3. For a high efficiency of production, as a whole, conditions must favor the best organization and direction of industry. Industry is dependent primarily upon natural resources. Climate, rainfall, iron deposits, fuel, supply of wood or coal, predetermine in large measure the limits within, and the direction in which, the industry of any community can move. The progress of production depends also on an increasing efficiency of labor as embodied in individual men, and upon social and political conditions making possible an increase of capital. But—a condition as important as any of these—production is dependent also on a wise combination of the factors. Social, political, and economic conditions must be such as to call forth the factor of direction and control of industry, to make possible industrial progress. This is one of the greatest sources of America's superiority to-day. It has been strikingly said that it is now no longer "young America and old Europe," but "old America and young Europe." America is older in industrial experience; Europe, with undeveloped resources, awaits the touch of American methods and machinery. There are dynamic forces in American society not present in equal degree in any other. It is therefore not alone the great resources of coal and iron,—equal resources may be found in unexplored parts of the world,—it is the dynamic social forces, invention, enterprise, and organization, which have brought America to the forefront in industry. Her natural resources have thus yielded an incentive and a premium to enterprise as a sort of by-product. Absence of caste, political liberty, the democracy following the spread of the frontier, have not made it possible for every one to succeed, but they have made it possible, as nowhere else in the world, for real ability to scale the barriers of birth, poverty, and hardship. A conservative population never can equal a progressive population in industrial efficiency. It has been remarked that America has little to fear from Oriental competition so long as the avenues of education and enterprise are open to her young men, insuring her the highest capacity in the organization and direction of industry.
4. A high efficiency of industry is dependent on many social causes making possible a great specialization. It was said in another connection that division of labor is dependent upon the size of the market. With a large population massed at one spot, so that the demand for even the less important products is large, there may be a high specialization of industry. An increase of transportation, such as railways and telegraphs, is equivalent for many economic purposes to growth of population on one spot. In colonial days it took ten days to go from Boston to Philadelphia, and two weeks to go to Washington. San Francisco is now for many economic purposes but one fourth as far from Boston as Washington was at that time. California and the eastern states are distant only thirty minutes by telegraph and three days and a fraction by railroad, and are thus in many respects in the same market. The great development during the past century in the means of communication and of carriage has made possible, as never before, the massing of population to secure the advantages of division of labor in most lines, without meeting the hitherto insurmountable difficulty in the securing of food for such large numbers in a limited space. The population draws its food from the whole vast area; whereas it is massed at the points more favorable for other products and can make use of the most highly specialized machinery. These several conditions thus have favored the growth of large industry under a single control and direction, on a scale never before approached. These changes have brought in their train social problems connected with the concentration of economic power. It remains to be seen whether the unquestioned economies of this new organization can be retained and improved while it is divested of its evils.
5. With the growing division of labor, grows the need of the highest ability for the directing of industry. Ability may be judged by various standards. From one point of view, the scientific mind, grouping facts in the cold light of reason to arrive at truth, is the highest type. But supreme, each in his own sphere, are also the artist expressing, through painting, poetry, dramatic action, and music, the subtleties and complexities of feeling, the moral philosopher, the prophet, the preacher, in the best sense of the term the teacher, all aiding to guide the spiritual forces of humanity along lines that make for social welfare. Not least is the business enterpriser, whose function is to direct the economic forces for production. It is vain to assign a mean place to the organizing intelligence and its social work. Its importance grows apace with the growing magnitude and complexity of industry. Misjudgment now will destroy more wealth, and wise judgment can produce larger results, than ever before. The captain of industry also may work as an artist or as a gambler; he may, by the methods he pursues, uplift the moral plane of his society or he may help to corrupt and degrade it. No citizen is in control of more potent influence for good or ill than the successful business organizer. On the attitude of society toward him, and on the standards to which he is held, depend in large measure the use that will be made of his exceptional powers.
CHAPTER 29
BUSINESS ORGANIZATION AND THE ENTERPRISER'S FUNCTION
§ I. THE DIRECTION OF INDUSTRY
1. In the simplest kinds of individual production the value of the results depends largely on intelligent choice. Even for the solitary worker the choice of the right time to do work is most important. The first thing Robinson Crusoe did was to turn to the ship to save as much as possible of the cargo before it was dashed in pieces by the waves. If he had begun first to till the soil to provide a future supply of food it would have shown one kind of foresight, but it would have shown very poor judgment. Every moment of delay in recovering the cargo of the wrecked vessel cost him many useful materials. The humblest farmer has a great range of choice and a need of good judgment in fixing the time to sow, to reap, to do each simple task. There is the same need to-day for the small shopkeepers, for the blacksmiths, for the small producers of all kinds to make wise choice of time in the use of their own labor. There is also a wide range of choice in the distributing and combining of labor, agents, and materials. A limited supply of agents can be used to secure a variety of goods, more or less desirable. There are many chances for mistake, but in the long run it is judgment, not chance, that determines the success of one man as compared with another. There is a choice in ways and methods by which a thing can be done. There are many wrong ways, there is but one best way, at any stage of industrial progress. While most work is done in customary ways and little independent judgment is required, yet in every business from time to time new problems arise and call for an exercise of choice as to methods. Moral qualities are continually called for, such as control of impulse, and the giving up of the comfort of the moment. The wisdom of our fathers is embodied in a multitude of proverbs that suggest the wise course. Men must "make hay while the sun shines," not lie in the shade. But virtue fails less often from lack of knowledge than from lack of will. As men differ in judgment, character, and will-power, their products differ, even in the simplest circumstances. The ability to choose and to do wisely is an element in personal skill.
2. When men work in an associated group, the direction of effort becomes relatively more important. The first and simplest advantage of association is working in unison. Men unite their muscular efforts for a single task, and accomplish what is impossible to them working singly. But when many work in unison, the right selection of time and way is of greater importance; a mistake will waste more materials and agents. If association is to yield its advantages, there must be division of labor; hence harmony of effort, hence agreement or direction. While the gain of well-directed association is large, the waste of ill-directed effort is greater, when specialization has taken place, than with isolated workers. Most communal societies have failed because of the lack of a good head. The few exceptional successes have been due to the presence of a man of superior ability, such as George Rapp of the Harmonist Community, who, had he lived in this day, could have become easily the head of a great business corporation.
3. Where various industrial groups are associated, direction becomes still more important. In the single group it is an internal harmony alone that is needed. The work of a dozen men must be so arranged that each is in his fitting place. But as this group comes into contact with others, the relationship becomes two-fold, and there must be both internal and external harmony. The more complex the economic organization of society, the more the chance of mistake and the more injurious are the mistakes to a wide range of interests. Large amounts of capital and labor can be rapidly lost through lack of wise direction of associated groups.
4. The increased efficiency of industry has been accompanied by the specialization of control. The crude, early methods of enforcing harmony in industry were slavery and political subordination. Under division of labor, with free workmen, industry is ruled by impersonal economic forces that bring the less capable under the direction of the more capable. This work is rudely done, no doubt, but the penalties of bad direction of labor and capital are so great that blundering cannot be permitted. The man who shovels dirt must do it at the right time and place if, in this complex society, it counts for something and gives the effort value. If he cannot choose well for himself, he comes under direction. The average man cannot decide nearly as well here as he could on a desert island where and when to put in his spade. There it would be to raise food for the current year; here it may be to dig a canal or a tunnel whose uses will not become actual for many years. The more distant the end sought, the more difficult is the choice. To every worker, according to his personal skill, is left some degree of choice in the method of his work, but in a large part of industry the range of choice is very narrow. The man with the shovel and the man with the hoe come under direction.
§ II. QUALITIES OF A BUSINESS ORGANIZER
1. The organizer and director of industry must first have technical knowledge of methods, processes, and materials. The qualities required in the direction of industry are implied in the foregoing section, but they may be more specifically enumerated. Knowledge of technical processes is relatively more important in the direction of industry in the earlier stage. In the single independent producer it is the quality most desirable. He must know the quality of the materials with which he works and the best modes of combining them. But, as industrial organization becomes more complex, only a broad knowledge and ability to judge of the results of different processes and to compare plans are necessary in the organizer. He can hire the technical knowledge of details required in the larger management of business. Draftsmen, engineers, pattern-makers, men with far more education and capacity in certain lines than the business manager, work under his direction.
2. The organizer requires ability to judge men and tact in relations with them. In the small group, ability to get on well in personal contact with workmen is of great importance. Especially rare is the genial manner that wins the confidence and even the affection of the men. A sense of humor and the ability to turn a joke are said to have obviated many a strike and thus to have prevented losses both to the employer and to the men. In large affairs much of this managing tact can be hired in good foremen; but the organizer must still have a knowledge of men, ability to judge of human nature, to select his subordinates, and to animate them with his own purposes and plans. Mr. Carnegie has said that an appropriate epitaph for himself would be, "He was a man who knew how to surround himself with men abler than he was himself." That seems too modest; but in a sense it is not, because he claims for himself, and justly, the highest of all industrial qualities. A great administrator in political or industrial affairs can dispense with everything else rather than with this, the supreme quality of the great organizer.
3. The organizer must have unusual foresight and the ability to form a large commercial policy. This proposition is to be interpreted relatively to the task before the organizer, and to the size of the business. Modern industry anticipates demand far more than did primitive industry. Large amounts of materials and energy are embarked in directions from which they cannot be recalled. With the progress of electrical engineering it soon may become possible to recall at any moment a cargo embarked for a distant port. But no wireless telegraphy is able to recall the great masses of capital that are embarked on distant and definite journeys in modern business. The organizer anticipates future demand, and prepares for it. The process has been figuratively expressed somewhat as follows: the enterpriser throws into the crucible great quantities of material; they melt, and an industrial result is secured, but whether the deposit is greater in value than the material is a question that cannot be answered for years. The need of anticipating demand is greater to-day than ever before, and this requires large investments months and even years in advance. The losses are proportionally large if there is miscalculation of demand. A large commercial policy is one that takes into account the more distant factors, and anticipates the new conditions. The rare ability to do this is rightly called statemanship in economic affairs.
4. The organizer need not himself have great wealth, but he must have ability to command financial resources. Business to-day is done in many cases with borrowed capital. Even a subscription to stock is frequently as much in the nature of a loan, made in reliance on the reputation of the organizer, as an investment for profits. There are many temporary needs that require sudden loans. The confidence of investors, whether banks, trust companies, individual shareholders or investors in bonds, must be secured by the organizer. Good judgment of the money market often is as vital as judgment of the market for the particular product. In some of the largest corporate enterprises this quality becomes the most essential.
5. Organizing ability of the highest order is rarely found. This is almost a superfluous statement after the foregoing. According to the theory of chances, such a combination and balancing of qualities is likely to occur in very few cases. Even where it exists, it may not be discovered or developed. The man may not find his opportunity, nor the task the man. There are many misfits in the world. On the occasion of the visit of Prince Henry of Prussia to America, in 1902, he was entertained at luncheon in New York with one hundred of the leaders in invention, finance, and industry, wherein have been the most characteristic achievements of America. In jocular reference to the French Academy, whose members are the forty most noted literary men of France, the newspapers called this the meeting of America's one hundred immortals. There were J. P. Morgan, the great financier; Vanderbilt, Hill, and Harriman, the railroad kings; Carnegie, the iron magnate; Irving Scott, "the man who built the Oregon"—nearly all the company deserving a place at the table mainly by reason of excellence as business organizers. Such a gathering has a dramatic interest as presenting the greatest leaders of industry, but about other tables might be gathered thousands of other less notable figures worthy to be accounted captains of industry in their several fields. One may well ask, How did they come into the important places they occupy?
§ III. THE SELECTION OF ABILITY
1. The men actually in control of industry have been selected in manifold ways. Skill develops a small industry into a large one. A small factory owner gradually adds machine to machine, building to building, till he finds himself at the head of a great industry. Or an employee develops ability and becomes an employer. Who does not know of some one who, as a small boy, went into a store to do chores, worked up to a clerkship and, enlisting the confidence of men of wealth, was enabled to establish a business of his own and become an employer? Others have won promotion from the ranks to the head of a large industry in which they secured at last a controlling interest. Employees that have proved their ability may be selected by the directors of a stock company. Men that have worked their way up from the ranks may bequeath their business positions to their sons and grandsons, as in the case of the Vanderbilts and the Goulds. And finally, but rarely, there may be selection by fellow-workmen in the case of coöperative business.
2. There is a constant selective process: dropping out the weak and advancing the efficient organizer. There is, to be sure, an element of chance in this selection. The process in general is a rude one. Accidents and unforeseen changes, industrial crises, failure of health at a critical moment, fraud and crime, may defeat men of ability and they may never regain their foothold. Lack of experience may lead to disaster a naturally able but youthful heir, too suddenly burdened with the responsibilities of a fortune. On the other hand, men of limited ability may inherit fortunes and preserve them by caution, without enterprise. It is not always true, even in America, that "It is but three generations from shirt-sleeves to shirt-sleeves," although many fortunes slip away from the sons of rich fathers. In general, success in retaining the control of a business is an evidence of considerable ability. By loss of fortune unwisely risked, through unforeseen changes in methods, and after manifold blunders, the less capable drop out. Thus, by the ceaseless working of competition, the higher places are taken by those most capable of filling them, and the efficiency both of the employers and of the workmen is increased.
3. In the various kinds of business organization the merits of men and of methods are tested. The independent producer working entirely alone, directing his own industry, is analogous to the animal organism of a single cell. More complex is the family partnership found often in early stages of industry but more rarely now, where the father directs the work of his children and all share in common. The simplest form of the wage system is the single employer with a few assistants. When the employer is in danger of losing valuable assistants, he sometimes gives them a share in the business. In the ordinary partnership, two or more men divide the ownership and duties, agreeing as to the division of control. Coöperation among workmen, though rare, gives an unusual opportunity for the discovery of special talent. The dominant form of organization to-day is that of the stock company, or corporation, the ownership of which is divided among the holders of shares of stock, or of certificates of membership.
This variety of organization affords opportunity for a two-fold test: that of the ability of men and of the merits, in varying circumstances, of the different forms of organization. Methods of organization are constantly tested by their results. Men having money to invest are asking whether they would be better off to go into business by themselves, or to join with a partner, or to buy stock in some large corporation. Each of these forms of organization has its peculiar advantages. A stock company can better enlist large amounts of capital, while the individual employer is generally more free from dictation and can adapt his business more quickly to changing conditions. At the same time this variety of organization offers better opportunities for managing ability to show its metal. On the watch towers of industry are many observers sweeping the horizon for the appearance of men of business talent. Some characters develop better under direction; others prove that nowhere does native ability count for more, and mere book-schooling for less, than in business administration. There is some ground for the belief that a college education does not increase executive capacity in business. Such ability often seems to be a freak of nature and a product of practical experience, rather than the result of college training.
CHAPTER 30
COST OF PRODUCTION
§ 1. COST OF PRODUCTION FROM THE ENTERPRISER'S POINT OF VIEW
1. The task of the enterpriser is to get together the essential factors to secure valuable products. The enterpriser must first decide what product he will endeavor to secure, and the kind, the place, the time, the quantity, and the quality. He must then select in the right proportion the materials, labor, plant, and machinery necessary for that product. He must purchase these factors in the market at the lowest price he can, unite them and sell the product to recover the expenses in the selling price. A thousand items enter into the cost and perhaps a single product emerges. What the business man thus pays out, expressed in money form, are the costs that are here to be considered.
2. The term cost of production is used in several senses, the chief of which are money cost, psychic cost, and alternative cost. The ambiguity of this term is a source of much confusion. Psychic cost is the pain, fatigue, irksomeness of labor. This is not definitely measured except at rare points. When the pain of work more than offsets the value of the product, the worker who is free to determine the length of his own working-day, stops. At that point the psychic cost and the utility of the marginal unit are almost equal in intensity—the one as a positive, the other as a negative quantity. But the value of the product as a whole cannot be related to the psychic cost or sacrifice, and therefore it cannot serve as a measure of cost in every-day business. Alternative cost is any good or gratification that must be given up when any other good is chosen. One may stay at home and read a book or go on a picnic; the pleasure of reading the book will cost the pleasure of the picnic. A good dress may cost a happy vacation that must be given up for it. In this sense, each thing is a cost of every other thing that might be chosen in the place of it. Alternative cost is therefore manifold and indefinite. The thought is significant at the moment of a choice, but it is not constantly measurable for practical purposes. The money cost is the practical cost generally implied in the term cost of production. It expresses not the pain of the laborer in doing the work, not the sacrifice of the owner of the capital in saving the money, but merely the sum of money paid out by the producer. There is frequent confusion of these ideas in economic discussion, few even of the leading economists of the nineteenth century having quite escaped it.
3. The enterpriser, looking upon the cost of most of the factors as fixed, seeks to combine them as economically as possible. Whether the enterpriser is running a factory or a farm, is engaged in a retail or a wholesale store, is conducting a school, or a railroad, he has to solve much the same problem. By close attention, good judgment, skilful bargaining, he may be able to buy slightly cheaper than his competitors, and thus have an advantage over them at the outset. When he does this, it is usually by searching out a better market in which to buy, buying at a better time, and judging better than his competitors the quality of goods. If, in a given market at a given time, goods are sold to one more cheaply than to others, it is an act of generosity. Even the best buyers pay nearly the prevailing market price for agents. The most successful enterprisers are not found to be those paying lower wages or lower ground-rent than their competitors. It must not be forgotten that the main forces fixing the prices of agents are impersonal, and can be only slightly modified in most cases by a particular buyer. He looks therefore upon the cost of the elements as an ultimate fact which he can change little, if at all, and he shows his judgment chiefly in the selection of quality. Cost determines and limits the extent of his business and determines the price at which he sells.
4. The right proportioning and skilful substitution of the factors is a delicate technical task for the enterpriser. Good buying and good selling must precede and follow the central part of the enterpriser's task, that is, the combining of the various factors. Each factor is applied, subject to diminishing returns, up to a point where its addition will not secure the value attributed to it in its cost. The enterpriser is constantly studying the question whether the application of another unit of any one factor at the price will add to the value of the product as much or more than the cost. This calculation is made for every one of the minor factors entering into the business, and for the business as a whole. The proper proportion varies at different prices, or costs. If wages rise, "it pays" to get machinery; if wages fall, it pays to let the machinery deteriorate and to do more by hand-labor. Likewise there is constant substitution of the various materials. The right proportions change constantly with inventions. A model factory is so proportioned that the buildings hold the right number of machines, with the right amount of space for the workmen, and the right amount of power. If there is more of a single factor than the ideal proportion, it is an unnecessary cost. Even the model factory begins to be out of date almost as soon as the walls are dry, and the latest method is to build as nearly as possible on the unit system, so that new parts may be added without the loss of harmony and proportion.
5. The enterpriser's costs determine the lowest price at which he can continue to sell, but if successful he may have a wide margin of profits. New factories are constantly arising with new and better adjustments. In industries of competing products, also, the processes are changing. Hence there is always a pressure of competition on some enterprisers who constantly complain that they must sell below the cost of production. The organizers of a trust always declare, some no doubt truly, that they have been selling below the cost of production. Business men say that competition is destructive, and it certainly does destroy the less favorably situated enterprises. Each enterpriser's price is the highest he can get in the market for his product; it may far exceed his costs; it may even fall below them, but only temporarily, for if sales continue to encroach on capital, the sheriff soon closes the doors. Successful competitors are constantly pressing upon the marginal enterpriser, fixing a price that leaves themselves a profit, but is below his cost. Even the most successful enterpriser comes into contact with cost, and seems to be compelled by it. He reaches out for trade, and sells some (not all) goods at a price which leaves him no profit. He enlarges his factory and ships goods farther, paying the freight, which means a lower price at the factory. The expanding business, therefore, comes at length to the point where it cannot go farther at the prevailing prices. Hence the business man's view of the costs is that they determine value. It is true in the sense that the supply of a particular product in any market is at last limited by cost of marginal producers or of marginal portions of supply. But it is not true of all the units of product that costs determine, or equal, market price. There is a margin above costs to the successful enterpriser on a large portion of his output. The margin may be narrow or wide, according to the business. The margin is "profit," or the gain of the enterpriser.
§ II. COST OF PRODUCTION FROM THE ECONOMIST'S STANDPOINT
1. The economist should view money cost as an intermediate and not as an ultimate explanation of value. The value of all things must be traced back to gratification, to the relation of goods with psychic income. This being true, the value of the factors which the enterpriser uses must be derived from the value of the products, and not the reverse. This does not mean that the business man is deceived into the belief that he has in cost of production a final explanation of value. He simply is not interested in that question. He knows that there are many influences determining the cost of the factors he buys, but they are distant; he cannot influence them, and in the single stage of his production they seem to fix the price. In some purchases, and on the stock exchange, a marvelous recognition and analysis of the most distant influences is necessary; but in general a superficial view of value is taken in business; it does not pay to do other. The logical treatment, however, must go deeper into the question and trace the cost of agents back to the ultimate cause of value, that is, to want-gratifying power. To say that the price of a product is determined by the money cost, or price, of the factors is simply to postpone the answer to the question of value; one has still to ask, What determines the money cost, or price, of those factors themselves?
2. The demand for any factor entering into products is reflected, in an increased price, to its cost in all competing products. Figuratively speaking, products compete with each other for the factors that enter into them. According to location, quality of the soil, and improvements, a certain area of land has various rival uses. These uses bid for the land, or put in an economic claim for it. Products of a higher value outbid and exclude those of a lower. If fine wine can be raised on a piece of land, potatoes ordinarily will not be planted in it. But if there is such a supply of that quality of land that it continues to be used side by side for both products, it will have the same value and yield the same rental in both uses. The least utility yielded by any portion of the supply fixes the value of all the units. Machines are usually made for some product determined in advance, but often they are only partially specialized and within limits they can be adapted. Sewing-machine factories were readily turned to the making of bicycles at the time of greatest demand, and bicycle factories later were used for the making of automobiles. Thus, in general, machinery is used for the product to which it contributes the most value. Any enterpriser seeking it for any other use finds its "cost" affected by its various alternative uses. The same is true of all the materials and of all the grades of labor entering into products. The enterpriser's cost is therefore the reflection of the want-gratifying power of the productive agent in all its other uses as well as in the particular product he desires. To the enterpriser, cost seems the cause of the value of a product. To the economist it should be clear that the utility found in the various products is the basis of value in the factors, i. e., of the costs.
3. The genealogy of value may thus be traced through the various intermediate products to consumption goods. A single product having a single source of supply shows most clearly the reflection of value directly from the product. The discovery of a mineral spring or of a good quality of building-stone on worthless land, will cause a value to attach at once to the source of supply. When a great singer like Adelina Patti commands several thousand dollars for each appearance in concert, the source is the magical throat of the singer, and the salary reflects the utility of the music in the minds of delighted hearers.
When the one source of supply yields several different kinds of products there is just one new condition which confuses the thought and suggests the error that value begins in the source (with costs therefore) and not in the product. Looking at the products severally, no one of them explains the value of the source, and, on the contrary, each one is seen to have a value independent of the particular use to which it is put. To make the illustration most simple: a savage finds in a wreck on the coast a number of bars of iron. His fellows wish them for various purposes: to make arrow heads, spears, knives, hatchets, hoes, ornaments, nails, needles, etc. Value is in this case derived in part, through the source, from the alternate uses. Taken jointly and considered as one sum, the value of the various products accounts as completely and exclusively for the value of the source as if they were merged into one product. The source (S) is distributed to each of the products in accordance with their marginal utility, and therefore the value of the various products from any source of supply constantly tends to equality. Any unit of product sought for any purpose must be paid for according to a marginal utility determined in all the applications. The genesis of the value is in the utility of the product; the value of the source is derived.
2. Several Products from one Source
In actual life the problem is far more complex, and yet, through its settlement runs just the same principle. There is constant bidding for materials, and through their price the claims of rival products are adjusted. A point is reached where it does not pay to use any more of an agent in a certain industry; the production of another unit results in a loss. There is a most complex relation among many different industries using the same factors, the value of a unit of product (at a) being reflected up to the source, and through successive links to the most distant product (z). The effect of this is to reduce the sale (of z) and correspondingly the use made of the agent in question. A higher price of leather, due to the increased use of shoes, raises the value of hides and cattle (this increasing the extent of cattle raising) and raises thus the cost of carriage-trimmings, pocket-books, foot-balls, leather belts, and every other leather product. As the price rises, substitutes for leather, and imitations of it, are used for such of the products as cannot bear the increased cost of leather.
4. The enterpriser does not fix the value of products or of agents, but is the medium through which consumers express their estimates. The enterpriser who anticipates aright and satisfies the public taste is the good medium. He readily transmits and accurately focuses the rays of public judgment. One that misjudges is a poor medium. The enterpriser is himself the servant of costs. Laborers sometimes assume that the employer can dictate wages, prices, and markets, can rule things with a lordly hand. With rare exceptions the ultimate control in these matters by business men is very slight. In the main the enterpriser masters the situation only by bowing to it, just as the scientist and the engineer gain mastery over nature because they know when to bend and how to obey. The consumer, by deciding to buy this or that product, sets in motion waves of value. The consumers of products are the true purchasers of labor, materials, and uses of agents. The enterpriser must conform closely to cost, to the price prevailing for the moment, or his competitors in this day of narrow margins will seize the opportunity. The enterpriser is merely the distributor or equalizer of cost among all the different products for which different agents can be used. If he acts efficiently, profits arise.
CHAPTER 31
THE LAW OF PROFITS
§ I. MEANING OF TERMS
1. The term profit is popularly used as any gain or advantage secured by any means in business. The terms used in economics, being taken from popular language, vary in meaning according to the context. It is necessary to clear thinking to reject some words entirely and when using others to define them more strictly. The broad usage of the term profits just noted includes every kind of return to industry: such as interest on capital, and wages or services of the man owning the industry. Precise thinking requires its use in a much narrower sense.
2. A common meaning of profits in retail business is the gross gain on a given sale. Buying an article for one dollar and selling it for two dollars, is said by the merchant to be selling at one hundred per cent. profit, jocularly called, "The Dutchman's one per cent." The cost price is considered to be that paid to the manufacturer or wholesaler. In different lines of goods there is added regularly to this cost twenty, thirty, or fifty per cent., as the case may be, as the merchant's profit on the sale. This is of course a gross profit, and not net, or true profit. It leaves out of account rent, interest on capital, clerk hire, freight, and many other minor items that enter into the cost of running a store. It often happens that the Dutchman's way of reckoning is nearer the truth, and that the gross profit of one hundred per cent. proves at the end of the year to be only a net profit of one per cent. This evidently is a loose meaning, impossible in the discussion of theoretical questions. This meaning is sometimes developed, making profits the sum of all the gross profits on separate sales within a year, or the difference between the wholesale and retail prices of goods sold within the year.
Another meaning given to the term is gross profit (as above) compared with the capital invested. The "profit" in this case varies partly with the rate of the turnover. To illustrate: if the amount invested in a printing-office is $100,000, and the annual business done is $300,000, the capital is said to be turned over three times; if the gross profits on sales averaged twenty per cent., they would be sixty per cent. on the investment; but, if the capital had been turned over four times, the gross profit would have been eighty per cent. on the investment.
3. Another meaning of profits is the annual net gain of the business, as compared with the average investment of capital. This is a long step toward greater definiteness. If at the end of a year it were found that after paying all outside expenses there were $10,000 to set aside, this would be accounted a profit of ten per cent. on $100,000 invested. But confusion still reigns because of wide variation in the methods of estimating costs before fixing net profits. In one case the enterpriser rents lands and buildings, in another he owns them; in one case he has borrowed money and counts interest as a cost, in another he is free from debt; in one case he counts as a part of cost an estimated fair salary for himself and his partners, in another (usually in a small business) no such allowance is made Such a variation in business usage is most perplexing. In all these cases one must have the exact conditions in mind before it is possible to make any comparisons and draw any conclusions as to the relative profits of different industries.
4. In the narrower and exacter sense profits are the net gain of the enterpriser after counting the rent of material agents and contract wages of employees at the prevailing rates. Into the practical problem of cost and profit many factors enter, and the theoretical problem is to determine just how much ought to be attributed to each. In a large business usually the practical bookkeeping problem is not unlike that of economic analysis. A stock company counts as cost, as a part of fixed charges, interest on capital borrowed either from banks or bondholders. Its managers are paid salaries, counted as a part of cost. The net balance, after deducting these and all other expenses, is counted profits and paid in dividends to stockholders. The economic student is not attempting to get a theory of profits that is in contrast with practice. Rather, he is trying to analyze profits generally, just as they are analyzed in the few cases where the books are properly kept. In economic theory, therefore, profits are the part of the gain of any business that is logically attributable to fortunate investment and good management; profits are the income attributable to the enterpriser's services.
5. Typical economic profits are thus a species of wages but are marked by peculiar features. In some of the older treatises on political economy, profits are treated merely as a combination of "wages of management," and of interest on capital invested. A man hired at a fixed sum to manage a business is receiving simply contract wages. Economic profits are not contract wages, not being paid by agreement, but being yielded impersonally by the industry. Profits are, however, economic wages or the earnings of services. As business has developed, it has been seen that the enterpriser's work has its peculiar character and deserves special attention. The old English word "enterpriser," used of the "adventurer" who embarked in foreign trade, may fittingly apply to the organizer and director of business to-day. Foreign trade then, more often than now, was most uncertain, and there were many chances that the ship would be lost, or the venture prove a losing one. In the simplest business to-day there is this element of enterprise, or undertaking, combined with ordinary capital and labor. As industry develops, this special service stands out more clearly. In the corner-grocer and in the manager of the little news-stand, the elements of enterprise and labor are not apart. In the large wholesale house, the enterpriser is seen to be not merely an abstractly thinkable function, but a separate and concrete person. The typical enterpriser is the man who gives his time and energies to the launching and guiding of business.