, therefore, he recognized his chief opponents. His third ambition was to extend the territory of the Jewish state to its farthest natural bounds. Soon after the beginning of his reign he succeeded in arousing the bitter hostility of the Greek cities on his eastern and western borders, of the reigning kings of Egypt, and of the rising Arabian power to the south of the Dead Sea. The objects for which he strove were comparatively petty: possession of the cities of Ptolemais and Gaza and of certain east-Jordan cities, such as Gadara and Amathus. He was more often defeated than victorious, but his love of struggle and adventure and lust for conquest ever goaded him on. In desperation his subjects even ventured to call in Demetrius, the governor of Damascus, but when Alexander was driven away in defeat the nation's gratitude and loyalty to the Maccabean house reasserted itself and he was recalled. Instead of granting a general armistice and thus conciliating his distracted people, he treacherously used his new-won power to crucify publicly eight hundred of the Pharisees. Horror and fear seized the survivors, so that, according to Josephus, eight thousand of them fled into exile. After six years of civil war and the loss of fifty thousand lives, Alexander Janneus finally realized his first ambition and became absolute master of his kingdom. In achieving his ambitions, however, he well earned the title by which his contemporaries described him, "the Son of a Thracian," that is, Barbarian.
II. The Effects of His Rule. The disastrous effects of the reign of Alexander Janneus may be briefly recapitulated. They were: (1) the destruction of the loyalty of the majority of the Jews to the Maccabean house; (2) the intensifying of the opposition between Pharisees and Sadducees to the point of murderous hate; (3) the extension of the sphere of Jewish influence from the Mediterranean on the west to the desert on the east, and from the Lebanons to the southern desert; but (4) the draining of the life-blood and energies of the Jewish kingdom, so that it was far weaker and more disorganized than when Janneus came to the throne.
III. Alexandra's Reign (78-69 B.C.). Alexandra was the second queen who reigned in Israel's history. Her policy, unlike that of Athaliah of old, was on the whole constructive. Although she was the wife of Janneus, she reversed his policy, and placed the Pharisees in control. The return of the exiles and the restoration of the prophetic party promised peace and prosperity. The ancient law was expanded and rigorously enforced. According to the Talmud it was during this period that elementary schools were introduced in connection with each synagogue. Their exact nature is not known, but it is probable that the law was the subject studied and that the scribes were the teachers. This change of policy was undoubtedly very acceptable to the people, but the Pharisees made the grave mistake of using their new power to be revenged upon the Sadducean nobles who had supported the bloody policy of Alexander Janneus. They soon suffered the evil consequences of attempting to right wrong by wrong. The Sadducees found in Aristobulus, the ambitious and energetic younger son of Janneus, an effective champion. Alexandra, in permitting them to take possession of the many strongholds throughout the land, also committed a fatal error, for it gave them control of the military resources of the kingdom. Aristobulus was not slow in asserting his power, with the result that even before Alexandra died he had seized seventy-two of the fortresses and had aroused a large part of the people to revolt. While her reign was on the whole peaceful, it was but the lull before the great storm that swept over the nation.
IV. Quarrels between Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. Unfortunately Alexandra's older son, Hyrcanus, was indolent and inefficient. He had been appointed high priest and, when Aristobulus assumed the title of king, he compelled Hyrcanus II to be content with this humbler title. Aristobulus's reign might have been comparatively peaceful had not at this time a new and sinister influence appeared in the troubled politics of Palestine. It was one of the results of John Hyrcanus's forcible judaizing of the Idumeans. Antipater, the son of the Idumean whom Alexander Janneus had made governor of Idumea, recognized in the rivalry between Hyrcanus and Aristobulus an opportunity to mount to power. He first persuaded Hyrcanus to flee to Petra. Then, with the aid of the Arabian king, Aretas, he finally compelled Aristobulus and his followers to seek refuge on the temple hill in Jerusalem. The picture of the Jews divided into two hostile camps and engaged in bitter civil war in the very precincts of the temple under the leadership of the great-grandsons of the patriotic Simon presents a sad contrast to the noble spirit and valiant achievements of the founders of the Maccabean kingdom who had first taken up the sword in defence of the temple and its service.
V. Rome's Intervention. This situation gave Rome its desired opportunity for intervention. Pompey in 70 B.C. made a successful campaign against Mithridates, king of Pontus, and against Tigranes, king of Armenia. Rome's policy was to conquer all of southwestern Asia as far as the Euphrates. Ignoring the peril of the situation, both Aristobulus and Hyrcanus appealed to Pompey's lieutenant, Scaurus. As a result the Arabians were ordered to withdraw, and Aristobulus for a brief time was left master of the situation. In the spring of 63 B.C., however, when Pompey came to Damascus, there appeared before him three embassies, one representing the cause of Aristobulus, another that of Hyrcanus, and still a third presented the request of the Pharisees that Rome assume political control of Palestine and leave them free to devote themselves to the study and application of the their law. The fall of Aristobulus hastened what was now inevitable. Although he was held a prisoner by Pompey, his followers remained intrenched on the temple hill and were conquered only after a protracted siege and the loss of many lives. Aristobulus and his family were carried off captives to Rome to grace Pompey's triumph, and the request of the Pharisees was granted: Rome henceforth held Palestine under its direct control. Thus after a little more than a century (165-63 B.C.) the Jews again lost their independence, and the Maccabean kingdom became only a memory, never to be revived save for a brief moment.
VI. Causes of the Fall of the Jewish Kingdom. The Jewish kingdom fell as the result of causes which can be clearly recognized. It was primarily because the ideals and ambitions of the Maccabean leaders themselves became material and selfish. They proved unable to resist the temptations of success. Greed for power quenched their early patriotism. The material spirit of their age obscured the nobler ideals of their spiritual teachers. The result was a tyranny and corruption that made the later kings misleaders rather than true leaders of their nation. Parallel to the bitter struggle between the kings and their subjects was the bitter feud between the Sadducees and the Pharisees. Normal party rivalry grew into murderous hatred, and in taking revenge upon each other they brought ruin upon the commonwealth. The final end was hastened by the suicidal feud between the brothers Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, fomented by the unprincipled machinations of the Idumean Antipater. In the final crisis the Pharisaic policy of submission and of peace at any cost paved the way for the realization of Rome's ambition and made the ultimate conquest of Palestine practically inevitable. Thus the kingdom, founded in the face of almost insuperable obstacles and consecrated with the life-blood of many heroes, fell ignominiously as the result of the same causes that throughout the ages have proved the ruin of even stronger empires.
VII. Political, Intellectual, and Religious Effects of the Maccabean Struggle. This century of valiant achievement, colossal errors, and overwhelming failure left its deep impression upon the Jewish race. It witnessed the return of many Jews of the dispersion to Jerusalem and Judea and the development of a strong sense of racial unity. Henceforth the Jews throughout the world looked to Jerusalem as their true political and religious capital. The events of this period intensified the ancient feud between Jew and Samaritan and gave the latter ample reason for that hostility toward their southern kinsmen which appears in the Gospel narratives. It was during this age that the parties of the Pharisees and Sadducees finally crystallized and formulated those tenets and policies which guided them during the next century. At this time the foundations were laid for the rule of the house of Herod which exerted such a baleful influence upon the fortunes and destinies of the Jews. It likewise marked the beginning and culmination of Rome's influence over the lands of the eastern Mediterranean and that subjection of the Jews to Gentile rulers which has continued until the present.
The Maccabean period gave to the Jews a greatly enlarged intellectual vision and led them to adopt many of the ideas of their Greek conquerors. In their literature it is easy to recognize the influence of the more logical Greek methods of reasoning and of the scientific attitude toward the universe. It was during this period that the wise were transformed into scribes, and the rule of the scribal method of thinking and interpretation began. The struggles through which the Jews passed intensified their love for the law and the temple services. Duty was more and more defined in the terms of ceremonial, and the Pharisees entered upon that vast and impossible task of providing rules for man's every act. Out of the struggles of the Maccabean period came that fusion of Hellenic and Jewish ideas that has become an important factor in all human thought. At last under the influence of the great crises through which they had passed, the belief in individual immortality gained wide acceptance among the Jews. Side by side with this came the belief in a personal devil and a hierarchy of demons opposed to the divine hierarchy at whose head was Jehovah. Last of all the taste of freedom under a Jewish ruler brought again to the front the kingly messianic hopes of the race, and led them to long and struggle for their realization. Thus in this brief century Judaism attained in many ways its final form, and only in the light of this process is it possible fully to understand and appreciate the background of the New Testament history.
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THE RULE OF ROME
Section CXVII. THE RISE OF THE HERODIAN HOUSE
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 8:2] Now Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from Pompey, after a time gathered together a considerable body of men and made a strong attack upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was on the point of dethroning him. And indeed he would have come to Jerusalem, and would have ventured to rebuild its wall that had been thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who was sent as Scaurus's successor in Syria, showed his bravery by making an attack on Alexander. Alexander, being afraid at his approach, assembled a larger army composed of ten thousand armed footmen and fifteen hundred horsemen.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 8:4a, 5] Now when Gabinius came to Alexandrium, finding a great many encamped there, he tried by promising them pardon for their former offences to attach them to him before it came to fighting; but when they would listen to nothing reasonable, he slew a great number of them and shut up the rest in the citadel. Therefore when Alexander despaired of ever obtaining the rulership, he sent ambassadors to Gabinius and besought him to pardon his offences. He also surrendered to him the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Macherus. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus back to Jerusalem and put him in charge of the temple. He also divided the entire nation into five districts, assigning one to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, another to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and the fifth to Sepphoris, a city of Galilee.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 8:6] Not long after Aristobulus became the cause of new disturbances by fleeing from Rome. He again assembled many of the Jews who were desirous of a change and those who were devoted to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to build a wall about it. But the Romans followed him, and when it came to battle, Aristobulus's party for a long time fought bravely, but at last they were overcome by the Romans and of them five thousand fell. Aristobulus was again carried to Rome by Gabinius.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 8:7] Now when Gabinius set out to make war against the Parthians, Antipater furnished him with money and weapons and corn and auxiliaries, but during Gabinius's absence the other parts of Syria were in insurrection, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, stirred the Jews again to revolt. But at the battle fought near Mount Tabor ten thousand of them were slain and the rest of the multitude scattered in flight. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem and settled the government as Antipater desired.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 8:8] Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the Arabians, whose name was Cypros. And she bore him four sons, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterward king, and besides these Joseph and Pheroras. And he had a daughter by the name of Salome.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 9:1] But after the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond Ionian Sea, Caesar gained possession of Rome and of the Empire and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also intrusted two legions to him and sent him in haste into Syria, hoping that by his efforts he would easily conquer that country and the territory adjoining Judea. But he was poisoned by Pompey's sympathizers.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 9:3a, c, 4a, c, 5a] Now after Pompey died, Antipater changed sides and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And when Mithridates of Pergamus with the force he led against Egypt was shut out from the roads about Pelusium and was forced to stay at Ascalon, Antipater persuaded the Arabians among whom he had lived to assist him and came himself at the head of three thousand armed Jews. He also urged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance. In the attack on Pelusium Antipater distinguished himself pre-eminently, for he pulled down that part of the wall which was opposite him and leaped first of all into the city with the men who were about him. Thus was Pelusium taken. Moreover, as he was marching on, those Jews who inhabited the district called Onias stopped him, but Antipater not only persuaded them not to hinder but also to supply provisions for their army. Thereupon in the Delta Antipater fell upon those who pursued Mithridates and slew many of them and pursued the rest till he captured their camp, while he lost no more than eighty of his own men. Thereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous enterprises for him by giving him great commendations and hopes of reward. In all these enterprises Antipater showed himself a most venturesome warrior, and he had many wounds almost all over his body as proofs of his courage.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 9:5b] And when Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt and returned again into Syria, he gave Antipater the rights of a Roman citizen and freedom from taxes, and made him an object of admiration because of the other honors and marks of friendship that he bestowed upon him. It was on this account that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 10:1, 2a, 3a] It was about this time that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar and became in a surprising manner the cause of Antipater's further advance. For he proceeded to denounce Hyrcanus and Antipater. Then Antipater threw off his garments and showed the many wounds he had, and said that regarding his good will to Caesar it was not necessary for him to say a word because his body cried aloud, though he himself said nothing. When Caesar heard this he declared Hyrcanus to be most deserving of the high priesthood, and Antipater was appointed procurator of all Judea and also obtained permission to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 10:4] As soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild the walls of his own country. Then he went over the country and quieted the tumults therein. And at this time he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive and not capable of managing the affairs of the kingdom. So Antipater appointed his oldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem and the surrounding territory. He also sent his second son, Herod, who was very young, with equal authority into Galilee.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 10:5a, b] Now Herod was a very active man and soon found a field for his energy. When, therefore, he found that Hezekias, leader of the robbers, overran the adjoining parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him and many more of the robbers. This exploit was especially pleasing to the Syrians, so that songs were sung in Herod's commendation both in the villages and in the cities, because he had secured peace for them and had preserved their possessions.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 11:1, 4] At this time a mighty war arose among the Romans after the treacherous murder of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus. Accordingly Cassius came into Syria and assumed command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities to such a degree that they were not able to endure it. During the war between Cassius and Brutus on the one side, against the younger Caesar (Augustus) and Antony on the other, Cassius and Murcus gathered an army out of Syria. And because Herod had furnished a great part of the necessities, they made him procurator of all Syria and gave him an army of infantry and cavalry. Cassius promised him also that after the war was over he would make him king of Judea. But it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of Antipater's destruction. For inasmuch as a certain Malichus was afraid of this, he bribed one of the king's cup-bearers to give a poisoned potion to Antipater. Thus he became a sacrifice to Malichus's wickedness and died after the feast.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 11:6, 12:3] Herod, however, avenged himself upon Malichus. And those who hitherto did not favor him now joined him because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus, for he had formerly married a wife from his own country of noble blood, Doris by name, who bore to him Antipater. Now he planned to marry Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus and the grandson of Hyrcanus.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 12:4, 5] But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi and Caesar had gone to Italy and Antony to Asia, the great men of the Jews came and accused Phasaelus and Herod that they held the government by force and that Hyrcanus had nothing more than an honorable name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation, and having made Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, influenced him not to listen to the charges spoken against him by enemies. After this a hundred of the principal men among the Jews came to Antony at Daphne near Antioch and accused Phasaelus and Herod. But Massala opposed them and defended the brothers with the help of Hyrcanus. When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party was best fitted to govern. Hyrcanus replied that Herod and his party were the best fitted. Therefore Antony appointed the brothers tetrarchs, and intrusted to them the rulership of Judea.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 13:1a, Jos. Ant. XIV, 13:10] Now two years after, when Barzaphanes, a Parthian governor, and Pacorus, the king's son, had captured Syria, they were persuaded by the promise of a thousand talents and five hundred women to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom and to turn Hyrcanus out of it. Thus Antigonus was brought back into Judea by the king of the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus as prisoners. Being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the multitude, Antigonus cut off his ears and thereby guarded against the possibility that the high priesthood would ever come to him again, inasmuch as he was maimed, and the law required that this dignity should belong to none but those who had all their members intact. Phasaelus, perceiving that he was to be put to death, dashed his head against a great stone and thereby took away his own life.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 13:7, 8c, 14:1b, 2] Herod, however, went off by night, taking those nearest related to him. As soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after him, but when at every assault he had slain a great many of them, he came to the stronghold of Masada, and there he left eight hundred of his men to guard the women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he himself hastened to Petra in Arabia. He was not able, however, to find any friendship among the Arabians, for their king sent to him and commanded him to turn back immediately from the country. So when Herod found that the Arabians were his enemies, he turned back to Egypt. And when he came to Pelusium, he could not obtain passage from those who lay with the fleet. Therefore he besought their captains to let him go with them. So out of respect for the fame and rank of the man they carried him to Alexandria. And when he came to the city, he was received with great splendor by Cleopatra, who hoped he might be persuaded to be the commander of her forces in the expedition she was about to undertake. But he rejected the queen's entreaty and sailed for Rome, where first of all he went to Antony and laid before him the calamities that had overtaken himself and his family.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 14:4] Thereupon Antony's pity was aroused because of the change that had come about in Herod's affairs, so he then resolved to have him made king of the Jews. Herod found Caesar even more ready than Antony because he recalled the campaigns through which he had gone with Herod's father, Antipater, in Egypt, and his hospitable treatment and good will in all things. Besides he recognized the energy of Herod. Accordingly he called the senate together. There Messala, and after him Atratinus, introduced Herod to them and gave a full account of his father's merits and of his own good will to the Romans. Antony also came in and told them that it was to their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king. So they all gave their votes for it. And when the senate disbanded, Antony and Caesar went out with Herod between them. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 15:3a,b, 4, 16:1] Herod then sailed from Italy and came to Ptolemais. And as soon as he had assembled a considerable army of foreigners and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus. The number of his forces increased each day as he went along, and all Galilee with few exceptions joined him. After this Herod took Joppa, and then he marched to Masada to free his kinsmen. Then he marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers who were with the Roman general Silo joined his own, as did many from the city because they feared his power. Herod did not lie idle, but seized Idumea and held it with two thousand footmen and four hundred horsemen. He also removed his mother and all his kinsmen, who had been at Masada, to Samaria. And when he had settled them securely, he marched to capture the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons of Antigonus.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 17:1] In the meantime Herod's fortunes in Judea were not in a favorable condition. He had left his brother Joseph with full authority, but had commanded him to make no attacks against Antigonus until his return. But as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was at a great distance, he disregarded the command he had received and marched toward Jericho with five cohorts. But when his enemies attacked him in the mountains and in a place where it was difficult to pass, he was killed as he was fighting bravely in the battle, and all the Roman cohorts were destroyed.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 17:8, 9] Now near the end of winter Herod marched to Jerusalem and brought his army up to its wall. This was the third year after he had been made king at Rome. So he pitched his camp before the temple, for on that side it might be besieged and there Pompey had formerly captured the city. Accordingly he divided the work among the army and laid waste the suburbs, and gave orders to raise three mounds and to build towers upon these mounds. But he himself went to Samaria to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, who had been betrothed to him before. And when he was thus married, he came back to Jerusalem with a greater army.
[Sidenote: Jos. Jew. War, I, 18:1, 2c, 4a] Now the multitude of the Jews who were in the city were divided into several factions. For the people that crowded about the temple, being the weaker party, became fanatical and raved wildly over the situation. But some of the bolder men gathered together in companies, and began robbing in many different ways and especially plundering the provisions that were about the city, so that no food was left over for the horses or the men. After a siege of five months some of Herod's chosen men ventured upon the wall and fell into the city. They first captured the environs of the temple, and as the army poured in there was a slaughter of vast multitudes everywhere, on account of the rage in which the Romans were because of the length of the siege, and because the Jews who were about Herod were eager that none of their opponents should remain. Thereupon Herod made those who were on his side still more his friends by the honors he conferred upon them; but those of Antigonus's party he slew.
I. The Fruitless Struggle against Rome. The first quarter century of Roman rule was in many ways the most complex in Israel's intricate history. There were three chief actors in the drama: (1) Rome, represented first by the leaders of the Republic and later by Pompey, Caesar, and their successors; (2) the popular Jewish party led by Aristobulus and his son Alexander, and Antigonus; and (3) Antipater, supported by his able sons Phasaelus and Herod. Rome's general policy was to allow the Jews as much freedom as possible, but above all to hold Palestine under firm control, for it lay on the eastern border and faced Parthia, the one foe that had successfully defied the powerful mistress of the Mediterranean. The popular Jewish party bitterly resented Rome's interference. True, the Pharisees welcomed the relief from civil war, but they could not hold the majority of the people in leash. The inoffensive Hyrcanus was left in possession of the high-priesthood and from time to time was elevated to positions of nominal civil authority, but he was little more than the plaything of circumstance and party intrigue. The ambitions of Aristobulus and his sons kept Palestine in a state of constant political ferment. Three times in five years they stirred the Jews to rebellion against Rome. The first rebellion was in 57 B.C. and was led by Alexander. He was ultimately driven by the Roman general to Alexandria, the fortress that overlooks the middle-Jordan Valley, and was finally forced to surrender. The three great fortresses, Alexandria, Machaerus, and Hyrcanium, were thrown down, and the Jewish state was divided into five districts. Each of these was under a local council consisting of the leading citizens. These reported directly to the Roman proconsul. To neutralize still further the Jewish national spirit, the Hellenic cities in and about Palestine were restored, given a large measure of independence, and placed directly under the control of Rome's representative in the East.
The second rebellion followed quickly and was led by Aristobulus. He was soon obliged, however, to take refuge in the fortress of Machaerus, east of the Dead Sea, where he was captured and sent back again as a captive to Rome. The third rebellion was led by Alexander. It was more formidable, and in the end more disastrous, for the Jews were signally defeated in a battle near Mount Tabor. The only permanent results of these uprisings were the intensifying of Jewish hatred of Roman rule and the increasing of Rome's suspicion of this rebellious people. It was this suspicion that made it possible for the high-priestly party at a later time to force the Roman governor Pilate to put to death one whom he recognized to be an inoffensive Galilean peasant simply because he was accused of having assumed the historic title, King of the Jews.
II. Antipater's Policy. Through the troublesome first quarter-century of Roman rule Antipater and his family prospered because they were able at every turn in the political fortunes of Syria to make themselves increasingly useful to Rome. At many critical periods he was able to save the Jews from calamity and to secure for them valuable privileges. There is a certain basis for Josephus's over-enthusiastic assertion that he was "a man distinguished for his piety, justice, and love of his country" (Jos. Ant. XIV, 11:4c).
Although Hyrcanus was but a tool in Antipater's hands, he never attempted to depose him, and apparently always treated him with respect. To steer successfully through the stormy period during which Rome made the transition from the republican to the monarchical form of government was a difficult task. When Crassus came as the representative of the First Triumvirate, Antipater's gifts and tact were not sufficient to prevent the Roman from plundering the treasures of the temple.
Fortunately for the peace of Judea, during the civil war that followed between Pompey and Caesar, the deposed Jewish king Aristobulus and his son Alexander were both put to death. After the decisive battle of Pharsalia in 48 B.C. Antipater quickly espoused the cause of Caesar, and performed valuable services for him at a time when the great Roman was threatened by overwhelming forces. By his influence with the people of Syria and Egypt and by his personal acts of bravery he won the favors that Caesar heaped upon him and upon the Jewish people. The old territorial division instituted by Gabinius was abolished, Hyrcanus was confirmed in the high-priesthood, and Antipater was made procurator of Judea. Joppa was restored to the Jewish state, the gerusia, the chief assembly of the Jews, was given certain of its old judicial rights, and permission was granted to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem. The Jews were also freed from the duty of supporting Roman soldiers and of serving the Roman legions. The tribute was also in part remitted on the sabbatical year, and the Jews of Palestine and throughout the Roman Empire were confirmed in their religious privileges. Thus Caesar proved himself a friend of the Jews and established precedents to which they frequently appealed in later crises.
III. Herod's Early Record. Among the many rewards conferred upon Antipater was the appointment of his son Phasaelus as governor of Jerusalem and his younger son Herod as governor of Galilee. Thus while still a young man Herod was given an opportunity to demonstrate his ability and energy. He at once took measures to put down the robber bands that infested Galilee, and executed their leader, Hezekias. He won thereby the gratitude of the Galileans and the approval of Rome. Hyrcanus and the sanhedrin at Jerusalem, however, viewed this assumption of authority with suspicion and alarm. When Herod was summoned before them, he appeared in full military armor and was accompanied by a military following. Provoked by his boldness, the sanhedrin would have sentenced him to death had not the local Roman governor interfered. The action of the sanhedrin aroused Herod's spirit of revenge, and before long, gathering his forces, he marched against Jerusalem and would have put to death the Jewish leaders had not his father dissuaded him.
The assassination of Caesar in 44 B.C., followed by the battle of Philippi in 42, changed the political horizon of Palestine. Antipater and his sons, however, following their usual policy, pledged in succession their loyalty to Cassius and Antony, with the result that greater honors were conferred upon them. It was at this crisis that Malichus, a certain Jewish noble, inspired by jealousy and suspicion, treacherously murdered his rival, Antipater. Herod retaliated by instigating the assassination of the murderer, but soon a series of calamities swept over Judea which threatened to obliterate completely the house of Antipater.
IV. The Parthian Conquest. During the struggle between Antony and the assassins of Julius Caesar Rome's eastern outposts were left exposed. Their old foes, the Parthians, improved this opportunity to seize northern Syria. Encouraged by the presence of the Parthians, Antigonus, the younger son of Aristobulus, in 41 B.C. entered Palestine. With the aid of the Parthians and of the Jews who were opposed to Herod he ultimately succeeded in establishing himself as king. Antipater and Herod's brother Phasaelus became the victims of the Parthian treachery, and Herod after many adventures succeeded in escaping with his family to the strong fortress of Masada at the southwestern end of the Dead Sea. Leaving them under the care of his brother Joseph, Herod after many discouragements and vicissitudes finally found his way to Rome. Unfortunately for the cause of Jewish independence, Antigonus lacked the essential qualities of leadership. Instead of arousing the loyalty of his subjects his chief concern was to take vengeance upon Herod's followers and upon all who had supported the house of Antipater.
V. Herod Made King of the Jews. Herod went to Rome to urge the appointment of Aristobulus III, the grandson of Hyrcanus and the brother of Herod's betrothed wife Mariamne, as king of Judea. Antony and Octavian, to whom he appealed, were rightly suspicious of the survivors of the Maccabean house and appreciative of the services of Herod and his father Antipater. Therefore, to his complete surprise, they offered him the kingship, and their nomination was speedily confirmed by the senate. History presents no stranger nor more dramatic sight than Herod, the Idumean, accompanied by Antony and Octavian, going to the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill to offer sacrifices in connection with his assumption of the historic title, King of the Jews. At first it was an empty title, but the energy of Herod and the resources of Rome sufficed in time to make it real. In the spring of 39 B.C. Herod landed at Ptolemais and with the apathetic aid of the Roman generals in Palestine began to organize the Jews who rallied about him. Marching down the Mediterranean coast, he succeeded at last in relieving his family, who were besieged at Masada. Idumea and Galilee were then brought into subjection, and after two years of fighting he won an important battle at Isana, a little north of Bethel, which gave him possession of all of Judea except Jerusalem. The final contest for the capital city continued through several months, for Antigonus and his followers realized that they could expect little mercy from Herod and the Romans. Thousands of Jews were slaughtered, but at last the temple itself was captured, and Herod was in fact as well as in name King of the Jews. Antigonus pled in vain for mercy. Departing from their usual policy of clemency toward native rulers, the Romans caused him first to be scourged as a common criminal and then ignominiously beheaded. Thus the Maccabean dynasty, which had risen in glory, went down in shame, a signal illustration of the eternal principle that selfish ambitions and unrestrained passions in an individual or family sooner or later bring disgrace and destruction. While the siege of Jerusalem was still in progress, Herod went north to Samaria and there consummated his long-delayed marriage with Mariamne, the daughter of Hyrcanus, thus in part attracting to himself the loyalty which the Jews had bestowed so lavishly and disastrously upon the unworthy sons of Alexander Janneus.