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The negro: the southerner's problem

Chapter 17: FOOTNOTES:
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About This Book

A collection of essays by a Southern writer analyzes the legacy of slavery and the evolving relationship between Southern whites and Black people, surveying historical background, social and statistical conditions, and public policy responses. The author identifies perceived errors in past approaches, examines causes and prevention of mob violence, and addresses disfranchisement, education, labor, and local customs. Combining observation and argument, the essays assess present tensions and propose practical measures aimed at reconciling competing interests and seeking a long-term resolution to the racial question affecting the region.

FOOTNOTES:

[48] Mr. Moorfield Storey.

[49] Mr. Carl Schurz.

[50] For conditions in the South during that period, see post, chapter on The Race Problem.

[51] In 1860 there were, of Negro men of voting age in New Hampshire, 149; in Vermont, 194; in Massachusetts, 2,512, and in New York, 12,989. In New York alone, prior to 1868, was a Negro allowed by express provision to vote; but a Negro voter was subject to a property qualification of $250 not applicable to the white voter.—Thorp’s Const. Hist, of the U. S., pp. 226-7.

[52] See “The Fifteenth Amendment. An Account of its Enactment,” p. 5. A. Caperton Braxton. Everett-Waddey Co., Richmond, Va.

The Reconstruction Act forced through Congress in August, 1864, by the radical wing of the Republican Party, and vetoed by Mr. Lincoln by a pocket veto, expressly limited the franchise to adult whites. The platform of the Republican Party on which Lincoln was renominated and reëlected in November, 1864, made no reference to Negro suffrage. During this year (1864) the Union people adopted new or amended old constitutions in Arkansas, Connecticut, Kansas, Louisiana, Maryland, Nevada, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Virginia, but no mention was made of Negro suffrage except to exclude it. Id.

In December, 1865, when the question of the establishment of Negro suffrage in the District of Columbia was submitted to the voters there, the vote stood, in Georgetown, 1 vote for and 812 votes against the measure, and in Washington, 35 votes for and 6,521 votes against the measure. Id., p. 27.

In September, 1865, the question was submitted to the voters of the Territory of Colorado. The vote stood 476 for and 4,192 against it. Ib.

In June, 1866, the people of Nebraska adopted a constitution which limited suffrage to whites. In October, 1867, the proposition for Negro suffrage in Ohio was voted down by over 50,000 majority. In November of that year the people of Kansas and Minnesota “voted it down by large majorities.” Id., p. 29.

In November, 1868, the people of Iowa voted to strike out the word “white” from the Constitution. In this State by the census of 1870 there were 289,162 whites and 1,542 blacks. The vote, however, on this measure was 22,000 less than that for the Republican ticket. Id., p. 39, citing Tribune Almanac for 1869, p. 75.

In November, 1868, the people of Minnesota once more voted on the measure, and this time it was carried through by only about three-fifths of the majority given the Republican ticket. By the census of 1870 there were in that State 114,344 adult white men and 246 adult Negro men. Id., p. 40.

In 1868, in Missouri, the measure was voted down by 18,000 majority. Ib.

In Michigan, in 1868, when the Republican Party carried the State by nearly 32,000 majority, the question of Negro suffrage was voted down by nearly 39,000 majority. Ib.

In 1869 the people of New York defeated the proposed measure by over 32,000 majority, and the Legislature of that State rescinded a former act of the previous Legislature, which had, by a majority of two, ratified the Fifteenth Amendment. Id., p. 65.

On the 4th of March, 1869, in Indiana, seventeen Senators and thirty-six Representatives resigned from the Legislature to break a quorum and prevent the ratification of the amendment. Every one of these, with a single exception, was subsequently reëlected by the people. Id., p. 66-7.

Meantime, under the “Reconstruction Acts,” the amendment was forced on the South. Seven of the Southern States ratified it by the Negro vote, the whites being generally disfranchised, while in three of them—Virginia, Mississippi and Texas—ratification was assented to as a condition of readmission to the Union. Ib.

See also Eckenrode’s “Reconstruction in Virginia,” Johns Hopkins Press, 1904.

[53] For such an instance, see Dr. H. M. Field’s “Sunny Skies and Dark Shadows.”

[54] 1 Cr. 137; 118 U. S. Rep. 142.

[55] For example, in 1880 the vote of

North Carolina was 81 per cent. of its voting population.
Massachusetts 56
South Carolina 82
Rhode Island 37
Mississippi 49
Vermont 66
Alabama 58
Florida 83

Maryland’s vote for each Congressman at the last Congressional election (1902) averaged:

Maryland 44,085
Illinois 45,275
New York 41,826
Pennsylvania 36,662
North Carolina 29,267
Virginia 26,409
Massachusetts 29,628
Rhode Island 28,284
Vermont 28,108
Maine 26,430
South Dakota 96,131
Colorado 92,167
Alabama 17,731
Florida 12,677
Georgia 11,155
Louisiana 9,770
Mississippi 7,388
South Carolina 7,259

[56] Address of Mr. Charles A. Gardiner, cited ante.

[57] See the Romanes Lectures, 1902: The Relations of the Advanced and the Backward Races of Mankind. By James Bryce, D.C.L.