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The New Democracy: A handbook for Democratic speakers and workers

Chapter 67: FOOTNOTES:
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About This Book

A practical handbook for party speakers and organizers that describes creating a volunteer speakers bureau and training school, forming and strengthening local clubs, and deploying volunteers for continuous grassroots propaganda. It presents concise approaches to speechcraft and campaigning, methods for converting popular support into local victories, and tactics for exposing opponents' broken promises. The text warns against internal corruption and infiltration by wealthy interests, urging vigilance in selecting leaders and maintaining party purity, and combines organizational plans with strategic advice intended to keep activists focused on steady, disciplined work rather than ad hoc or leader-centered efforts.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See Republic, March 20, 1897.

[2] Witness the following extracts:

Police Commissioner Bannerman in Globe-Democrat, March 22, 1897:

"The trouble was all started by Ed. Devoy refusing to allow Bond's name to go before the convention as chairman. The whole thing was a scheme on his (Devoy's) part to split the convention. Of course it was wrong to send Judge Bond to the Four Courts in a patrol wagon."

Republic editorial, March 21, 1897:

"Committee Chairman Devoy made a mistake in surrendering the gave before the delegates had elected a temporary chairman. A convention holds within itself the right to choose its temporary officers."

Post-Dispatch editorial, March 31, 1897:

"The blundering began with Chairman Devoy. It was his duty to recognize any delegate who desired to move a substitute for the committee's report. Devoy failed in his duty and furnished provocation for all that subsequently occurred."

Post-Dispatch editorial, March 22, 1897:

"Dr. Lutz had no right to a place on the platform until he was chosen temporary chairman by a vote of the convention. He had no more right than any casual visitor to himself take the vote of the convention on himself as temporary chairman. The plain fact is that the whole of these preliminary proceedings were in every particular irregular, unparliamentary and void."

Post-Dispatch editorial, March 23, 1897:

"The delegates who asserted their right to choose their temporary officers were within their right in doing so, and in fact only did their duty. THE RIGHT IS SACRED."

Globe-Democrat, March 23, 1897:

"The attitude of Assistant Chief Kiely is regarded as having been strained in the interest of the Harrison crowd and significant of the Police Commissioners' domination in Democratic politics."

[3] Special suggestions for Sunday work see chapter IX.

[4] Of course the most effective methods of presenting our cause can only be hinted at in a text-book. A month or several months of personal training is requisite to give the student a real understanding of the difference between the old method and the new. It is, therefore, urged that as many of the younger speakers as possible attend and take direct, personal instruction from the Faculty of the Volunteers' School in St. Louis.

[5] Advertising methods: Tickets afford the best method of advertising meetings of all kinds. It is a personal, definite invitation, and the surest "crowd-gatherer." In large cities it may be necessary to issue from fifty thousand to one hundred thousand, and have them carefully distributed, in order to get out two thousand persons. In smaller places the percentage of waste is not so great. Get the co-operation of the press, if possible, but do not rely upon it. To the last moment there is always danger of its deserting to the money power, as the latter can bring almost irresistible pressure to bear upon it. Print on every ticket a short list of the best books, i. e., Lloyd's "Wealth against Commonwealth," Ely's "Socialism and Social Reform," "Ten Men of Money Island," "Coin's Financial School," etc.

[6] A volume of songs, prepared for our volunteer work, and for all sorts of Democratic meetings, will be ready shortly, and can be obtained of our National Bureau or from any of our volunteers.

[7] A letter lies before me now from a talented and earnest young minister of the Episcopal church, in which the writer despairingly declares that he dare not preach the social and economic doctrines of Christ, lest he bring ruin upon his wife and children. "The money-power," he declares, "has control of the church and Christ's ministers must either trim their sails to catch the wind of its favor or suffer temporal shipwreck. It is easy to say that the Christian should be ready to meet any martyrdom, but it is equally true that it is not from within the bosom of the church that such trials should come."

[8] For part of this chapter credit is due to Carl Vrooman.

[9] See detailed account of the lawless Anarchistic methods used by Standard Oil Trust to destroy competitors in "Wealth Against Commonwealth" by H. D. Lloyd.

[10] When a monopoly becomes a government monopoly, its nature changes entirely, and all that was objectionable disappears. The evil pertaining to a monopoly is its exclusiveness. When private monopoly becomes government monopoly, it is no longer exclusive, for the whole people enjoy its benefits alike. Unity of administration is not an evil if the resulting benefits are shared by all. The only possible way to destroy the great monopolies is to convert them into government functions, and administer them as the post office, the army, navy, weather service, the public schools and parks are now managed. There is no other way to destroy our new industrial despotism.

Read "Socialism and Social Reform," by Prof. R. T. Ely; also "Wealth against Commonwealth," by H. D. Lloyd.

[11] If you want legal evidence to prove the existence of gigantic steals and robberies, read Lloyd's "Wealth Against Commonwealth," Harper Bros., and the "Seven Financial Conspiracies."