The Paladins of Edwin the Great

CHAPTER I

FALLEN ROME

In the end of the sixth century the old Rome, the lingering remnant of the imperial city, had nearly disappeared. Language, literature, art, science were being crushed out, not so much by inroads of barbarians as by the bigotry of bishops and monks. When the Goths, under Alaric, entered Rome by the Salarian gate in 410 and revelled in pillage for six days, they did little or no damage to buildings or works of art. Half a century afterwards, when Genseric sacked the city for fourteen days, he only carried off the gilt–bronze tiles on the roof of the Capitoline temple of Jupiter and the spoils from the temple of Jerusalem; and during the sack of Ricimer little injury was done to buildings. Rome suffered more from Totila in 546 than from any former sack, half the walls being destroyed and many houses being burnt.

Theodoric the Goth established his capital at Ravenna. He took steps to protect the monuments of Rome, and his reign from 493 to 526 may be considered to have been the period which saw the last of the true Romans. Cassiodorus strove to preserve the rapidly failing taste for the models of classical antiquity. Boethius, the last of the Romans whom Cato or Cicero would have acknowledged as their countryman, threw a flickering ray over the fallen empire. But both Boethius and his learned friend Symmachus were murdered by Theodoric in 526. Long before this the last joyous festivals of old Rome, the Lupercalia, had been abolished through the bigotry of Pope Gelasius, and with them disappeared all living vestiges of the old life. The buildings were imperishable. The shell was there amidst dirt and desolation; the life was gone. Monks pulled down or defaced the edifices and statues raised by genius, and the beautiful temple of Apollo gave place to the cells of Benedict on the summit of Monte Cassino.

Belisarius and Narses recovered Italy for the emperors of the East in 536, and Justinian fixed the capital of his exarch or governor at Ravenna, not at Rome. But the walls of Rome were repaired, and partially rebuilt. Only thirty years afterwards Alboin, with an army of Lombards, conquered Northern Italy without encountering any opposition, established an oppressive aristocracy in the subjugated provinces, and extended his inroads to the gates of Rome. This was the condition of affairs when Mystacon arrived at the mouth of the Tiber with his merchandise. Maurice Tiberius, the best of the Eastern emperors, had ascended the throne at Constantinople in 582. His exarch Romanus ruled at Ravenna. Young Autharis had succeeded Alboin as king of the Lombards in 586, and his armies kept Rome in perpetual fear. The suburbs were constantly devastated. The city was vacant and solitary: the depopulation had been rapid. Famine was frequent, the edifices were exposed to ruin, and the chief person in the city was the Bishop, who exulted over the desolation of idolatry. His name was Pelagius II., but the ecclesiastic who possessed the greatest influence over the miserable remnant of the inhabitants was the Deacon Gregory. He was a native of the city, born in 544, and his parents, Gordian and Sylvia, were of senatorial rank. He was also wealthy, and he had founded a monastery on the Caelian Hill, dedicated to St. Andrew. He was learned in the Scriptures and in the works of the early fathers of the Church, and was a voluminous writer both of letters and of commentaries. While acting as the Pope's nuncio at Constantinople, he had occupied himself in a violent controversy with the Eutychians on the question whether, after the resurrection, the bodies of the faithful would be impalpable like air, or palpable though subtle and sublimed. The former view was the heresy which Gregory, with the important aid of the Emperor, effectually suppressed. He then returned to Rome, and maintained his influence by relieving distress through his great wealth and his organising ability, and also by the power of his pathetic but rude eloquence. But he was a narrow–minded bigot. He hated the monuments of classic genius, destroyed the magnificent baths and theatres, and did more harm to the buildings of Rome than all the barbarians, from Alaric to Totila, put together. The decided progress made by the ancients in astronomy and geography was declared to be contrary to scriptural truth, sculpture was condemned as an ally of paganism, and both science and art disappeared. The belief of Gregory that the end of the world was close at hand also had a mischievous tendency. As a young man he was often tormented with pains in the bowels, and was continually suffering from low fever, and these ailments probably had their effect on his temperament. His zeal for the spread of Christianity perhaps atones for his shortcomings in other respects, and at all events Gregory was the leading figure in the Rome of the end of the sixth century.

The son of the Senator Gordian was not the only wealthy man in Rome, or it would have been no place for Mystacon and his wares. Patricians, with incomes from estates in Campania and Sicily, still lived in some of the ruins of departed greatness on the Caelian Hill. We meet with the names of Decius, Basilius, Olybrius, Orestes, Maximus, Symmachus, and Pamphronius. But the sons and daughters of others were reduced to penury, and many descendants of consuls and senators were begging their bread in the streets.

Pamphronius was one of those who, by flight on some occasions and prompt submission on others, had succeeded in preserving sufficient of this world's goods to enable him to live in a partially–rebuilt villa, and to show signs of comparative wealth. He had a few clients round him, and was a customer of Mystacon.

Symmachus Boethius was another survivor of an ancient and renowned family. His maternal ancestor had been a bright model of learning and virtue in the days of Constantine and his immediate successors. Scholar, statesman, and orator, he gave new life and vigour to the literature of Rome, and he was zealous for the ancient faith. He remonstrated with the Emperor Gratian on the removal of the altar of victory from the Senate in 384. His letters are extant, and that in favour of the altar of victory is, we are told, infinitely superior to the verbose, abusive, and dishonest reply of St. Ambrose. Proconsul in Achaia and Africa, he had great wealth, estates in Campania, Sicily, and Mauritania, and a mansion on the Caelian Hill. His descendants for four generations were all distinguished. The fifth in descent, named Quintus Aurelius Memmius Symmachus, had an only daughter Rusticiana. She was happily married to Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, whose father was consul in 487. Boethius was famous for his learning and for his charities. He was accused of a wish to free Rome from the Goths, was condemned unheard, and put to death, with his son, by order of Theodoric. His Consolatio Philosophiæ, written in prison, shows that he was not a Christian. Rusticiana was reduced to poverty until her property was restored by Theodoric's daughter Amalasontha. At the sack of Rome in 541 she was again reduced to beggary, and was only saved from death by the intervention of Totila.

Anicius Severinus Boethius, the son of the great Boethius and of Rusticiana, was consul in 522, and died, soon after his mother, in 570. He had succeeded in recovering his Sicilian estates, and in raising the fortunes of his family sufficiently to be able to reside in the fine old mansion of the Symmachus family on the Caelian. His son Symmachus Boethius continued to prosper, and, at the time of which we speak, he was one of the few wealthy patricians of Rome. His wife was a virtuous lady named Otacilia. His villa made some pretensions to its ancient splendour, and its owner, now a man between fifty and sixty, outwardly conformed to the Christian religion, as all who valued their peace and safety were bound to do in those days. The religion of Ambrose and of Gregory became a persecuting religion as soon as its hierarchy had the power to persecute. In this and in other essentials it differed widely from the religion of Christ. By ready conformity the patricians Pamphronius and Symmachus Boethius maintained friendly relations with the Deacon Gregory and his monks of St. Andrew, who were their neighbours on the Caelian Hill. They were consulted on the affairs of the city, especially on the absorbing questions relating to food–supply, but all real power was in the hands of the Bishop and clergy, whose preaching swayed the mob. Gregory was, indeed, a remarkable personality. His character presented a singular mixture of sense and superstition, pride and humility, simplicity and cunning; and through all there was that touch of sympathy which secured the support of the multitude, and that burning and impulsive zeal which seemed to carry all before it, and which was mainly directed to the propagation of his faith. His worst trait was his unprincipled time–serving. When the good Emperor Maurice was murdered, whom he knew well, and from whom he had received much kindness, he wrote a flattering letter to his murderer Phocas, one of the most infamous wretches that ever disgraced the purple, which is worded in a way that is simply revolting. It needs much zeal to atone for such baseness.

These were the leaders of Rome, but not of living Rome. They were like small crabs in a great dead shell. It is difficult to realise the effect on the mind of any one then coming to Rome for the first time, and gazing upon the superb baths and theatres, the splendid temples and halls in long vistas, all desolate and abandoned, with here and there a priceless work of art thrown down and broken. Everywhere silence and desolation, except where some monk might be seen preaching to a squalid group, or where half–starved crowds assembled at church doors for doles of food. The population had dwindled from millions to thousands, and clergy had taken the place of soldiery and well–to–do citizens of the empire, but in much smaller numbers. Still there were a few wealthy people, sufficient to induce traders to expose valuable goods for sale.

Mystacon, when he arrived in his vessel, found the port of Ostia quite empty, and there was ample space at his disposal in the long row of dilapidated emporia facing the Tiber, at the foot of Mount Aventine. Here his goods were warehoused until the day of the market, which was then held in the beautiful Forum of Trajan. He now had to disclose his real intention to the English boys. He had safely housed them in a large room, with plenty of his own hirelings always more or less on guard outside. He opened his communication by dwelling upon his kindness and liberality, on having saved their lives when the sea–thieves would have killed them, and on the gratitude they owed him. At last the truth came out. He would be obliged to sell them in the market, owing to the great expense they had been to him, and if a sufficient sum could not be obtained, he would have to take them to Ravenna or to Constantinople. He was unprepared for the outburst of rage and fury with which his base scheme was received by the little boys. They told him that Hereric was an atheling, and that all were the sons of thegns, better born than any one in Rome. Their eyes flamed with Berserker madness as they cried out that they would kill him as they would kill a wild–cat or a badger, and Forthere actually flew at his throat. The coward was taken by surprise. He cried out for help, and could not collect his ideas and decide upon the course to take until the lads were all tied hand and foot. He was in great perplexity. A violent scene at the market was out of the question. His wish was to flog them within an inch of their lives; but, as he had told his deceased accomplices, damaged goods only fetch half–price. He must display them with whole skins. At last he determined to starve them into submission. He told them that they would have no food until they consented to go quietly to the Forum, and left them with the door well barred. For more than thirty–six hours they resolutely held out, but the bigger boys could not bear to hear little Godric and Sivel crying for food. They turned to Porlor for his counsel. None of them had been more furious, none of them now felt a stronger desire to kill the treacherous villain who had employed the kidnappers, as they now fully believed. He said that the shame was almost more than they could bear, but that it would at least be a great gain to be free from Mystacon. No master could be worse, and when they were older and stronger they could defy any master to detain them. "But the shame! the shame!" moaned Coelred and Oswith, as they lay with their heads in their hands prone to the ground. It had to be done. The next time Mystacon came, Porlor told him to bring food, and that they would go without resistance. The boys had few words and could not scold. But the villain was told that they knew him as he was, far viler and baser than the sea–thieves, a niddring and a liar, and that some day they would kill him. He sent them plenty of food, and his sickly smile betokened malice not unmixed with fear. His mind was, however, relieved: he would get his price.

"To be sold as slaves!" In all their thoughts of possible danger and suffering, they had never anticipated anything so bad as this. They called to mind the words that the sounds in the forest seemed to form themselves into, and shuddered. But after hours of despondency the brave little fellows took heart. Coelred was the leader who now urged his companions to remember the words of the Princess. They talked long and anxiously, but before they laid down their heads to sleep, they had, with one accord, all raised their right hands and cried—"Come what may, we will quit ourselves like men—above all, like Englishmen!"

CHAPTER II

IN BONDAGE AT ROME

The Forum of Trajan was as yet uninjured. The noble rows of buildings with colonnades, including the once well–stored library, still surrounded the large paved court, and in the centre stood the beautiful column with its elaborate representation in bronze of the events of the Dacian war. Here important markets were held, and on one autumn morning of the year 588 several merchants, who had lately arrived, exposed many things for sale. Abundance of people resorted thither to buy. Mystacon had his wares arranged under a colonnade. He invited attention in a cringing attitude, seeking for purchasers. The English boys stood in a group quite naked, their eyes full of tears of shame and rage. Among the first people who stopped in front of them was a thin and emaciated ecclesiastic, accompanied by another, who was younger and of stouter build. The older man had an aquiline nose and hollow cheeks, bright piercing eyes, which had assumed a gentle expression, and a somewhat commanding air. It was Gregory himself, then aged forty–four, and his secretary Peter. Mystacon bowed low before them. Gregory looked at the boys with admiration, and turning to the merchant, he remarked that their bodies were white, their countenances beautiful, and their hair very fine. Mystacon bowed still lower. "From what country or nation were they brought?" he asked. The reply was that they came from the island of Britain, whose inhabitants are of that personal appearance. "Are these islanders Christians, or are they still involved in the errors of Paganism?" was the next inquiry. He was told that they were Pagans. Fetching a deep sigh, he exclaimed—"Alas! what pity that the author of darkness is possessed of men of such fair countenances, and that, being remarkable for such graceful aspects, their minds should be void of inward grace. What," he demanded, "is the name of that nation?" The kidnapper replied that they were called Angles. "Right," said Gregory, "for they have angelic faces, and it becomes such to be co–heirs with the angels in heaven. What is the name," he proceeded, "of the province from which they are brought?" The reply was that the name of the province was Deira. "Truly are they De irâ," said he, "withdrawn from wrath and called to the mercy of Christ. How is the king of that province called?" Mystacon said that his name was Ella; and Gregory, alluding to it as he walked on, observed to Peter that Hallelujah, the praise of God the Creator, must be sung in those parts. Gregory was on his way to have an interview with the Pope, and on coming into his presence, he proposed that ministers should be sent to the English, by whom they might be converted to Christ; and, in his impulsive way, he declared that he was ready to undertake that work himself, by the assistance of God. Pelagius replied that he was willing to grant his request, but that the people would never consent to his departure. Gregory then entrusted to Peter the business of purchasing some of these "Angles," and sent him back to the market.

The boys did not understand a word of the remarks made by Gregory and by other passers–by who stopped to question Mystacon. Presently two patricians, advanced in years, followed by clients and attendants, walked into the Forum and stopped at the colonnade where the lads were still exposed. After gazing upon them, Symmachus Boethius observed to his companion Pamphronius that he had never seen such perfect symmetry and beauty except in ancient sculpture. "The works of Praxiteles are looked upon with disapproval by our good friends the priests, so I would fain ornament my villa with living forms that would be worthy of the chisel of the most gifted sculptor of antiquity." Pamphronius expressed his concurrence, and his desire to possess at least two of the young slaves. Calling Mystacon aside, they made various inquiries, and concluded bargains by which Symmachus Boethius became the owner of Coelred and Porlor, while Oswith and Sivel fell to Pamphronius. Their clients were instructed to complete the arrangement and pay the purchase–money, and the great men passed on. No sooner were they out of sight, than Peter arrived breathless to carry out the instructions of his master. Mystacon was delighted, for his troubles and anxieties were fully repaid. Peter agreed to his terms, and the Atheling Hereric, Forthere, and Godric became the property of the Deacon Gregory.

The boys were thus relieved from their shameful and degrading position, which they had looked forward to with such horror and dismay. Their clothes were restored to them, and they were told by signs to accompany the servants of the patricians and Peter, the road of all being the same, namely, that leading to the Caelian Hill. Casting looks of vindictive hatred at Mystacon, they gladly accompanied their new acquaintances.

Of all the seven hills of Rome, the Caelian was the most favoured by the wealthier classes during the latter days of the empire, and their villas were scattered over it, half–hidden by groves of cypress trees. But the troublous times had wrought destruction, and most of them were now in ruins. Facing the Palatine, where the imperial palace stood desolate and abandoned, was the monastery of St. Andrew, the villas of Symmachus and Pamphronius, and the deserted temple of Divus Claudius, while just below ran the Appian Way. In rear stood the Sacellum Dianæ, the arch of Dolabella, and the chapel containing little votive ships of marble, reminding the boys of the votive boats in the tumulus of Vidfinn at Bilbrough. The aqueduct of Nero entered Rome at the back of the Caelian Hill, and was one of the few which still brought water to the city; and to the south were the Lateran Palace and the famous Asinarian Gate, by which Totila and his army entered in 546, through the treachery of some Isaurian sentries.

The villa of Symmachus was the best and most perfect that remained in the Rome of Gregory. The atrium and adjacent halls were of noble proportions; there was a large garden in the rear, full of myrtles and other shrubs; and beyond were the stables, near which Coelred and Porlor were provided with a cubiculum to themselves. Symmachus only required the lads to attend him on certain occasions, and to perform outdoor work, to which they felt no objection. He was a man of a kindly and somewhat timid disposition, fond of a certain amount of display, and with cultivated tastes. His amiable wife Otacilia was very kind to the lads. They had liberty to wander over the city, and Porlor was full of eager curiosity.

Pamphronius was less wealthy; his villa was of smaller proportions and in a more ruinous condition, and he himself was a man of a more exacting disposition, and with less natural kindliness than his neighbour. Yet Oswith and little Sivel were well treated, and they were very fortunate in the companionship of a son of one of the freedmen of Pamphronius named Bassus, who was some years older than Oswith. This youth was of mixed Roman and Gothic descent, tall for his age and handsome, and well educated, being able to speak the Greek language, as well as the debased Latin then talked at Rome, and having picked up much of the ancient lore, in addition to what he had been taught of Christianity. Bassus from the first conceived an ardent boyish attachment for Oswith and a warm friendship for all the English lads, and he continued to be a valued and faithful companion to the end of their lives. He was destined to survive them all but one.

With their life in the monastery of St. Andrew the three others, or at least two of them, were not so well pleased. The prior, named Augustine, was a disciplinarian, inclined to be harsh and imperious to those under him, and his humility was of that kind which is nearly related to pride. Times had to be observed, rules must be respected; yet the lads enjoyed a certain share of liberty. The gentle and self–respecting Hereric fell more easily into the regular ways of the monks. He considered it to be more dignified to obey, and he was deeply interested in the new ideas and conceptions conveyed in the little he could understand of the teaching of Peter, who was appointed to instruct them before baptism. But Forthere hated the confinement and the whole life, longing for the sports and adventures of the forests to which he had been accustomed. Little Godric followed the lead of Forthere, who was rebellious from the first. The monks found it necessary to correct him before he had been an inmate more than a few days, and they would have proceeded to more severe measures if he had persisted in his disobedience. The loyal devotion of Forthere to his companion as an atheling, and his sincere affection for Hereric himself, were the motives which probably saved him. For Hereric's sake he would submit when he would have been cut to pieces before he would have obeyed a monk; and, in fact, the authorities ruled him through the influence of the Atheling. The fierce young Englishman was a true son of Brand of Ulfskelf, the mighty warrior and most loyal of all the followers of King Ella. Like his father, young Forthere could brook no tyranny, but, like his father, he would die for any atheling of the house of Deira.

A monk named Laurentius was appointed to instruct the four boys outside the monastery. They understood very little that he told them, and that through the help of Bassus, for as yet they could only exchange thoughts by means of a few signs and words established between themselves and their new friend. Nevertheless, Gregory caused all the seven English lads to be baptized without further delay, deciding that the instruction of Peter and Laurentius had been sufficient. In a very few months Bassus taught them the language then in use at Rome, a dialect of Latin in process of conversion into Italian, and they were able to understand all that was said to them, as well as to hold conversations. He then began to teach them Greek, the language of the imperial court and of commerce, and the boys in the villas of the two patricians worked hard to acquire it, Bassus having impressed upon them that it alone would enable them to comprehend fully the many strange things they would see and hear, and would give them the knowledge which was power.

Coelred, Oswith, and Porlor, with Bassus as their guide, had wandered through the almost deserted streets of Rome, and gazed with wonder and admiration on the magnificent edifices, which were then neglected and dilapidated, but not actually in ruins. They had especially examined the fine temple to the Sun erected by the Emperor Aurelian on the Quirinal, and while they rested under its ornate portico, Bassus had explained the true import of Mithras stabbing the bull. This opened a whole world of imaginative speculation in the mind of Porlor, who had never forgotten his wonder at the sight of the bas–relief in the cave at York. On another day they crossed the Tiber and visited Constantine's basilica dedicated to St. Peter, which presented a sorry appearance when compared with the monuments of antiquity. The sides were of plain unplastered brick, with arched openings for windows, and in front there were figures and emblems painted in fresco, in a very debased style of art. Even a child must have been impressed with the superiority of the ancient edifices. The English boys called to mind the impression they had received from beholding the ruins of Roman temples at York; and how it had been borne in upon their minds that a mighty empire had passed away, and that it was for their countrymen to build something greater on its ruins. These ideas now recurred to them with immeasurably greater force as they sat together under the portico of the desecrated temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, and commanded a view of the graceful temples round the Forum, of the palace rising above them on the Palatine, and of the long vista of edifices terminating with the Colosseum. The warm sun and deep blue sky gave a brilliance to the scene, which contrasted with the signs of decay that could be detected by the eye, in places where broken statues and pavements and heaps of fallen tiles denoted the desolation of the present time. Bassus told them how the Forum used to be crowded with citizens, he showed them the place whence great senators and orators used to make speeches to the people, and he described the processions of the lupercalia and of the milites. All had passed away. Their young thoughts were not depressed. They reflected on what was to follow, on another great people arising to replace the dead Roman Empire. But they did not think that it was to be found here among the monks and the debased rabble of Gregory's Rome. Their aspirations turned to the North, to the homes of Deira, and to the stalwart English, irresistible in war and open to new ideas and fresh knowledge. It was becoming something more than a dream amongst them, that it was ordained that they should bring back to their kindred these new ideas and this fresh knowledge. They would diligently learn all that could be useful to their people in the lands of the ancient civilisation, until they were old enough to wear swords and take their places as men in the battle array; and then they would return, if need be fighting their way home. This was the result of many discussions and conversations, held among the cypress groves of the Caelian Hill, after exploring excursions through the desolate city.

The boys from the two villas usually took their morning bath in a tank near the navicula, which was shaded by trees and supplied with water from Nero's aqueduct. Here, too, the Atheling, with their cousin Forthere and little Godric, often joined them, and they talked over their prospects, and discussed all the wondrous things they had seen and heard. The Christian religion had been more clearly explained to them when they acquired the use of the language then talked at Rome. They understood that the Son of God had died for all mankind, and that He had risen from the dead. They knew that they must pray to Him for guidance and to keep them from sin, and they all did so. But they thought that the teaching of Laurentius and Peter was the same as the far more impressive and beautiful teaching of the Princess Alca. In their conception Christ was another name for Balder. But they kept these opinions to themselves, and gave the name of Christ to the Son of God they worshipped.

Often taking counsel together, they formed a small Gemót, as they called it, of seven little boys, with the world of Rome against them, all except Bassus, whom they had made one of themselves. Hereric invented a watchword to warn them of the approach of strangers who might disturb their meetings in the cool cypress groves. It consisted of the two words Bylr, a tempest, and Grima, a thing helmeted or veiled. The meaning was that the unknown or veiled one might betoken a storm for them. For they conversed respecting all the affairs of Rome, speculated on the hidden meanings of all they heard, and talked over the time for rising against their oppressors and fighting their way home. There were two or three people whom Forthere intended to kill first, including Mystacon.

So time passed on, and after two years Gregory succeeded to the Pontificate. He had not forgotten his project of sending a mission to the Angles, and was mindful of the advantage of having youthful interpreters ready on the Caelian. But for a long time the miserable condition of Rome absorbed his attention. The state of affairs had become perilous. The corn ships failed to arrive time after time, and these failures caused misery among the people. It was a common occurrence to see crowds clamouring for food at the doors of St. Peter's and at the Lateran. A total cessation of the Egyptian corn trade was threatened, while the supply from Sicily was becoming more and more precarious. Even greater danger threatened Rome from the north. The Lombards made constant incursions, riding over the Campagna, devastating the suburbs, and insulting the sentries guarding the gates of the city.

Pope Gregory appealed to the exarch at Ravenna for help, but that official was unable to do more than maintain his own position, which was also threatened. There were frequent consultations between the Pope and his clerical advisers and the leading patricians. The outlook was most serious. At last it was determined that an embassy should be sent to Constantinople to represent to the Emperor Maurice the absolute necessity for making efficient arrangements to supply Rome with corn, and to entreat him to send an army to drive back the Lombards and put a stop to their incessant inroads, which were desolating Southern Italy. Symmachus Boethius and Pamphronius were requested to be the ambassadors, and after some pressure from the Pope they rather unwillingly consented, for it would be an expensive and probably a thankless service. They resolved to take several attendants, including the four English boys and young Bassus.

This startling and important news came as a great surprise to the little society. As yet they had never been separated. Oswith consulted Bassus, and told him that they must bind each other always to be steadfast friends, in the most solemn manner possible. Their compact must include a firm resolution that when they returned home none should be left behind. He asked Bassus how this could be done with the most binding solemnity. "It must be an oath to God," advised his friend, "which in the Hebrew tongue is Lilla. The most solemn thing that you can do," added Bassus, "is to change your name from Oswith to Lilla, as a memorial and a testimony. This will make the deepest impression on the rest."

For the last time before the separation all the boys assembled under the shady trees by the tank of the navicula. Much sorrow was expressed at parting, but all anticipated wonderful things, and probably much good, from the visit to Constantinople. They all took the oath of constant friendship, and that no one should be left behind when they fought their way home. "It is the oath of God," said Oswith, "and to impress it on our hearts, from henceforth my name shall be Lilla." "We declare," they all answered, "that we will call you Lilla for evermore as a testimony of our compact." They embraced each other. Little Sivel parted from his adopted brother Forthere with bitter tears. All took tender farewells of Hereric the Atheling, whom they fondly loved, of Forthere, and of Godric. It was a sad parting, but they looked forward to meeting again at the same place.

A few days afterwards the two patricians embarked at Brundusium for Constantinople, accompanied by Lilla, Coelred, Porlor, Sivel, Bassus, and other attendants.

CHAPTER III

THE GLORIES OF THE EAST

At Rome everything reminded a visitor of past greatness. Constantinople, on the other hand, was the new Rome, the grandest and most magnificent city in the world. For nearly three centuries the revenues of the empire had been lavished upon her edifices, all the treasures of art had been brought from far and near to adorn her palaces and theatres, and her churches were decorated with marble and gold and every precious material the earth could yield. Her unrivalled position on the shores of the Propontis, her harbour of Chrysoceras (or the "Golden Horn"), and the beautiful wooded shores of the Bosphorus surrounded her with every charm and every luxury, and combined to make the city of Constantinople the most splendid capital ever raised by genius commanding unlimited resources.

After their arrival the Roman patricians had to wait some days for an audience with the Emperor. They had visited the capital before, but no one could ever tire of gazing on that unequalled architectural display. Boethius and Pamphronius walked through the city followed by their attendants; and the English boys, confused at the magnificence around them, were half dazed with wonder and admiration. They stood in the elliptically–shaped forum of Constantine, with triumphal arches at the two opposite entrances, and colonnades all round, filled with the statues of the gods, with shrines dedicated to Cybele and to Fortune, and a lofty pillar in the centre. This specially attracted their attention. It was 120 feet high, of marble and porphyry, surmounted by a statue of the Emperor Theodosius. Next they were taken to another forum, which was square and also surrounded by porticoes, with an elevated arcade adorned with statues, and the golden miliarium in the centre. The Hippodrome also filled them with astonishment, 300 paces long, and the space between the two goals filled with statues and obelisks. They saw the wreathed column of bronze which bore the golden tripod of Delphi, and the Emperor's throne, with the winding staircase called Cochlea descending to the palace. They encountered palaces, churches, and baths at every turn; and were taken to see the underground cistern, or rather lake, with an arched roof supported on 336 marble pillars. Even more surprising to them were the baths of Zeuxippus, the most beautiful in the world, adorned with the greatest triumphs of Grecian art, the Muses of Helicon, the Athene of Lyndus, and the Amphitrite of Rhodes. It all seemed like a gorgeous dream which might suddenly melt away. When their eyes met, their looks told each other of their amazement, but they were too much astonished to express themselves in words. It was, however, the life and movement which made these scenes so striking and so vivid. Horsemen, foot passengers hurrying to and fro, troops marching, bright colours everywhere in motion, gave animation and interest to the marvellous buildings, so different from poor deserted Rome. They strolled on to the Golden Gate, and back to the Augusteum, where a colossal equestrian statue of Justinian in an attitude of defiance absorbed their attention for a few moments, and then their eyes glanced beyond it to the crowning glory of his architectural work.

They had scarcely room for more wonder when they came before the great church dedicated to Divine Wisdom. Yet the interior, as they entered, almost took their breath away. St. Sophia had been restored and rededicated by Justinian about a quarter of a century before, in 563. The beautiful columns of green marble from Ephesus, of porphyry from Aurelian's Sun Temple at Rome, the ornaments and figures in carved stone, the decorations in gold and marbles of the most precious kinds, the walls encrusted with mosaics, the richly–carved capitals, and the exquisite proportions of the aerial dome, all combined to form the most perfect and beautiful church that had ever been erected. The gorgeous services, with long processions of richly–dressed priests and their attendants, solemn music and singing, and the delicious scent of incense, completed their wonder and awe. The boys remained in a sort of dream of astonishment for several days, until the time arrived for the audience. The patricians were richly dressed, and their attendants, in suitably handsome attire, were to accompany them to the palace.

The Emperor Maurice Tiberius had ascended the throne in the year 582. Descended from an ancient Roman family settled in Asia Minor, he was born at Arabissus in Cappadocia, spent his youth at the court of Justin II., and afterwards served with distinction in the Persian war. His accession was due to the best of all reasons, his loyalty to his predecessor Tiberius Augustus, whose daughter he married. Maurice was forty–three years of age when he became emperor, and he was an excellent ruler, promoting the happiness of his people with sense and courage. He was a rigid economist, and his demeanour was cold and reserved. Soon after his accession another war with Persia broke out, and when the embassy came from Rome, the general Heraclius had just returned from Mesopotamia after gaining a great victory.

Rigid etiquette and a display of pomp and magnificence at court ceremonials had been introduced by Diocletian and had been increased by successive emperors. The palace was a vast building on the shores of the Propontis between the Hippodrome and the church of St. Sophia. When the embassy from Rome arrived at the appointed time it was met by the Master of the Offices and his attendants, and the patricians, being of consular rank, were accosted with the title of "illustrious." After an interval they were ushered into the presence. The Emperor was in the great audience–hall called Chalce (from its brazen doors), which consisted of a dome supported by massy pillars, walls encrusted with mosaics representing African and Italian triumphs, and a pavement of many–coloured marbles. The imperial throne was surrounded by the great officers of state, and by favoured courtiers, all gorgeously dressed. There stood the Praepositus or Prefect of the Bedchamber with attendant Counts, the Quaestor or Chancellor, the Count of the Sacred Largesses, the Count of the Privy Purse, the Commanders of the Guards, the victorious generals Heraclius, Comentiolus, Narses, and Priscus, and several bishops. There also were Athanagild, a tall and handsome young Gothic Prince, the philosopher Metrodorus, the famous physician Alexander, the lawyer–poet Agathias, and many others.

There were numerous presentations, and when the turn of Boethius and Pamphronius came, those illustrious patricians made low obeisance, and stated the case set forth in their instructions from the Holy Father Gregory, touching the sore need of prompt assistance in which the city of the seven hills then stood. They were told that they would receive their answer on a future day. Many eyes were turned on the handsome youths, whose good looks were enhanced by their rich and well–fitting clothes, and the patricians soon had reason to regret that they had taken those means of increasing their own importance by the brilliance of their suite. In leaving the palace the boys made way for Priscus the general, and they were struck by the revolting appearance of the soldier who held his horse. He was a short man with red hair and shaggy eyebrows, and his face was disfigured by a great scar. He looked a savage and malicious barbarian; yet this man was Phocas, the successor of Maurice as Emperor of the East! whose monument, a tall column with an inscription, is still standing in the Forum at Rome.

During the following days the patricians received many visits. Narses, then one of the most trusted of the Emperor's generals, paid his respects, and took special notice of Lilla and Bassus. Stephanos, the Count of the Sacred Largesses, also came, and was very much attracted by the intelligent appearance of little Sivel. The Gothic Prince Athanagild was another visitor. He was a young scion of the royal house of Spain, who had taken refuge at the court of Maurice from the persecution of King Recared. Athanagild was also a grandson, through his mother, of Queen Brunehaud of Austrasia. During his exile he had formed a friendship with the physician Alexander, through whom he had heard of the Indian voyages of Cosmas. Fond of adventure, he was now keen to follow in the course of the old navigator, and was looking out for trusty followers. His eyes fell upon Coelred and Porlor, and he at once conceived a strong desire to secure their services.

It was too late for the patricians to regret their imprudence in displaying their precious human property so openly; and just at this time Symmachus Boethius fell dangerously ill. The physician Alexander attended him, but his charms and amulets were of no avail. A few days after the death of his colleague, Pamphronius was summoned to receive his answer, and he was served with an order, through the Count of the Domestics, to bring the five youths with him who had been in the suite of the embassy at the former reception. The Emperor gave him audience at the lovely summer residence of Heroeum, a villa with gardens extending down to the sea, on the Asiatic side of the Propontis, near Chalcedon. Maurice was not encouraging. He said that he had ordered some ships laden with grain to be sent to the Tiber; but that he could give no military aid, owing to the disturbed state of affairs in Persia. The Emperor, indeed, told Pamphronius that he was himself on his way to Antioch with all the forces he could collect. His advice was that King Childebert of Austrasia should be bribed to invade Northern Italy and give employment to the Lombards. He also promised to instruct the Exarch of Ravenna to co–operate with Childebert.

Pamphronius then had to take his leave; but before he embarked to return to the city he was informed by the Praepositus that the five youths were required for the public service, and would be detained at Heroeum. He protested strongly, but was merely told that he could, if he chose, recover them by process of law when their services were no longer under requisition by the State. Pamphronius returned to Rome with little but good advice as the result of his embassy, having lost his colleague by death, and his two slaves, for whom he had paid high prices to Mystacon, by an arbitrary act which, from his point of view, amounted to plunder. He felt very indignant.

Great preparations were, in fact, being made for a Mesopotamian campaign, rendered probable by the disturbances in Persia. The army was already on the march to Antioch by way of the Cilician Gates. Ships were assembled at Chalcedon and other ports, and the Emperor Maurice himself, with some of his principal officers and generals, was about to embark for the coast of Syria.

The boys had been lodged, with the attendants of the Emperor's household, in buildings near the gardens of Heroeum. They were able, thanks to their friend Bassus, to converse in Greek, and to understand what had taken place. They welcomed the chances that were now opening to them of taking part in some warlike adventure, and of emulating the deeds of their Viking ancestors, before again returning to Rome. Next day Lilla and Bassus were appointed to posts in the army, as pages in attendance on Narses. Little Sivel was taken into the household of the Treasurer Stephanos, who intended to employ the quick–witted and intelligent boy in one of the State departments under his charge, probably in the mint at Antioch.

Athanagild was of an enterprising and roving disposition, and on the death of his father Hermenegild at Toledo in 586, his uncle Recared succeeded, and he fled to the court of his grandmother at Metz. But a violent quarrel with his uncle Childebert led to his banishment, and he found safety with the Emperor Maurice. Having been nursed through an illness by the physician Alexander, a close friendship was formed between them, and he thus heard of the voyages to India by the aged monk Cosmas, who was intimate with the physician. He had also been told of the great military exploits of Gollas, King of the White Huns, in those parts, and he resolved to find his way to that distant and unknown land, and to offer his sword to the conqueror. He had vague dreams of sovereignty and dominion for himself. His great object now was to find a pilot and a trusty crew to take him to India by the route of Cosmas. Alexander gave him friendly help and advice, and obtained for him a pilot in the shape of Monas, an old companion of Cosmas, who would find a vessel if supplied with funds. The Gothic Prince was now looking for two or three followers who would work under Monas, and whom he could thoroughly trust. He had taken a fancy for Coelred and Porlor at first sight. He admired their stalwart young limbs, and their faces with an expression open as the day, where no lie could find a place. He felt sure that, if once gained over, they would be loyal and true.

Athanagild was a tall, handsome young man, with a winning manner, and when he told the boys that he was a Geata, whose deeds they had heard of in the song of Beowulf, he won their hearts. They remembered how often Coifi had sung of the Geatas and their exploits; and as they thought of the old hall at home, where the gleeman was wont to recite his tales, their eyes filled with tears. They were walking with the Prince in the beautiful gardens of Heroeum near the sea–shore, as he explained his plans to them. There was much that was wonderful, much that they could not understand. But they saw that it was an exploit worthy of the Vikings, and they joyfully consented to take part in it, on the understanding that they were to return with Monas. The two boys were handed over to the Gothic Prince with the sanction of the Prefect of the Imperial Bedchamber.

In less than a month the Emperor and his court were at Antioch, with a powerful and efficient army encamped outside the town. Coelred and Lilla agreed together that, if they returned from their expeditions, they would wait for each other at Antioch before starting for Rome. Sivel was already employed in the mint, receiving practical instruction in the art of coining the debased money which bore the name and effigy of Maurice, and they thought that they could safely calculate on his being still there when they returned.

One evening the boys were sitting together under the shade of some date–palms outside the city gate, discussing all the wondrous sights they had beheld, and their new experiences, when a great cloud of dust was seen on the road. Soon afterwards a brilliant cavalcade came in sight. It literally glittered under the rays of the setting sun, seeming to be one sparkling mass of bright weapons and gorgeous dresses. At its head rode a man in a long robe of cloth–of–gold, with flowing locks, and a huge globe of some light wicker–work gilded, surmounting his silver–gilt helmet. After a short parley he was admitted with his followers, and conducted to quarters near the palace. It was Khosro Parviz, the King of Persia, who had been driven from his dominions, and came to seek aid from the Emperor.

The reception of this King of Kings by Maurice was magnificent; and he consented to employ his army for the restoration of Khosro. For several days active preparations were being made, and then there was a second separation of the English boys. As the army began its march under the command of Narses, Coelred, Porlor, and Sivel bade an affectionate farewell to Lilla and Bassus, who were well mounted and followed in the general's train.

Next day Athanagild took leave of the Emperor Maurice, and made sail for Alexandria with his young English followers, and half a dozen Gothic soldiers who had been the loyal and attached followers of his father. They were to travel from Alexandria to Myos Hormos on the Red Sea, where Monas had promised to meet them with a vessel prepared for the long voyage. When the Prince fled from Toledo, he had taken with him a large amount of gold and jewels sewn up in belts, which he had carefully kept by causing his servants to wear them, and which would now enable him to equip his expedition. He and his young friends were in high spirits when the long line of white buildings, the tall Pharos rising above them, and the rows of palm trees announced that Alexandria was in sight.