FOOTNOTES
1 7 State Trials 128. Evidence of Sir Denny Ashburnham, ibid. 1097.
2 Anthony à Wood, Life and Times ii. 417. 7 State Trials 1094.
3 Burnet ii. 157.
4 Smith, Intrigues of the Popish Plot 4. Oates, Narrative 35, 36. It was at this house that Baxter was insulted in 1677 by a Catholic gentleman, who accused him of having been tried at Worcester for the murder of a tinker. Baxter’s Relation iii. 179.
5 Burnet ii. 157. 7 State Trials 1320.
6 7 State Trials 1320.
7 Ibid. 1096, 1320, 1321. Burnet ii. 157. Foley, Records v. 12.
8 Absalom and Achitophel 646–649. Father John Warner describes Oates in similar terms: “Mentis in eo summa stupiditas, lingua balbutiens, sermo e trivio, vox stridula et cautillans, plorantis quam loquentis similior. Memoria fallax, prius dicta nunquam fideliter reddens, frons contracta, oculi parvi et in occiput retracti, facies plana, in medio, lancis sive disci instar, compressa, prominentibus hic inde genis rubicundis nasus, os in ipso vultus centro, mentum reliquam faciem prope totam aequans, caput vix corporis trunco extans, in pectus declive, reliqua corporis hisce respondentia, monstro quam homini similiora.” MS. history 104.
9 Lettre écrite de Mons à un ami à Paris, 1679. 7 State Trials 1322.
10 Absalom and Achitophel 657–659.
11 Sir William Godolphin to Henry Coventry, on information obtained in Spain, November 6/16, 1678, Longleat MSS. Coventry Papers lx. 264.
12 7 State Trials 358, 1322. Burnet ii. 158. Florus Anglo-Bavaricus 93.
13 See below in Trials for Treason.
14 The Grounds and Occasions of the Contempt of the Clergy and Religion enquired into. By John Eachard, D.D., Master of Catherine Hall, Cambridge, 1670.
15 7 State Trials 360–375. 10 State Trials 1097–1132.
16 Florus Anglo-Bavaricus 93, 94, 95.
17 7 State Trials 324, 1325, Lettre écrite de Mons à un ami à Paris. Florus Anglo-Bavaricus 95.
18 Simpson Tonge’s Journal, S.P. Dom. Charles II 409: 39. Simpson Tonge to L’Estrange, Brief Hist. i. 38. Simpson Tonge’s Case, House of Lords MSS. 246–249.
19 S.P. Dom. Charles II 414: 185. Sydney Godolphin to Sir Leoline Jenkins, September 25, 1680.
20 S.P. Dom. Charles II 409: 36.
21 Evelyn, Diary January 25, 1665.
22 Simpson Tonge’s Journal S.P. Dom. Charles II 409: 39. Simpson Tonge to the King, ibid. 414: 139. Simpson Tonge to L’Estrange, Brief Hist. i. 38. Kirkby, Compleat and True Narrative 1. Impartial State of the Case of the Earl of Danby 14. Brief Hist. ii. 100–125. Burnet ii. 158. North, Examen 170. Ralph i. 382, 542. In this account of Oates and the revelation of the Plot I have made considerable use of Mr. Seccombe’s monograph on Titus Oates in Twelve Bad Men, and of Sir George Sitwell’s study of The First Whig. I am unable however to follow these writers, and especially Sir George Sitwell, to whom I am much indebted for a loan of his book, in placing much reliance upon witnesses on the Catholic and Tory side. These labour under as great a bias as their opponents, and on some points are convicted of falsehood. This applies in particular to the evidence of L’Estrange and Simpson Tonge, upon whose authority the story of the deliberate concoction of the Plot by Oates and Dr. Tonge rests. That Tonge was a fanatic and Oates a villain is unquestioned; and it is probably as just to call Tonge villain and Oates fanatic. But that their rascality took this form is not proved. Simpson Tonge was also a rascal, and his repeated contradictions, in the hope of gain from both parties, make it impossible to discover the truth from him. In the winter of 1680 L’Estrange challenged Oates (Observator i. 138) to prosecute young Tonge for defamation of character. The challenge passed unnoticed; but the fact proves nothing, for however many lies Tonge had told, Oates was not then in a position to risk a rebuff or to court an inquiry into his own conduct. And L’Estrange’s bare assertion is no proof of the truth of the fact asserted. The way I have treated this, as all other doubtful evidence in the course of this inquiry, is always to disbelieve it, unless it is corroborated from other sources, or unless the facts alleged are intrinsically probable, and the witness had no motive for their falsification. When the test is applied to the present case, I believe that no other result than that stated above can be obtained.
23 See, for instance, La Politique du Clergé de France, by Pierre Jurieu. Arnauld, Apologie pour les Catholiques, Le Jesuite sécularisé, and La Critique du Jesuite sécularisé, Cologne, 1683.
24 Barillon, January 16/26, 1680. See below in Trials for Treason.
25 He was wrongly said to be the Duchess’s confessor. Sarotti, October 26/November 4, 1678. Ven. Arch. Inghil. 65.
26 Parl. Hist. iv. 780, 781, 782. C.J., November 8, 1675.
27 Ibid. Reresby, Memoirs 98, 99. Ralph i. 292. Verney MSS. 466. Foley i. 276 seq. Lingard xii. 278–282. Antoine Arnauld, Œuvres xiv. 532, 533. Foley i. 276, 277. Wood, Fasti Oxon. (ed. Bliss 1815–20) ii. 350.
28 Ralph i. 292. Verney MSS. 466. Burnet ii. 104.
29 Ruvigny, November 7/17, 8/18, 1675.
30 Fitzherbert MSS. 112, 76; St. Germain to Coleman, December 3/13. 1675; January 5/15, 1676.
31 Sarotti, who might have been expected to have heard of the case favourably to St. Germain, writes of him simply as “un Padre Jesuita che fu capellano della medesima Signora Duchessa e già tre anni in circa fuggì, ritrandosi a Parigi per le differenze ch’ hebbe con un ministro Calvinista della casa del Signor di Rouvigny,” October 26/November 4, 1678, as above.
32 See Appendix E.
33 L.J. xi. 276, 286, 299, 310. Kennet, Register and Chronicle 469, 476, 484, 495. Orleans, History of the Revolutions in England 236. Letter from a Person of Quality to a Peer of the Realm, 1661. Collection of Treatises on the Penal Laws, 1675. Continuation of Clarendon’s Life, by himself, 140, 143.
34 December 6, 1662. Kennet, Register and Chronicle 848–891. Baxter’s Life ii. 429.
35 February 27, 1663.
36 July 25, 1663. C.J. Feb. 27, 28, April 27, May 30. L.J. xi. 478, 482, 486, 491, 558, 578. Clarendon 245–249. James i. 428.
37 For a general statement of the Catholic case see The Catholique Apology, attributed to the Earl of Castlemain, and on the other side An Account of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government in England, by Andrew Marvell.
38 Ranke iv. 323. W. A. Shaw, “The Beginnings of the National Debt,” Owens College, Manchester, Historical Essays. Mr. Shaw’s remarkable essay throws a flood of light on the financial difficulties of the early part of the reign. He considers the year 1667, when the Commons attacked the administration and voted a commission to examine public accounts, to be the point beyond which patriotic action could be expected on the part neither of the Commons nor of the king.
39 Ruvigny, January 17/27, 1675: “Que les finances du roi ne pouvaient pas mieux être employées qu’à la destruction d’un puissant ennemi, qui soutenait tous les autres.”
40 As to the date of Charles’ conversion see Ranke iv. 383, 384.
41 Ranke iv. 384–386. Gentleman’s Magazine, January 1866. Lord Acton, “Secret History of Charles II,” Home and Foreign Review i. 146. Hallam ii. 387.
42 Acton, op. cit. Gentleman’s Mag. January 1866. Boero, Istoria della Conversione alla Chiesa Cattolica de Carlo II. Welwood, Memoirs 146.
43 Brosch 420, n. Ranke v. 88.
44 Lectures on Modern History.
45 April 1675.
46 Clarke, Life of King James II i. 440, 629. In referring to this work I adopt Lingard’s plan of mentioning it simply as “James,” except where the passage referred to is based, as here, upon James’ original memoirs, when I refer to it as “James (Or. Mem.).” Klopp i. 235. Foley i. 272 seq.
47 Cardinal Howard to Coleman, April 18, 1676. Treby i. 85. Courtin, April 2, 1676.
48 Ruvigny, August 19/29, 1675. Courtin, October 9/19, 1676, January 11/21, 15/25, 1677. Barillon, December 17/27, 1677. Giacomo Ronchi, October 3/13, 1678, in Campana de Cavelli i. 233. Longleat MSS. Strange to Warner, December 28, 1676; Bedingfield to Warner, December 28, 1676; Coleman to Whitehall, January 1, 1677; Mrs. Coleman to Coleman, January 1, 1677, January 4, 1677; Coventry Papers xi. 245, 246, 247. MS. diary of Lord Keeper Guildford, Dalrymple ii. 199, 200. Parl. Hist. iv. 1035. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. i. Ap. 56. Floras Anglo-Bavaricus 136. Forneron, Louise de Keroualle 136, 161, 179. Ralph i. 272. Burnet ii. 51, 99.
Coleman is described by Warner, MS. history 41: “Hunc proxime secutus est Edwardus Colemannus, serenissimae Ducissae Eboracensi a secretis, in haeresi educatus, quam detectis erroribus ejuravit, et totus in Catholicorum partes transiit, quas exinde promovit pro virili, magno zelo sed impari prudentia. Magnum a natura sortitus est et festivum ingenium, cui dum nimium indulgeret, et liberrimis censuris quae parum a satyris abessent curules perstringeret, divûm nulli parcens, multorum, praecipue, Danbaei, offensam incurrit, a quibus tandem oppressus est.”
The imputation that he diverted the Frenchmen’s gold to his own use was put upon Coleman by Whig historians. Of this his character has been cleared by Sir George Sitwell (First Whig 25, note). The Whig Committee of the House of Commons appointed to examine Coleman reported his confession “that he had prepared guineas to distribute among members of Parliament, but that he gave none and applied them to his own use” (C.J. November 7, 1678). The committee was composed of men who themselves received money from the French ambassador, and therefore had the strongest motive to conceal the facts. But the truth slipped out two years later in a speech made in the House by Mr. Harbord (December 14, 1680). Coleman, he said, did confess “that he had twenty-five hundred pounds from the French ambassador to distribute amongst members of Parliament, and your committee prudently did not take any names from him, it being in his power to asperse whom he pleased, possibly some gentlemen against the French and Popish interest.” The prudence of the committee in attributing to Coleman statements which he never made is also indubitable.
49 Coleman to Ferrier, June 29, 1674. Ferrier to Coleman, September 25, 1674. Coleman to Ferrier in answer to above. Coleman to La Chaize, September 29, 1675. Treby i. 1, 3, 6, 109. Chantelauze, Le Père de la Chaize 4.
50 Berkshire to Coleman, March 24, 1675. Treby i. 103.
51 Throckmorton to Coleman, April 27, May 1, 1675. Fitzherbert MSS. 70. Burnet ii. 103.
52 Chantelauze, Le Père de la Chaize 4. See below in Trials for Treason.
53 In 1672 Howard was appointed bishop-elect of England with a see “in partibus” but not consecrated. In 1675 he was created cardinal by Clement X, and in 1679 nominated by Innocent XI Cardinal Protector of England and Scotland.
54 Some of the letters could not be deciphered; see for instance Albani to Coleman, January 12, 1675. Treby i. 121.
55 Treby i. 109–116.
56 Colbert, November 10/20, 1673, on the information of St. Évremonde. Mignet, Negotiations iv. 236.
57 Treby i. 110. Ferrier to Coleman, September 25, 1674; and Coleman’s answer to Ferrier, Treby i. 3, 6. The Duke of York to Ferrier, Treby i. 119. This last letter Coleman declared at his examination in Newgate to have been written by himself in the duke’s name and without his knowledge. 7 State Trials 54. There is however no reason to accept his statement as true. Answering Ferrier’s letter Coleman writes, “His royal highness has received the letter that you sent him by Sir William Throckmorton, which he has answered to you himself.” Treby i. 3. Supposing Coleman to have told the truth to his examiners, he must have forged the letter, a work of considerable difficulty, since James’ writing would certainly have been well known at the French court. Throckmorton and Coleman must also in this case have conspired to divert Ferrier’s letter to James and never deliver it; for there could be no reason for the duke to meet with a marked rebuff a letter so flattering to him and written in his interest, and unless he refused to send an answer, Coleman would have no motive to forge one. Nor can it be supposed that Coleman carried on his correspondence without the duke’s knowledge. Beyond the certainty that Coleman was in James’ confidence, this is plain from the fact that on several occasions either Coleman’s correspondent desires him particularly to show his letter to the duke or he mentions that he has done so. And Coleman had the strongest motive to shield his master by taking on himself the authorship of the letter. That he was believed is probably due to Oates’ careful exoneration of the duke from concern in the Plot at a time when he was not certain of a favourable reception for his story. Another misunderstanding would be welcomed by Coleman. This letter was said at the time to have been addressed to La Chaize, and the belief would suit Coleman, since the letter would be less likely to be connected with his own written to Ferrier at the same time. The confessor to whom it was sent was certainly Ferrier and not La Chaize, for Throckmorton, who is mentioned in it, was dead some months before the latter came to court. The erroneous idea was probably owing to the manner in which Ferrier is spoken of in the letter in the third person, an use common with the writers in this correspondence.
58 Treby i. 110, 111, 112.
59 Treby i. 112. Coleman to Throckmorton, February 1, 1675. Treby ii. 1. Throckmorton to Coleman, November 28, December 1, 1674. Fitzherbert MSS. 50, 51. Same to same, February 13, 1675. Treby i. 73.
60 Sheldon to Coleman, July 13, 1675. Treby i. 49.
61 Treby i. 112. Throckmorton to Coleman, December 8, December 22, 1674, January 19, 1675. Fitzherbert MSS. 51, 62, Treby i. 66. Coleman to Throckmorton, February 1, 1675. Treby ii. 1. Sheldon to Coleman, July 13, 1675. Treby i. 45.
62 Albani to Coleman, August 4, 1674. Coleman to Albani, August 21, 1674. Treby i. 21: 7.
63 Albani to Coleman, October 19, 1674. Treby i. 23.
64 Coleman to Albani, October 23, 1674. Albani to Coleman, January 12, 1675. Treby i. 12, 25.
65 Fitzherbert MSS. 113. Parl. Hist. iv. 1024, 1025. Burnet ii. 104.
66 Coleman to Throckmorton, February 1, 1675.—“The duke having the king wholly to himself, he would no longer balance between the different motives of his honour and the weak apprehensions of his enemies’ power; but then the duke would be able to govern him without trouble, and mark out to him what he ought to do for the establishment of his grandeur and repose. For you well know that when the duke comes to be master of our affairs the King of France will have reason to promise himself all things that he can desire. How shall we get this parliament dissolved? ... by the King of France and the help of three hundred thousand pounds. This parliament is revengeful to the last degree, and no man that offends them must think to escape. But as for a new parliament that will be better natured and will doubtless accord to his Majesty all that he shall need for his occasions. And this for very good reason, since they will more depend upon his Majesty upon other accounts than his Majesty upon them for money. And to conclude where we began, the duke by the dissolution will be all-powerful” (Treby ii. 1, 2, 3).
Coleman to Albani, August 21, 1674.—“So that if the duke can happily disengage himself of those difficulties wherewith he is now encumbered, all the world will esteem him an able man, and all people will entrust him in their affairs more willingly than they have done formerly. And the king himself, who hath more influence on the East India Company (Parliament) than all the rest, will not only re-establish him in the employment he had before, but will put the management of all the trade into his hands. We have in agitation great designs, worthy the consideration of your friends, and to be supported with all their power, wherein we have no doubt but to succeed, and it may be to the utter ruin of the Protestant party” (Treby i. 78).
Coleman to Albani, October 2, 1674.—“If the duke can shew to the king the true cause of all these misfortunes and persuade him to change the method of their trade, which he may easily do with the help of money, he will without difficulty drive away the Parliament and the Protestants who have ruined all their affairs for so great a time, and settle in their employments the Catholics, who understand perfectly well the nature of this sort of trade” (Treby ii. 6).
67 Treby ii. 21–25.
68 Coleman to Albani, October 2, 1674. Treby ii. 6.
69 Coleman to Albani, February 12, 1675. Treby ii. 8. John Leybourn, president of the English College at Douay, to Cardinal Albani, June 17, 1675. Vat. Arch. Misc. 168. Parl. Hist. iv. 673, 674. Brosch 431, 432.
70 Ranke v. 184, 185, 186. Airy, The English Restoration 235, 236, 237. Brosch 432. Parl. Hist. iv. 715 seq. Schwerin, Briefe aus England 24. Andrew Marvell, Growth of Popery. Treby i. 114.
71 This is awkwardly expressed. What they were about before was to have the duke put again over the fleet, but not to have this done at the request of Parliament; for it was then the object to have Parliament dissolved.
72 Treby i. 116. Sec also Coleman to Albani, February 12, 1675. Treby ii. 8.
73 Treby i. 117.
74 Treby i. 117, 118.
75 Halifax, Maxims of State:—
XXIII.—The Dissenters of England plead only for conscience, but their struggle is for power; yet when they had it, have always denied to others that liberty of conscience which they now make such a noise for.
XXVI.—They that separate themselves from the Religion of the State and are not contented with a free Toleration, aim at the Subversion of it. For a conscience that once exceeds its bounds knows no limits, because it pretends to be above all other Rules.
The dangerous nature of Coleman’s correspondence was recognised at the time by sensible people, as well Catholics as Protestants. Barillon, October 3/13: “On trouve dans les papiers de ceux qui ont été arrêtés beaucoup de commerces qui paraissent criminels en Angleterre, parce qu’il s’agit de la religion.” October 10/20, 1678: “On continue toujours ici la visite des papiers du Sieur Coleman.... Tous les gens raisonnables croyent que la conjuration contre la personne du Roi de la Grande Bretagne n’a aucun véritable fondement. Les commissaires du conseil qui instruisent l’affaire parlent de la même manière sur cela, mais en même temps ils disent qu’il paraît un commerce fort dangereux pour l’État avec les étrangers. Qu’il s’emploie de grandes sommes pour soutenir les cabales et pour augmenter la religion catholique, et que par les lois d’Angleterre la plupart de ceux qui sont arrêtés sont criminels. Ils parlent bien plus affirmativement du Sieur Coleman. On a trouvé dans ses papiers des minutes de toutes les lettres qu’il écrivait à Rome, en France, et ailleurs. On prétend qu’il y a quantités de projets qui tendent à la ruine de la religion protestante en Angleterre et à l’établissement d’une autorité souveraine en Angleterre et d’un changement de gouvernement par le papisme.”
Il Nuntio di Vienna al Nuntio in Francia, Nimega, October 18/28, 1678: “Al Colman oltre l’ insufficienti imputationi de complicità s’adossa hoggi corrispondenza per altri capi criminali, che lo mettono in gran pericolo della vita.” Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Francia 329.
J. Brisbane to Henry Coventry, October 14/24, 1678.—M. de Pomponne and M. Courtin treat the whole matter of the plot en ridicule and say that “le pauvre Coleman est mort seulement pour être Catholique.” February 11, 1679.—Finds that those who did not long ago canonise Mr. Coleman, do now acknowledge his execution to have been a just punishment. Bath MSS. 242, 243.
76 25 Edward III St. 5, c. 1.
77 Third Institute 6, 12, 14.
78 Hale, P.C. i. 109, 110.
79 History of the Criminal Law i. 268. See on the whole subject Stephen i. 241–281 and Hale, P.C. i. 87–170.
80 S.P. Dom. Charles II 407: i. 128.
81 12 State Trials 646.
82 Parl. Hist. iv. 519.
83 See above.
84 7 State Trials 60, 67.
85 Hale, P.C. i. 110.
86 Evidence of Jerome Boatman, his secretary, House of Lords MSS. 8.
87 St. Germain to Coleman, March 28, April 8, April 15, September 6, 1676. Treby i. 32, 40. Fitzherbert MSS. 81. Treby i. 42, ii. 18. Courtin, March 23, April 1, July 16, August 11, August 13, 1676. Pomponne to Ruvigny, April 1, 1676. Both Ruvigny and Courtin were in London at this time.
88 St. Germain to Coleman, January 15, 29, February 1, 5, 8, March 18, April 13, November 18, 1676. Fitzherbert MSS. 76, 78, 79, 96, 107. Treby i. 30, 32, 35.
89 Leybourn, Howard’s secretary, to Coleman, May 16, June 20, September 5, September 21, 1676, June 25, July 10, July 16, August 6, 1677, January 1, 1678. Fitzherbert MSS. 102, 103, 104, 105. Treby i. 94, 95, 96. Howard to Coleman, March 1, April 18, 1676. Treby i. 81, 85. Courtin, March 13/23, March 22/April 1, April 3/13, April 10/20, July 6/16, November 9/19, November 22/December 2, November 30/December 10, 1676. Correspondence later on the same subject March 29, April 8, 1679; the Duke of York to the Pope; the Duchess to the Pope. Vat. Arch. Epist. Princ. 106. The internuncio at Brussels to the Pope. Nunt. di Fiandra, 66.
90 See below in Trials for Treason.
91 Above, 43.
92 St. Germain to Coleman, January 29, April 15, July 25, 1676. Treby i. 30, 43. Fitzherbert MSS. 80.
93 Mémoires du Marquis de Pomponne i. 538.
94 This distinction was widely recognised, see 7 State Trials 475. Ralph i. 91, note. Parl. Hist. iv. 274. It corresponded in the ideas of the time to the difference between a simple Roman Catholic and “a Jesuited Papist.”
95 Stafford’s statement; House of Lords MSS. 43. Burnet i. 346. Foley v. 19.
96 Foley v. 80. John Leybourn, April 19/29, 1674; same to Cardinal Albani, June 7/17, 1675. Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Inghilterra and Misc. 168.
Pietro Talbot (the Jesuit Archbishop of Dublin), Primate de Irlanda al Nuntio F. Spada, Nuntio in Parigi, April 3/13, 1675. Nunt. di Francia, 431. “V. S. Illma si compiaccia de aggiungere le inchiuse propositioni del Sign Giovanni Sargentio alle altre sue; tutte (come V. S. Illma vede) sono heretiche o almeno inferiscono l’heresia.”
Continual references to the same subject are found in the Papal despatches of the time.
97 Maxims of State lxv.
98 See D’Avrigny, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de l’Europe 47, 48. Arnauld, Œuvres xiv. 410.
99 Leybourn to Coleman, May 2, 1676. Fitzherbert MSS. 102. John Verney to Sir Ralph Verney, March 30, 1676, “The Duke of York did declare that he would never more come under the roof of Whitehall chapel, which makes every one say he is a perfect papist.... ’Tis said he publicly goes to mass. God bless him and preserve the King.” Verney MSS. 467. Courtin, March 23, April 2, October 2/12, 1676. Le ministre des affaires étrangères à Courtin, April 1/11, 1676. Mémoires du Marquis de Pomponne i. 491. Marchese Cattaneo al Duca di Modena, April 20/30, 1676: “In alcune parti d’Inghilterra si e cominciata l’esecuzione delle legge contro i Cattolici, imprigionandoli e confiscandogli i beni.... Delle rincrudite persecuzioni verso i Cattolici e accagionato il Duca d’York perche non ha voluto nella Pasqua recarsi alla capella Regia (Protestante),” in Campana de Cavelli i. 171. Longleat MSS. Proclamation of October 3, 1676. Coventry Papers xi. 154.
100 The interpretation of the following letter seems doubtful, but it is worth quoting. It is a curious fact that Lord Castlemaine should have either taken, or intended to take, orders in the Church of Rome.
January 1, 1677. To the Lord Castlemaine at Liège: “118 and 109, as I am privately told, are now perfectly reconciled to the Duke of York, and fully resolved to serve him and his interest, so that if the Lords and Commons when they meet do nothing, the King will dissolve them and once more publish a toleration. Consider if Mr. Skinner can make a seasonable check of mettlesome stuff for the conjuncture. By a letter from Mr. Warner at Paris I find D. of Cleveland persuaded that Ld. Castlemain is already made a priest by the Jesuits’ underhand contrivances, and that she obstructed it what she could at Rome. I should think it expedient that she should continue in that belief, that she may think it now too late to go about to hinder it.” Unsigned Longleat MSS. Coventry Papers xi. 347.
101 Throckmorton to Coleman, January 9, February 20, 1675. Fitzherbert MSS. 60, 66. Berkshire to Coleman, n.d. Treby i. 102.
102 Journal of Sir Joseph Williamson, March 12, 30, 1672, in Cal. S.P. Dom. 1671–1672, 608. Longleat MSS. Francis Bastwick to Henry Coventry, April 29, 1679. Examination of Col. Scott at Dover of same date. Coventry Papers xi. 393, 396. Two letters in the same collection seem to show that Scott was a regular spy of the English Government, but they are so vague that much reliance cannot be placed on them. Coventry Papers xi. 171, 506. See Appendix A.
103 Longleat MSS. “An account of what the Earl of Berkshire desired Colonel John Scott to communicate to his Majesty.” Coventry Papers xi. 397. See Appendix A. See too Collins’ Peerage, 1812, iii. 163.
104 Scott afterward gave evidence before the House of Commons against Pepys, whom he charged on report with having given information of the state of the navy to the French court; but the affair was never thoroughly investigated. Grey, Debates in Parliament vii. 303–309.
105 House of Lords MSS. 43, 44. Burnet i. 345, 346; ii. 276, 277. Airy, The English Restoration 240.
106 Longleat MSS. Coventry Papers xi. 310, 313, 317. See Appendix A.
107 J. P. Oliva Generale dei Gesuiti al Cardinale Altieri, September 23/October 3, 1674. Vat. Arch. Archivio di Propaganda Fide. Ranke v. 91.