Nevertheless Darcy had many grounds for anxiety. Sir George Darcy’s negotiations with Hastings and Shrewsbury, in which Sir Arthur Darcy and William Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton’s brother, had also taken part, were discovered by an intercepted letter, and the commons brought both the letter and Sir George to his father[1381]. Darcy must also have known that it was more than probable that his assassination had been proposed as a test of loyalty to some other rebel, as Aske’s had been to him. On Sunday 12 November he wrote to Shrewsbury, his old friend, in whom he placed more confidence than in any of the other royalists[1382]. The letter was sent by his servant Thomas Wentworth, who was instructed to show openly a copy of the letter from Bowes and Ellerker, and to Shrewsbury alone a copy of Darcy’s answer to Norfolk’s letter, “which answer recites the effect of the whole letter, else I would have sent both.” The other contents of the letter fall naturally into three parts. First and most important, would Suffolk observe the truce or would he not? Must the leaders of the Pilgrimage be constantly prepared for a surprise attack, for capture or for assassination? Or would he lie quiet until Bowes and Ellerker returned? On this point Darcy earnestly begged that he might be told the whole truth.
In the second place Darcy assured Shrewsbury that there could be no permanent settlement until the messengers returned from the King with a definite answer, and he begged him to use his influence to bring that about.
In the third place Darcy set forth his own grievances, for the Pilgrims also had plenty of complaints to make about breaches of the truce. Sir Henry Saville had prevented the levying of cesses, and now proposed to go to the King[1383]. Sir Brian Hastings had caused the alarm the day before; he was persuading gentlemen to forsake the commons, and had arrested a load of corn at Doncaster[1384]. The Duke of Suffolk had sent a herald with messages and had demanded prisoners from Hull[1385]. He had also stopped the Duke of Norfolk’s servant and was making threatening movements[1386]. Finally it was a great breach of the truce that Bowes and Ellerker had not returned; the commons were very wild, particularly in Cumberland, which was not really included in the appointment; the gentlemen were doing their very best to stay them[1387].
Shrewsbury replied to this letter on Monday 13 November. He assured Darcy that the truce was being strictly observed by the royal troops, and that Bowes and Ellerker would return shortly. Hastings had acted only in self-defence, and if Saville had offended he should make restitution. According to the terms of the truce all prisoners were to be released; he for his part had sent back those that he had taken, and he thought that Suffolk might fairly demand his. He concluded by thanking Darcy for staying the commons[1388]. After Darcy’s servant had returned, Shrewsbury received from Sir Brian Hastings his account of the disturbance on Saturday night, and the capture of Sir George Darcy’s letter[1389]. In other respects Hastings reported that the rebels were “more gentle,” and that when they had examined a man and found nothing against him they gave him “certain articles” which contained the oath to be true to the King, his issue and the commonwealth, for the reformation of heresies, the restoration of abbeys, the punishment of the subverters of the law, and the re-appointment of noblemen to rule under the King[1390]. Shrewsbury sent on all these documents and his own replies to the King on Tuesday 14 November, at the same time expressing his anxiety as to the fate of Sir George Darcy, and his hope that the King would be satisfied with his answer to Darcy, as he had “not been accustomed to make answer in any such causes.”[1391] This was as far as Shrewsbury, who was an honourable man, dared go in condemnation of the King’s plot against Aske.
The alarm at Pontefract was only the beginning of further disturbances. On Sunday 12 November there was an attempt to provoke a rising at Beverley[1392]. On Thursday 16 November there were rumours of riots and deer-slaying at Rawcliffe, Goole and Howden, and it was also said that Scarborough was again besieged[1393]. The Earl of Derby heard on Monday the 13th that Dent and Sedbergh were stirring again[1394], and shortly afterwards there was a report in London that he had been attacked by his own men, who were mutinous for want of pay[1395]. The Percys had proclaimed the truce in Northumberland for twenty days, as soon as they arrived there, at a county meeting which they summoned at Rothbury. But they continued to plunder and hunt down the Carnabys; and the thieves of Tynedale, especially little John Heron, were with Sir Thomas “as familiar as they had been his own household servants.” Sir Thomas “took upon him as lieutenant,” and even tried to hold the warden court with the Scots wardens, but they suspected his authority and refused to meet him[1396].
In Cumberland a muster was held on Wednesday 15 November at the summons of Richard Dacre, who “took upon him to be grand captain of all Cumberland,” and appointed as petty captains Christopher Lee a servant of Dacre, William Pater and Alexander Appleby[1397]. The commons of Westmorland wrote to Lord Darcy on the same day. They explained that they would admit no gentlemen to their council, as they were afraid of them, but they “had more trust in Darcy than any other” and they laid their grievances before him[1398]. The questions raised by this list of grievances will be considered later. The point at present is that Cumberland and Westmorland were preparing to rise again.
Meanwhile the royalists in Lincolnshire received some slight encouragement. Gonson, who was lying with the royal forces at Grimsby, sent out a “crayer” on 11 November, which captured two other “crayers,” coming the one from York and the other from Hull, but as they were harmlessly laden with salt they were set free on the 17th[1399]. By means of a pursuivant communications were established with Hull on Wednesday 15 November, and the King’s officers were able to buy wine and sugar there[1400]. More important still was the fact that two gentlemen of Marshland had contrived to convey professions of their loyalty to John Cavendish at Burton; but as that part of the country was greatly under Darcy’s influence, and as the commons were very suspicious, the negotiations proceeded but slowly[1401].
The whole situation is best represented in the report which Thomas Treheyron, Somerset herald, drew up of two interviews which he had with Darcy on Tuesday 14 November. He had been sent to Templehurst by Suffolk, nominally to inquire into the alarm of Martinmas day, but actually to see what news he could pick up. His account is as follows:
“The effect of the comynicacon betwene Thomas lord Darcy and Thomas Treheyron[1402] otherwyse called Somerset herauld of arms and his seyng etc.
Apon Monday the xiii day of november Charles duc of Suffolk the kynges lieu tenante in the countie of Lyncoln commanded Somerset the kynges herauld of armes to goo from lyncoln in to the north to the lord Darcy. And on tweysday the xiiii day he aryved at templehurst a goodly place of the lord Darcys stondyng nygh the Ryver of ayre in the countie of York. And at his comyng thyther, he was honorable reseyved by the lordes offecers, and they brought hym through the hall in to a fayre parler and Immedyatly that he was in the parlor the lord Darcy sente one of his servants to hym prayng hym to take the payne to come to the chamber to the lord his master and he went with hym were the lord Darcy was; and whan he sawe hym he welcomed hym with his cappe off and toke hym by the hande sayng Sir I thinkke ye have brought me sum newys from the kyng our soverayn lord, and the herauld answered that he came not from the Kyng but from the duc of suffolk lord lieu tenante of the Kynges armye in the countie of lyncoln with certayn messages from his Grace to [your crossed out] his [written over it] lordshipe. than sayd the lord Darcy my felowe herauld I pray you shewe me your messages sir sayd the herauld with a good wyll.
The herauld. Sir my lord undrestondeth that apon Saterday last paste a great nomber of the Kynges peple ded aryse abowght Pomfryte and this partyes and sette bekyns on fyer. Sir his grace merueleth what they do meane in so doyng, seyng that the entreate that was made betwene the Duc of Norfolk, the erll of Shreysbury yow and other at Doncastre is not it [sic, probably yet] ended. Were-fore he desyeryth yow to cause them to be in peax, and if they will not, his grace muste nedes of necessite provyde for them of his parte, Whych he wold be vayrey lothe to doo.
The lord Darcy. my felowe herauld, my lord of Suffolk hath don lyke a wyse prynce to send yow to me for this cause and I wyll Informe yow of all the truyth thereof. it is true that on Saturday last paste, my cossyn sir bryan hastynges sent XX of his men abowght his affayres to a howse that he has on the other syde of the watter of don, and beffore that tyme it was bruted amonges the comens, that he wold come over the water in to this parties to th’ entent to take the goods of the Inhabitance here In satisfacion for spollyngs and robyries don to hym beffore that tyme, and after this Rumor [went? word obliterated] amonges the peple, a folyshe woman perseyvyng his servantes in whyte cotes nygh on to the water thinking verely they wold have come Indede, to have Robbed them as it was beffore spokyn, Cryed owt alarum. and other heryng this crye gyvyng therto to [too] lyght credens aryse, and sett certayn bekins on fyer. but as sone as I hard thereof what with love and fayre wordes I caused them to go home to ther howses in peax and sythenz they haue ben all in peax, and to th’ entent that ye may perseyve that this is true that I have sweed [shewed?] yow see here a letter that my cossyn sir bryan hastynges sente to me, and by that ye may perseyue the truyth[1403]. and he toke the letter and rede it and the tenor thereof agreed with the wordes of the lord Darcy.
The lord Darcy. my felowe nowe wyll I demand a questyon of yow, and if your comyssion be so large I pray yow answere thereto beffore this gentellman my cossyn and other that be here Sir it is comenly spokyn amongest us that my lord of Suffolk is mynded to lay sege beffore the town of hull and if he so do he shuld not do well as I think for it is within our compossision What his grace plisure is therin I pray ye swee us.
The herauld. Sir by the fethe of a herauld my lord of Suffolk neuer mynded to ley any sege to hull, ne to breke any poynte of the compossicion made betwene the lordes and yow at Doncastre, nor hath not stoped any of the passages, but suffreth every man as well on our parties as of this to come [and] go with vytalle and to do any other thinges at ther plesures, without any agen sayng of any man; but Sir I am sure that suche speche cometh by cause that part of our armye lyeth at barton apon Hombre and Grymsby, whyche ar nygh on to thos costes, and you know my lord that so great a nomber of men as wee be can not be vytalled and loged if they shuld lye all in one place and therfore they do not remayn only in the townes affore named but also in the Citie of lyncoln and all other townes and vyllages abowght the same, to th’ entent they may be well vytalled and loged at ther ese, and not for no other cause, and this my lordes grace commanded me to swee yowr lordssip.
The lord Darcy my felowe I am veray glade to here yow this say, and I pray god thanke my lord of Suffolk for sending yow hyther to us with this newys. and sirs I am glade yow ar here to here my felowes mesage pray yow report it to our cappteyn and to other the comons for they wylbe veryray glade to here it. for before they were in great dowght thereof.
The herauld sir my lord of Suffolks Grace understondeth that a lettre that he wrotte to the lord of cumberland in comfortyng hym to kepe hym self agenst the rebellyous[1404], for the whych name sum be angrye therwith, he trusteth that yowr lordship: whych he hath hard ever speke of so muche honor, ne no other man of nobillitie substance or honest reputacion: will take hym self, in the lien of that name, but they that be other and taketh them self for rebellyous his grace thinkith he can not gyve them a fayrer name.
The lord Darcy my felowe of truyth suche a letter came to our cappteynes handes, and as toychyng rebellyous if ther be any suche I wold to god, they were with my lord of Suffolk at lyncoln, and as for me I trust to declare my self for non of them but for the Kynges true servante, and I have don hym good servyce, I wyll shewe yow howe. Sir at the first tyme that Aske reysed the peple here abowghtes [noted in margin] I sayd to my ffryndes and servantz sirs wee can not do the Kyng a hygher servyce, than take this felowe, and I layd suche wayte for hym, that if he had kept the appoyntmentz that he made with gentelmen to come and lye with them at ther howses at iii or iiii nyghtes one after the other I had taken hym, but whan he appoynted to be with ony of them at one nyght he wold not come in ii or iii nyghts after, and whan I sawe I could not gett hym, and that the peple ded aryse on every parte, ye and fother that I myghte not trust my own tenantz, than I wente with as monye as I myght gett to the kynges castell of pomifrytte to kepe and defende the same and I had with me xiiixx men at my own coste xiiii days, and put the kyng not to one halfpenye of charge, and thyther came to me the archibussop of Yorke, and master magnus thinkyng by cause I was an old man of warre, that by my polycie they might have escaped. they can bere me record of all this that I shew yow, and thair I sent lettres to the Kyng for yede what answer I had from hys hyghnes I have redy to shewe, and also I sent lettres to our lord lieu tenante and his answere I have in lyke case to shewe, and every day the cappteyn wrytt letters charging me apon payne of my lyff, that I shuld yeld the castell and do as they wold do, and if I wold not, if they myght take me by fforce they wold slee me, and all they that was with me, and ferther they wold born my howses, and kylle my sons childern, than I beyng in this myschif seyng no other remyde wold have made with them compossion, and this was on the fryday at nyght, and I bade them xx li to spare me tell the morowe ix of the cloke, and for all that I could doo with all the fryndes I could make, they wold not respyte me but tell vii of the cloke, than could I not hyere ne see no sucker come and I had not in the castell so muche gowne-powdre as wold fylle a whalnot shell no nor I had not so muche fuell as to dresse our supper, and ferther my vytalles that shuld have come to me was eten and dronkyn in the strete beffore my face, I than beyng an old man of warre and knowyng the feates therof, perseyvyng my self in that danger and could escappe no otherwyse with my lyff, for savegard of the same ded yelde my self, and I promysse yow if I had not wrought politykly, it had cost me my lyff.
The herauld my lord I think well that this is true that yow say, and at that tyme ye could not have esscapped with yowr lyff no otherwyse than ye dede, but whan yow were at the entreatie with the lordes beffore dancastre, I am sure ye were a great dystance from the hoste, I mervell than that yowr lordship had not gone from them with the lordes for ye myght have esscapped ther handes at that tyme if it had plesed yowr lordship.
The lord Darcy my felowe I wyll shewe yow a taylle for that whan Thomas fitz Garrard ded rebelle in Irelande he sente word to the duc of Rychemonde howse [whose] sole god pardon that if he wold reseyve hym he wold yeld hym to hym, and the duc answered full wysely and sayd by my fethe if I were sure to gett hym his pardon, I wold be glade to reseyve hym, but he that wyll ley his hed on the bloke, may haue it sone stryken of [note in the margin: What he menyth by this and how he knew that fizgarrard offred himself to my lorde of Rychmond].
and my felow I spake to my lord of Shryesbury with thes wordes Talbot hold up thy longe clee and promyse me that I shall have the Kynges favor and shalbe Indeferently hard, and I wyll come to dancastre to yow, and th’ erll of Shryesbury sayd to me well lord Darcy, than ye shall not come it [sic], and ferther if I had thought any treason I myght have foughten with the duc of norfolk and th’ erll of Shryesbury, on the othersyde of dancastre with ther own men and brought never a man of our hoste with me.
[Note in margin: how he knew that the duke of Norfolkes men woold have fought agaynst hym.]
The herauld my lord I think that muche that yow say is true but sir were yow say that ye myght have foughten with the duc of Norfolk and th’ erll of Shreysbury with ther own men by my truyth I thinke if ther men ded promyse to tak your parte if ye wold come and fyght with them they ded it to dysseve yow to the entent to haue gotten therby sum pyllage or other profith, for they had not a subtillier meane to dysseve ther enymys than to promyse them to fyght with them, and whan it cometh to the poynt to fight agenst them, and so I think they wold have proved yow and if you had proved them, and one thing I am sure of that ther was never men more desyros to fyght with men than our men be to fyght with yow and if it pleased the Kyng to suffre them.
The lord Darcy well I pray god they be all as true as yow think they be, but let that passe. if it please the Kynges highnes to send me my pardon, although I have no nede of it if I myght be Indeferently hard, onles they wyll say it is treason that I was amonges them, whych was for savegard of my lyfe, as I have sayd, I wyll come to his highnes were it will pleas hys grace to have me, and I hyere say that manye persuacions be made by Cromwell and other to the gentillmen here to come from hence to the kyng whome I pray god longe to preserve in proprius helth hys highnes may well have them so that he pardon them, but it is not so muche suerty for his own person to have them with hym in brydwell as to have them here; for I can prove that wee have done his highness as good servyce as though wee had byn in hys pryvye chamber and as for my part I have byn and ever wylbe true both to kyng henry the vii and to the kyng our soverayn lord and I defye hym that wyll say the contrary, for as I have ever sayd one god one feth and one kyng.
The herauld. my lord ye say truyth wee can have but one god one feth and one kyng, and my lord ye say that ye were true servant to kyng henry vii and to the kyng our soverayn lord sir I think ye were true to the kyng hys father and to his grace at ther coronacons whan yow did your homage and fealty, my lord I pray yow pardon me that I am so playn with your lordshipe, for ye I thinke may well say that ye were ever true to kyng henry the vii, and by my feth I never hard the contrary but my lord as to the kyng: howe can yow say that yow have byn ever true to hym: seyng that yow have borne harnys agenst his lieu tenante whych represented his own person for that tyme.
The lord Darcy that that I ded was by constraynte for to save my lyf, and that myght welbe perseyved whan we were at the entreatie at dancastre, for by cause the lordes and wee tarried a whyll abowght the entreatie our own hoste wold have ronned apon us to have kylled us sayng that wee wold bytray them.
The herauld well my lord of truyth in tymes paste whan I have byn with your lordship at mortlake and at Westmynster I have hard yow always speke of so muche honor truthe and fethfulnes, that if yow shuld be falty in any of them ye were worthye beffore all other to suffre for it. I trust yowr lordship will not be angrye with me that I shewe yow as my hert thinkes.
The lord Darcy no my felowe for yow say truth for I had rather have my hed stryken of than I wold defyle my cote armor, for it shall never be sayd that old Thome shall have one treators tothe in his hed, but the King nor no other alyve: shall make me do any unlaufull acte, as to stryke of your hed, and to send it hym in a sake, whych thing myght be a rebuke to me and to my heyres for ever. [Note in margin no. the strykyng off the hede]
The herauld my lord yow speke this as though sum mocyon hath byn made to yow, to take your capptayn, and send hym to the Kyng, thinke yow my lord that it were a unlaufull acte, to tak or kylle hym and send hym to the Kyng, if he be a rebellyon as sum do take hym.
The lord Darcy my felowe peraventure it were lawfull for yow and not for me, for he that promysseth to be true to one, and deseyveth hym, may be called a treator: whych shall never be seyd in me [note in margin: no. the promise of the lord Darcy] for what is a man but is [his] promysse, but for all laufull thinges whych is not agenst our feth, he is not lyving that shalbe more redy to do his grace comandement than I, for if his highness would comand me to go with yow his herauld to defie the great Turk, by the fethe that I owe to god and hym I wold do it with a good wyll as old as I am.
The herauld my lord by cause ye speke of our feth howe say yow to the excludyng of bushope [sic] of Rome, and his auctorytie, do yow thinke that that is agenst our feth.
The lord Darcy by my truth I think that is not agenst our feth, and what I spake therin to Cromwell, he knoweth hym self well Inough.
The herauld my lord I pray yow gyve me leve to aske other questyones of yowr lordship. sir hyere yow that any other be upe ferther north.
The lord Darcy my felowe is [sic] I hyer say that ther is a huge nomber upe in Westmorland comberland and lancashyre, and have mustered, and abowght the bushoppryche of Durem they begyn to spoylle, and by cause yow shall hyere the truyth, ye shall hyere one of my seruantz an honest hardy man, I wold the kyng had x m suche, and he hath byn amongst them, and sawe ther musters, and than his seruante whas called upe, and when he came, the lord Darcy commanded hym to shewe the herauld what he had seen in Westmerland comberland and lancashyre, than sayd his seruante that he had byn amongst them and that he had seen them mustering and by ther report they were to the nomber of vii{xx} thowsand [140,000] men.
The herauld I mervell not muche to hyre of that grete nomber that yowr servante speketh of for I thinke well ther may be so many tage and rage but truly of chosyn men of warre ther be not so many as I think in al the north and half Scotland.
The lord Darcy sir ye knowe not this countrey, for it is a countrey greatly pepled Well I wyll speke no more thereof, but by my fethe [word obliterated] letter that cometh nowe to my remembrance that was sente to our cappteyn causeth my hert to blede, for it was wrytten to hym out of thos parties that he shuld not shrynk in this busynes and they wold send hym xxx, m men with a moneth wages in ther pursses and ever that were don they wold send an other moneth wages and the therd if nede shuld be, and besydes this they have xxx m men moo to defend agenst the Scotts if they wylbe busie, for they have mustered, and shewed ther selfes aginst the coste and all this is besydes our companye.
The herauld my lord if it be so it [yet] thanked be god the kyng hath men Inough to meat with them all and one thing wee be sure of, wee have the ryght if god be god, for I knowe that it is agenst the lawe of god to be periured and ther is non that can fyght agenst the King ther naturall soverayn lord ne agenst anie of his true subiectes what quarell so ever it be with owt his grace comyssion, that can excuse ther selves from periury.
The lord Darcy ye say true if they were resonable men, but I wold to Christ the King knowe the Jeobardy that is in it for as ferre as I can perseyve by any thing that I can hyre the kyng is so encensed, that he knoweth not the truyth, therefore I wold I myght speke with my son bryan or my son Russell for I knowe that they dare and wyll speke to the King the truyth I pray god all may be well, now my felowe by cause it is cold, I pray yow take the payne to go with my servante ther, and he shall brynge yow to a fyer to ese your self.
And his servante brought hym into a fayre parlor were was a good fyer, and brought hym a pasty of veneson brede wyne and bere, and made hym good chere and after he had well esed hym self, the lord sent for hym agen, and sayd My felowe have yow any thing els to say to me from my lord of Suffolk.
The herauld Sir ye, my lordes grace understondeth that it is comenly noyssed here amonge yow, that our armye shuld Robe spoylle and vyolate euery manes wyf doughter and servante and that ther shuld be put to execution manye of the comons that hath submytted ther selfes, sir, the truyth is that ther was never no suche actz comytted amongest us except one Robyrie that was don on a preste for the whych one of our own armye sir frances bryan servante was putt to execucion.
The lord Darcy Sir shewe my lordes grace that wee hyre full well that he doth good Justice, and specyally at Stamford by hym that cryed a newe kyng[1405], for if he had byn amongest us in all our Rage he shuld never have come to execusion, but wee wold have hewen hym in a thowsande pees, wee love so our kyng, therefor it I say agen I wold he were hanged by the neck that wyll refuce his pardon, for if his grace wyll send it me not with stondyng I have no nede to have it if I myght be Indeferently hard I wyll come to his grace let them burn this house, and kyll my sons chyldern yf they wyll, so that I myght scappe with my lyff from them, let this passe, sir I have reseyved a lettre syns yow were here, I pray yow rede this artycle in it and the herauld ded rede it, were in was wryten by hym that sent it after this maner, My Lord I hard the Lord Cromwell say that yow were a notaryus treator, and I answered that he was a false knave and yowr lordship shuld prove your self a true man to the kyng, then sayd the lord Darcy, I beshrewe hym for his labor, for I knowe I spak folyshe wordes of hym my self at dancastre the whych nowe I am sorye for, for to say truth every man had a begynyng and he that the kyng will have honored wee must all honor and god forbyde that any subiect shuld goo abought to rule the kyng in his owne realme or be agenst his plesure in any lawfull thing, and my felow ther was sent me a ryme owt of Westmerland lancashyre and comberland that makith me to lawgh, for by my truth I mervell how they can make it, and yow shall have it with yow[1406], and he toke it to the herauld whych brought it to the kyng, and ferther he sayd to the herauld
shewe my lord of Suffolk that the comens have beseged carlyell, and the mayer hath proffered to be sorne [sworn] to them, and they wyll not reseyve hym, but that they wyll have the towne, and the castell at ther plesures, and also shew hym that my lord of comberland is in great parell of his lyf for if the comens myght gette hym, they would kylle hym for he is the worst beloved that ever I hard of, and specially with his own tenants, and if ther be no remyde founde I thinke he can not escappe, it the cappteyn [‘is his’ crossed out] and he be come of ii sustres [written in] [son crossed out] and he hath wrytten dyvers lettres for hym, I feth I wold he were in this howse, than I wold trust to ryde hym out of ther haundes.
The herauld my lord I pray you what means suld be founde to helpe hym.
The lord Darcy well my lord of Suffolk is wyse Inough and can devyse a meane for hym full well, I pray yow have me humble recomended onto his grace, and shewe hym that I pray god the kyng have not as muche nede to tak side nerar home as here for and he sawe the lettres that cometh dayly to our capteyn from all parties of this realme he wold mervell. I pray god save the kyng. [Note in margin: An Interogatory upon this.]
and than the lord Darcy tok hym by the hand and gave hym a dowble duket and to barwyk persyvante an angell and so wee tok our leve of his lordship.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XII
Note A. The date at which Sir Ingram Percy came to York is not known with certainty, but his visit appears to have taken place about this time.
Note B. Sir Brian Hastings misrepresented the summons in his letter of 13 November. “The rebels intended to have had a general council or parliament at York on Saturday last but the posts from my Lord of Norfolk, Sir Ralph Ellerker and Mr Bowes stayed them.”[1407] As a matter of fact it was the posts which caused the Council to be summoned. Hastings’ information was often inaccurate.
Note C. It seems that Ratcliff was either going to or returning from Lancashire when he was captured, for otherwise he had no reason to go near Wakefield, and as he was carrying letters to the Lord Admiral [Fitzwilliam] it was probably his return journey. The letter containing the news of his capture was written by Gervis Clyfton to Mr Bankes. Robert Bankes gave evidence against the rebels before the Earl of Derby on 2 December[1408]. He may have been the person to whom the letter is addressed.
Note D. Thomas Treheyron, Somerset Herald, was murdered in Scotland by two of the Lincolnshire refugees in November 1542[1409].
Note E. The only other reference to this incident, which seems to have been the appearance of the usual Yorkist pretender, is made by Wilfred Holme, who says that
Note F. There were a great many rhymes flying about and it is impossible to identify this one. Many of the rebel manifestoes were roughly metrical. The following is part of one which circulated in Westmorland and Lancashire:
This proclamation is printed twice in the Letters and Papers, vol. XI, 892 (3) and vol. XII (1), 163 (2).
There was a song against Cromwell called Crummock, which was sung in Westmorland in the time of the rebellion. It may have contained some local allusion to Crummock Water[1411], but the commons of Yorkshire also sang
which must have likened the Lord Privy Seal to a bad-tempered cow.
In the summer of 1538 Isaac Dickson commanded a minstrel who was singing in an ale-house by Windermere to give the song called Crummock which he had sung at Crossthwaite during the rebellion. The minstrel, who had to adapt his wares to the party in power, did not dare to sing the song. Dickson passed from threats to blows, but still the minstrel refused, fearing the halter more than Dickson’s dagger. There was a brawl, and both Dickson and the minstrel were arrested[1413].
In connection with Friar Pickering’s poem comparing Cromwell to Haman, it may be noted that in the anonymous play of “Godly Queen Hester,” which is attributed to Skelton, a similar parallel is drawn between Haman and Wolsey, the suppression of monasteries by the latter being likened to Haman’s persecution of the Jews. See “The Library” October 1913 “Early Political Plays” by M. H. Dodds.