4. The public nature of bank money has led to many forms of public regulation of their issues. Bank-notes thus stand midway in their economic nature between political money and private notes, sharing something of the character of each. An extreme analogy in either direction is misleading. It is of great social importance that the circulating medium should be reliable. The least possible amount of the citizen's energy and thought should be required to decide whether the money is good or bad. Nevertheless, those opposed to state interference in industry declare that if the citizen is not left to look out for himself, the growth of stupidity will be encouraged; and they say that it is no more essential for the state to guarantee the quality of bank-notes than the quality of woolen cloth or of sugar. Few, however, take so extreme a view, and it is generally held that it is a function of the state to insure in a greater or less degree the quality of the money in circulation. The actual bank-notes of the leading countries are thus of many varieties. The Canadian notes are the most nearly typical bank-notes issued to-day; those of Germany come next, while those of the United States have little of the typical character.
§ III. BANKS OF THE UNITED STATES TO-DAY
1. The three forms of banks in the United States are private, state, and national. Any one with a little capital may become a private banker. There are "curbstone brokers" in almost every town, and some of the great financial houses are private banks. But the law will not allow this to go very far. Some states will not allow a man to put up a sign announcing himself as a banker unless he complies with certain banking laws. In some states even private banks are subjected to the same inspection as the state banks and are required to make the same reports to the state officials. State banks are those organized under special state banking laws. They are usually subject to inspection by state-bank commissioners, must make regular reports, and are required to comply with certain rules as to their reserves, rates, and investments. In any case they do not issue bank-notes, because the national laws now tax the notes of state banks so heavily that they are unprofitable. National banks, the largest and most important portion of our banking system, were authorized by law in 1863, during the Civil War. They are subject to stricter regulation and inspection than are other banks, and that regulation is perhaps an advantage to them, as it strengthens public confidence in their stability. Yet this regulation does not insure the depositors against loss, as some national banks fail every year. They may be organized with twenty-five thousand dollars capital in towns of less than three thousand population, with fifty thousand dollars in towns of less than six thousand, with one hundred thousand dollars in cities of less than fifty thousand, and with two hundred thousand dollars in larger cities.
2. Our national bank-notes have no essential mark of typical bank money. The one marked peculiarity of the national banks of the United States as compared with those of other countries, is their mode of note-issue. They perform all the other functions of banks, essential and unessential, and perform them well, but the issue of bank-notes is optional with them, and some of them do not issue any bank-notes. The legal condition to their issue is that bonds of the United States shall be purchased in the open market and deposited with the treasurer of the United States. Until 1900, notes might be issued only to ninety per cent. of the value of the bonds deposited; but now they may be issued up to the par value of the bonds. The notes, being secured by the value of the bonds, rest on the credit of the government, not on the credit of the bank. These notes are not promptly sent back for redemption to the banks issuing them, as is done with typical bank-notes. They may circulate thousands of miles away from the bank that issued them, and for years after that bank has gone out of business. They are not an "elastic currency" increasing or diminishing with the needs of business. The changes in their amount depend upon the chance of the banks to make more or less in this way than by any other use of their capital, and this in turn depends largely on the price of bonds and on the rate of interest they bear. From 1864 to 1870, fortunes were made from this source, but in recent years there has been little opportunity of gain from note-issues. Our present bank-note issues are not on a logical basis, and satisfy no one entirely. They are of importance neither to the bank, to which they afford little or no profit, nor to the public, for which they do a service equally well done by silver certificates, greenbacks, or coins.
Along with the discussion of the currency has gone, since 1896, a vigorous discussion of the banking system. The two problems are so closely related that a change in the one suggests readjustment of the other. One extreme plan is to abolish bank-notes entirely and to replace them with additional issues of greenbacks; the other extreme plan is to authorize the issue of almost typical bank-notes. A modification of the Canadian banking system, which has great merits, is held up for imitation. Bills have been repeatedly before Congress authorizing the maintenance of a general guarantee fund with which the notes of failed banks could be redeemed, and at the same time authorizing branch banks such as those in Canada. Public sentiment has never strongly favored this plan, however, and there is more likelihood of the passage of a bill providing for emergency notes in time of financial stress, after the plan followed in Germany.
That the control of banking is an important duty of government is the conclusion of the practical world. The various banking systems of the leading countries embody different plans for the one purpose of the adequate control of banking in the public interest. Government control of bank-notes is felt to be of the same nature as factory inspection, that is, to be a protective measure. When public interests are at stake and private interests conflict with them, government acts to forbid one citizen from doing harm, and to protect other citizens from injury.
CHAPTER 49
TAXATION IN ITS RELATION TO VALUE
§ I. PURPOSES OF TAXATION
1. Provision for the expense of organized government is the fundamental purpose of taxation. Taxation may be defined as the taking by the government of private property for public uses. This implies a certain degree of compulsion. When the national government accepts ten million dollars in trust for the Carnegie Institution, it is not taxation, though wealth is given for public uses. The effects of taxation pervade all industrial affairs, but they will be discussed here only in relation to the value of goods and to the distribution of incomes. By taxation the government interferes with the individual's free choice and with the impersonal economic forces. It expends income in different ways from those which would be chosen by the individual.
The primary purpose of taxation is public defense. War often has driven men into closer social relations. Public defense requires sacrifice on the part of the family and of the individual. In family or patriarchal communities all share a common income and combine in the common defense, but self-preservation compels such small communities to form a larger, stronger state for the common defense. Personal service in the field gives place to money taxes permitting a more regular, continuing, and perfect organization of military forces.
Next comes the need of civil government to insure domestic tranquillity. As political unity grows, the citizens need less often protection against foreign foes, and they need more often, relatively, defense against the aggressions of some of their own countrymen. The preservation of domestic order requires police, courts of justice, and other agencies. The ideal of the anarchist to do without government is nowhere realized. Everywhere there must be government to preserve peace and to protect property. Unfortunately, this need grows with the growing density of population. Crime increases when men swarm in great cities. To maintain and operate the social machinery requires ever-increasing resources. The courts which settle disputes between men, and which interpret their contracts, are agencies of peace, displacing physical contests. Many other public expenses tend to enlarge, as those for legislative bodies, public buildings, statistical inquiries, the printing of public documents. Government on these accounts has become in modern times an increasingly costly institution.
2. The promotion of the social and industrial welfare of society has come to be an important purpose of taxation. Some functions of government, less essential than the primary ones just mentioned, seem naturally to grow out of them. In a democratic society, popular education is one of the necessary conditions of good government, as it appears that domestic order is not possible in a democratic state without intelligent citizens. Step by step the functions of government are widened. Some industrial functions are performed by the government in connection with the primary needs. Lighthouses are necessary to guide the navy, but they also serve to guide the merchant marine and to aid industry. The post was established as an agent of political and military government to connect the ruler with the outposts (a fact the name post indicates), but the postal service has grown in every country to be a great industrial and social agency. The consular service, beginning in the political need of keeping official representatives in foreign lands, has grown to be a great economic agency. Consuls are commercial travelers, advancing the trade-interests of their countries in all quarters of the globe. These social and industrial functions have been increasing of late. As the national and local governments engage more in industry, they usually make larger demands in the shape of taxation.
It is along the border-line between the primary and the secondary purposes of taxation that the contest goes on regarding the proper functions of government. If they are to stop short of the extreme of socialism, where shall the line be drawn? The movement has been of late toward greater government activity; more of the wants of men are thus supplied through the agency of the state. That year by year a greater sum is taken by taxation and spent for the citizen is a fact that may be recognized without debate here. The toll-road becomes a public road, the toll-bridge becomes free, more is supplied by taxation for schools, for advanced research, and for technical training. In our country great wealth was given by the Morrill Act to scientific and technical schools. The state universities, against much opposition, have become in many states of the Union the dominant educational force. Moreover, taxation often is used as a means not merely of raising revenue, but of discouraging one kind of industry and encouraging another. One industry wanes or dies under increasing burdens, another waxes strong by fostering exemptions and bounties. A large share of this "protective legislation" is done under the guise of taxation.
3. Shifting of the limits of state action and corresponding changes in the weight of taxation are constantly affecting value and incomes. Society as a whole is made up of many groups of industry. Government is the largest of these, collecting and expending more than any individual or corporation. Government is in one aspect a consumption good. In return for its collective cost men collectively get the enjoyment of social organization, markedly in contrast with the uncertain ties and hazards of primitive communities. But government becomes also a mode of social investment, an indirect agent, a productive enterprise. Wealth applied through it secures a greater product than is possible by individual action. Government can maintain lighthouses more economically than individuals could otherwise secure them.
But when the government undertakes these various tasks, the expense falls unequally on individuals and affects differently their incomes. When free schools take the place of private schools, the law compels every one to contribute to education. To many individuals it is a matter of indifference whether they pay tuition or taxes, but the wealthy bachelor sometimes grumbles when forced to help in educating the day-laborer's family of twelve. The average result may be right, but individuals diverge from the average and thus have constantly a motive to attempt to change the limits of governmental action. Happily the subject is not always viewed with selfish eyes. The ethical and patriotic thought is not, "How will this affect my interests?" but, "How will it affect the general interests?" But as the question of value is always involved, men are usually found favoring or opposing a measure of taxation according as it affects their own income. Thus taxation is inevitably an economic question.
§ II. FORMS OF TAXATION
1. Taxes usually are a portion taken from the income arising from labor or from wealth. In rare cases more than the net income of wealth may be taken, but the aim of taxation in general is to take only a portion of the income for public uses. As economic income has many sources, it may be intercepted at many different points, and taxation may take various forms. First, private income may be appropriated by a tax on income. This is the simplest in thought, but the administrative difficulties of the income-tax are great in practice. It is not easy to determine the money value of the various sources of enjoyment that come into a man's possession in the course of a year, including, as the ideal requires, the immaterial gratifications along with the material. A second form is a tax on property in proportion to value. Since the value of material wealth is the capitalization of the rentals at the prevailing rate of interest, the property tax, so far as it applies to material wealth, should take an approximately equal proportion of incomes. If it were accurately assessed, it would be in some respects better than a tax on actual rents, for it reaches the prospective, or speculative, rental. A third form of tax is one on consumption, or expenditure. This is but another mode of attacking income, for in the long run income is spent, not always by the individual who earned it, but by some one, and thus it is reached by a tax on expenditure. The principal consumption taxes in the United States are the tariff duties and the internal revenues of the national government. In time of war, internal revenues are extended in the United States to a multitude of articles, but usually they are limited (with minor exceptions) to liquor and tobacco. A fourth form of tax is one on selected agencies of industry; such are business taxes, licenses, taxes on investment in business, corporation taxes, etc. These burdens are diffused and rest eventually on some income, not always exactly ascertainable. Actual tax systems combine these forms in great variety, subtracting many minute fractions from each citizen's income in ways unsuspected by him.
2. The immediate effect of a change in the form of taxation is a change in the market value of goods. If the new tax reduces the net rent of any productive agent, it reduces likewise its value, which is but the capitalization of its net rental. If taxes are taken off of factories and put upon farm rents, factories rise and farm-land falls in value. The immediate change in value is much greater than the annual tax, for if five dollars is to be taken permanently from the annual rental of the farm, nearly one hundred dollars is taken at once from its selling value.
Taxes are reckoned by enterprisers as a part of the cost of production whenever the conditions of competition and of substitution make it possible to do so. In such a case the products rise in price and most of the tax falls upon the consumers. In the Civil War an increase in the tax on whisky increased its selling price, and distillers who owned stocks on which a smaller tax had already been paid reaped profits of millions of dollars. When recently the tax on tea was increased in England, all dealers who had accumulated a stock before the law went into effect were gainers. Every change in taxation inevitably affects, either favorably or unfavorably, many interests. The chance to anticipate a change in tax laws or to get, from those in power, information of a proposed change, makes speculation possible and political corruption profitable.
3. After every change in taxation, competition among bargainers goes on and a new equilibrium of prices results. The citizen who pays a tax into the public treasury is not always the one whose income is reduced in the long run. In most cases the final and regular burden of the tax is distributed over a number of incomes. The passing on of the burden is called the shifting of the tax; the location of the final burden is called the incidence of the tax. The lawmaker cannot tell exactly where the weight will fall. The principles of value give some guidance in the inquiry, but the workings of the principle are difficult to follow. Certain it is that the new tax, both in its collection and in its expenditure, becomes a new influence in industry. Some occupations are made more attractive, others less so. Some places are made more, others less, desirable to live in. As property thus fluctuates in value, as investments become more or less remunerative, the market price of corporation stocks rises and falls. The rate of adjustment varies greatly under different conditions. The inflow and the outflow of labor and capital are more or less rapid in the various industries.
The fact that a change in taxation is a disturbing element in price is not to be thought insignificant merely because "all comes out right in the end." Every change in taxation is an element of uncertainty in business and increases the fortunes of some men at the expense of others. Hence no considerable change should be made without good reasons in its favor. The older taxes have the virtue of stability, but in many cases they have grown out of harmony with the industrial conditions. While, therefore, from time to time there is a real need of a reform in the tax system, it should not be undertaken without recognizing the many and complex interests involved.
§ III. PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE
1. Taxation should be adjusted with reference to the general social interest. Many standards have been suggested to measure the distribution of the burden of taxation, such as benefit, equality, and ability. Each of these terms is capable of various interpretations which have changed from time to time. The benefit derived by any citizen from most of the public services evidently cannot be measured with exactness. The standard of equality cannot be applied in any literal sense to strong and weak, to rich and poor. It is possible, however, to interpret equality with reference not to objective goods, but to the psychic sacrifice occasioned by taxation. Ability thus is of many kinds and may be differently understood. Some think ability to bear taxation is "in exact proportion to the money income"; others believe that it increases at a greater rate than money income, and favor, therefore, progressive taxation, that is, higher rates on the larger incomes.
The conflicting interests of the classes in each period are to some degree softened by the social conscience, and taxes are adjusted according to a vaguely held ideal of the social welfare. Social expediency, more or less broadly interpreted, determines who shall be taxed and what will give the best social results. The exemptions from taxation in feudal times were great, and viewed from our standpoint were inequitable, for it was the upper classes who escaped while the peasants bore all the burdens. The landlords and nobility who were assumed to be performing important social functions, often had outgrown their usefulness. Exemptions are granted liberally in most states to-day for some purposes and to some classes of citizens; to educational, religious, and charitable institutions; to the homes of priests and ministers; to homesteads purchased with pension money, etc. California alone of all the states in the Union continued until 1903 to tax churches and private schools. The social interest requires that taxes be both elastic and productive, so that the needs of the government shall be amply provided for. The harmonizing of these needs in the laws of taxation requires a high degree of wisdom, of foresight, and of integrity, in the legislator and in the citizen. No hard-and-fast rule for the apportioning of taxes can be laid down. The decision must be made in each generation by social opinion, guided by the social conscience.
2. The administration of taxation should be economical, certain, and uniform. Whatever taxes are adopted, whether on property or income, whether at a proportional or a progressive rate, their justice and expediency depend largely on their administration. Principle and practice in this as in most affairs may go far apart. Some laws are more easily and economically executed than others. The time of collection should be as convenient as possible for the citizen, and the mode of payment should be the most simple. As to the time, method of payment, and amount, the utmost certainty is desirable. Taxation that is variable, shifting, dependent on personal whim and favoritism, is despotism. Above all, the administration of the law should be uniform and impartial,—yet this is a principle most frequently departed from in practice. The assessment of taxes has to be intrusted to men with fallible judgment, imperfect knowledge, and selfish interests. The assessor is as near a despot as any agent of popular government to-day. Not infrequently it is to men incapable of earning two dollars a day in any private business that the power is given of passing judgment on the value of millions of dollars' worth of property. Under the circumstances, evils are to be expected and they occur. The small property-owner often is crushed under the unequal assessment while the large owner comes lightly off. Political friends are favored, political foes are made to suffer. Woman nearly everywhere pays more than her fair share of taxes, a fact that the advocates of woman suffrage do not fail to urge as an argument for their cause, although women's disadvantage in this matter is little greater than that of any man without special political influence.
3. The relation of taxation to private incomes makes it one of the largest public questions of the day. The discussion of taxation has accompanied the growth of free government in England and America from the time of Magna Charta. The control of the public purse frequently was the occasion of conflict between the monarch and the people. Taxation was a leading issue in the American Revolution. While, therefore, it cannot be said that the subject has been of no great importance in the past, it is true that in our own national history since the adoption of the Constitution, taxation has not been much discussed, except in the one aspect of the tariff. Constitutional and political questions, states rights, and the question of slavery, long absorbed the interest of citizens and legislators. But with the aroused interest of the public in economic problems, taxation is attracting, and is certain to attract in the next few years, increasing attention in local, commonwealth, and national politics.
CHAPTER 50
THE GENERAL THEORY OF INTERNATIONAL TRADE
§ I. INTERNATIONAL TRADE AS A CASE OF EXCHANGE
1. International trade is exchange between individual men, and has the same object as other exchange of goods. The term international trade should not be misunderstood as meaning that nations rather than individuals engage in it. International trade differs from domestic trade only in the fact that the parties are citizens of different sovereign states. Exchanges between men in the same village, between those in neighboring villages, and between those in different countries, are prompted by essentially the same economic motive—the wish to increase the want-gratifying power of goods. In every such case both parties gain or think they are gaining. In international trade there is the same chance for mistake as in domestic trade, but no more. In a single transaction in either domestic or foreign trade one party may be cheated, but the continuance of trade relations is dependent on continued benefits. The once generally accepted maxim that the gain of one in trade is the loss of another, is rarely applied now except to international trade. The starting point for the consideration of this subject is in this proposition: Foreign trade is carried on by individuals, for individual gain, with the same motives and for the same benefits as are found in other trade.
2. As commerce has grown, the territorial division of labor has correspondingly increased. Although economic motives have had influence in political affairs and have helped to determine political groupings and the limits of modern nations, there is to-day no very close correspondence between political and economic boundary lines. Both industrial and political conditions have changed so rapidly that the lines often have tended to diverge rather than to agree. It is common for two portions of a nation to exchange far less than do two portions of entirely different nations. The great territorial divisions of industry are determined first and mainly by differences of climate, soil, and natural resources. Thus trade arises easily between north and south, between warm and frigid climes, between new countries and old, between regions sparsely and regions densely populated. Foreign trade with distant lands is as old as history. In medieval times the luxuries of the temperate zone were mostly articles produced in the tropics. Political divisions usually have not been large enough to embrace widely varied soils and climates, the Roman Empire being an exception in marked contrast with the comparatively small political units of the Middle Ages. Before modern methods of transportation, a large free federal state like our republic was impossible. As in recent centuries the large political units have been formed, the question has arisen, Shall the political boundary be likewise the economic boundary marking the limits of trade? The firm constitutional Union of the American states arose out of difficulties with regard to trade. The German Zollverein, the forerunner of the modern German Empire, had a similar origin. The Australian Federation consummated within the last few years has grown out of the need of adjusting tariffs and tariff boundaries. These larger political units containing such varied resources can in larger measure, but never completely, become independent of the rest of the world if they will.
Territorial division of trade is determined secondly by differences in the accumulation of wealth, in the development of capital, of invention, and of organization, in the degree of intelligence of the workers, and in the grade of civilization. It is mainly trade due to this second group of causes, and carried on between old and new countries of about the same latitude, that is the subject of discussion in economic treatises on international trade.
3. The doctrine of comparative costs is that relative, not absolute, advantages of production determine for a country the benefits of international trade. The free-trade question in any country is whether it is for its interests as a whole to permit trade between its citizens and the citizens of other countries. The question appears especially difficult where both countries have natural resources of about the same character (as iron and coal in the case of England and America), and where, therefore, both can produce the things that are exchanged. If American labor can produce as much iron in a day as English labor,—or more,—is it not foolish and wasteful, it is asked, not to produce that wealth? Now, exactly the same case is presented in simple neighborhood exchanges. The merchant may be able to keep his books better than does the bookkeeper whom he employs. The proprietor may be able to sweep out the store better than the cheap boy does it. The carpenter may be able to raise better vegetables than can the gardener from whom he purchases, and yet the merchant and the carpenter do not quit their better-paying work and turn to clerking or to raising vegetables.
It often happens that both countries can technically produce both the articles that are internationally exchanged. It may frequently happen that one of the two countries has an advantage in amount of sacrifice and effort, as to both articles; but if the advantage is greater in one article than in the other, the foreigners, like the low-paid clerk, will be willing to exchange at a ratio that will make it profitable to specialize in the product wherein the greater superiority lies. Therefore not the advantage as to a single product, enjoyed by one country over the other is most important in determining whether to produce at home or to exchange, but the comparative advantages enjoyed in the production of the two articles in question.
It must be remembered that comparative cost as here used refers to cost in effort, not to money cost,—a point on which there is often confusion. The money cost of a certain product is often greater in a new country because wages are high, and wages are high just because psychic cost is low, that is, because labor can produce so much. At the time of the great gold discoveries in 1849-50, the price of goods in California was much higher than in the East, and much higher in Australia than in Europe. A day's labor doubtless would produce as much food in Australia and in California as in New England and in Norway, but it produced far more gold. Hence butter and cheese were shipped by long routes from Norway to Australia and from New England around Cape Horn to California, to be exchanged for gold. One of the standing arguments against foreign trade is based on the idea that a country cannot profitably import goods unless it is at an absolute disadvantage in their production. It is declared that as our country can produce these goods "as well" as foreign countries (meaning with as few days' labor), there is a loss on every unit imported.
4. The equation of international exchange is that adjustment of prices which results in the equalizing of the imports and exports of the country. The superiority of a new country over an old one is not equally great in every line of industry. It is almost certainly most marked in those enterprises where natural resources are employed. To compete with the older country in less favored industries, capital and labor in the new are forced to take a lower rate than they can earn in the more favored. Without any government supervision, therefore, but simply through the choice of enterprisers seeking the best investment of capital, industries are developed in which the country is either most markedly superior or least inferior to its neighbors.
If the productive energies of men interchanged between industries and between countries with perfect readiness, a perfect equilibrium of advantage would everywhere result. In every country, in every occupation, labor and capital of given quality and amount would receive the same reward. But the interchange of labor and capital between countries is never without friction. Adam Smith said that "a man is of all sorts of luggage the most difficult to be transported." The higher wages in a new country are sufficient to attract constantly from the older lands a portion of their labor supply; the higher rate of interest in the new countries attracts constant additions of capital; yet, despite these forces working toward equalization, the inequality may remain and through the working of other influences even increase in the course of years.
The laborers, enterprisers, and investors in the one country are thus in a position of more or less enduring advantage relative to those of the other countries. The advantage is sometimes said to be a "monopoly" which they, or the country as a whole, enjoy; but in the absence of any contractual limiting of competition, this is a misuse of the term monopoly. This variation in the degree of scarcity of agents in different territories is not peculiar to nations as a whole. Differences of the same nature exist between the Northern and the Southern states of the American Union, have continued for decades between Eastern and Western states, and are found even between neighboring counties. The differences between two countries, however, are likely to be more marked, the circulation of factors being so active within a country that it is allowable to speak broadly of prevailing national rates of wages and of interest.
Every exchange of goods between the countries is made at a ratio that reflects, or expresses, this abiding difference in comparative costs. The imports into the favored country represent regularly the results of more units of labor of a given grade than do the corresponding exports. The ratio which expresses the disparity of advantage of productive factors is called "the equation of international demand." This does not mean that the money value of the imports exceeds that of the exports, or vice versa. On the contrary, the equation itself embodies a maxim of international trade that "in the long run," or "on the average," imports and exports must be equal in value (i.e., equation of demand). This brings us to the theory of foreign exchanges, which is essential to an understanding of this feature of international trade.
§ II. THEORY OF FOREIGN EXCHANGES OF MONEY
1. Foreign exchange of money is the purchase and sale of the right to receive a given kind and weight of metal at a specified time and place. Par of exchange is the number of units of the standard coin of one country that contain the same amount of fine gold (or silver) as the standard coin of the other country. Usually the English pound is taken as the basis in the tables which express the ratio of the gold in the standard coins of different countries. The gold shipping point is par of exchange plus or minus the cost of moving the actual metal; it varies with means of transportation and communication. The par of exchange between England and America being $4.866 and the cost of expressing and insuring a gold pound between New York and London being approximately .03, the shipping point for the export of gold from New York is $4.896. At the upper and lower limits, there is a motive for shipping gold as a commodity. If each transaction were independent of all others, the cost of exchange would be the weight of metal called for, plus grains enough more to pay for loss of interest, cost of freight, risk, and trouble. In such a case it would cost $4.896 to remit one pound; while a debt of one pound payable in London would at the same time be worth $4.836 to the creditor in New York. When, in New York, a number of men having bills to pay in London meet a number of owners of bills receivable in London, a market for London drafts is created and a rate of exchange results somewhere between the shipping points. In this is the explanation of the variation of the rate, and of the facts that the cost of outward exchange sometimes is less than the par of exchange and that the value of foreign drafts sometimes is above par.
The balancing of foreign exchanges is of essentially the same nature as the domestic cancelation of indebtedness. It is going on constantly between two merchants in the same town, between two banks in the same town who represent groups of merchants, between men in neighboring towns, between distant states like New York and California, and between the trading nations of the world. The price of exchange to the individual is reduced by the specializing of the business in the hands of a few dealers, permitting cancelation of indebtedness or offsetting of exchange, and greatly reducing the amount of bullion to be transported. Exchange varies above and below par as conditions change. When the movement of money is into the country, drafts on London are bought and sold for less than par, for every pound draft thus remitted to London reduces the need of shipping gold to this country, while every London draft collected in New York at such a time increases the need to ship gold.
2. International shipment of money is always just the amount needed to balance the accounts due. The proposition that in the long run the value of imports must equal the value of exports, while the fundamental truth in the theory of international trade, must be understood in a broad sense. Into the balance between the traders of two nations enter many items: the cash values of the imports and exports of each; freights, insurance premiums, and commissions; the expense of Americans traveling in foreign lands, and the cost of the foreign service of this government (such as the salaries of consuls and of diplomatic representatives) which count as the importation to America of an equivalent amount of food, clothing, and sundry services; subsidies and war indemnities to foreign nations representing, as they do, an expenditure, which at the moment may be paid in coin, but which, as is to be more fully explained, must be offset ultimately in some way by exports.
Many credit transactions affect the balance one way or another until settled. The loans made by European capital to the American government or to individuals and corporations in America, as well as the European capital expended in purchasing American enterprises, require the remitting of gold to New York, and thus offset many imports of goods to New York otherwise calling for the remitting of gold to London. In the direction opposite to this, act the interest payments and the eventual repayment of the principal loan, for these require either money or goods to be exported from America to the value of the obligations. Loans that run for years thus offset annually (in their accruing interest) a portion of the exports of the debtor country. An excess of exports may therefore at any given moment indicate either that the country is in debt or that it is getting out of debt. An excess of exports is generally looked upon as an evidence of national prosperity; but it is absolutely inconclusive on the point. Finally, after all the items of imports and credit paper purchased abroad are set opposite the items of exports and promissory papers sold abroad, the balance is paid in gold bullion and is shipped one way or the other. Evidently the amount of gold shipped is but a small fraction of the total volume of transactions.
Industrial indebtedness is represented in various forms: bills of lading for goods shipped, drafts made by the creditor on his debtor for goods shipped or property sold, checks or letters of credit of travelers, bonds and notes public and private. These are the objects dealt in by the bankers who are the agents to carry on the work of exchange.
3. The territorial distribution of money is both a determined and a determining factor in international trade. It appears to be determined in that the balance of all accounts for or against the country must be settled eventually in money. After any such a settlement one country has less, the other more money than before. The change in the amount of money at once reacts on prices and becomes a determining factor in international trade. The flow of money out of a country causes money to tighten, interest rates on short loans in the large cities to stiffen, and prices slightly to fall. When prices fall, imports decline, as the country is not so good a place to sell in; when prices rise, imports increase, as it is a better place to sell in. As the opposite effect is produced on exports, there occurs immediately a change in the quantity of money which continues until the national credits and debits balance and for a brief time remain in equilibrium. If the trade of a country with its neighbors continued long to give a balance of imports of goods and of debit items (exclusive of money) it would ultimately be drained of all its coin, and would default payment or cease to import. If the trade constantly gave a balance of exports and credit items, money would continue to flow in, until prices rose to unexampled heights. In fact no such extreme is even remotely approached, for a slight movement of money in either direction at once influences prices and sets in motion counteracting forces. Decade after decade the circulating medium of leading countries changes only slightly in amount, and the fluctuations during periods of so-called "favorable balance of trade" and of "unfavorable balance of trade" represent only the smallest fraction of the value of goods passing through the ports of the country.
§ III. REAL BENEFITS OF FOREIGN TRADE
1. The direct advantages of foreign trade consist in the increased efficiency it imparts to productive forces. In explanation of the advantages of foreign trade it is said to be a vent for surplus production and to give a wider market to what would otherwise go to waste. This involves the same fallacy as the "lump of labor," the destruction of machinery, and the praise of luxury. If backward nations now give a vent for products which would otherwise rot in the warehouses, at length a time will come when the world will have an enormous surplus unless neighboring planets can be successively annexed. Again it is said that the great purpose of foreign trade is to keep exports in excess of imports so that money may constantly increase in amount. The ideal of such theorists is an impossible condition where the country would constantly sell and never buy. In the commercial view the sole object of foreign trade is to afford a profit to the merchants, regardless of the welfare of the mass of the citizens.