3. Laws regulate the form, time, and methods of payment in manufactures and mining. Companies sometimes keep stores and pay the workers in mines and factories in goods, instead of money. Such a store in the hands of a philanthropic employer might easily be made, without expense to himself, a great boon to his workmen, giving them more than the benefits of consumers' coöperation. But the usual result is told by the fact that such stores are known as "truck stores," "pluck-me stores." They are most often found where some one large corporation dominates in the community, as in mines, where the workers are in a very dependent condition. If the higher prices demanded practically lower real wages, it would seem that the worker had an immediate remedy in his power to demand higher money-wages. Recognizing that this is for the most part an illusion—for it is just in such places that the conditions for free competition are least present—the law in many states prohibits these stores. It regulates also the measuring of work, fixing the size of screens and of cars used in coal-mining. The law is especially favorable to the hand-laborer in regard to the collection of his wages, requiring regular monthly or fortnightly or sometimes weekly payments. Mechanics' liens give to workmen in the building trades the first claim on the products of their labor.
4. In some cases the law forbids "contracting out," and the courts fix the terms of the contract. In general, the law does not interfere with the right of the citizen to make any formal contract he chooses. It confines itself to providing rules and agencies for interpreting and enforcing the contracts when made. Employers often compel workmen to sign a release from damages in case of accident. This practice was forbidden even by common law, and many recent statutes have specifically provided that employers cannot "contract out" of the right to claim damages. The courts are particularly watchful of the interests of children, who are usually deemed incapable of entering into contracts binding them to their injury. Sailors, likewise, have long been protected and guarded by the law, because, journeying far from home, they are peculiarly in the power of their employers. The English courts may even change the contract if the sailors have been coerced by their masters. The rights of married women to mortgage their property is limited in some states in recognition of the undue influence that may be exercised by their husbands. The attempts in the last twenty years to settle the Irish land-question have resulted in a steady increase of the interference of law and courts with the freedom of contract between tenant and landlord. Though in many ways freedom of contract is thus limited, competition is not entirely destroyed; it is turned in other and usually better directions.
5. This group of social laws resembles protective tariffs in preventing free competition, but differs from them in varying ways and degrees. Writers class all such laws as protective legislation, in that they depart from the rule of free trade taken in its broadest sense. It does not follow, however, that all these laws stand or fall together,—that if the protective tariff is wrong, all are wrong. The justification of every such measure is limited and relative, and therefore of varying strength. All protective measures are alike in that the free choice of the citizen is forbidden by law. The argument for the tariff is economic and political. The tariff does not seek to prevent a moral evil; foreign trade is morally as good as other trade. In a large majority of social laws the moral purpose is fundamental. It is the demand of humanity that competition be placed on a higher plane. Tariff legislation is primarily in the interest of a special well-to-do class, with which other citizens are compelled unwillingly to trade. Most social legislation is to protect the weak from being forced into contracts injurious to their welfare and happiness. In any case, social legislation is not to be justified by any but the most general abstract principle,—the attainment of the best social result. The best test of social protective laws is their contribution to a higher independence and to a freer competition on a higher, more worthy, and more humane plane.
CHAPTER 53
PUBLIC OWNERSHIP OF INDUSTRY
§ I. EXAMPLES OF PUBLIC OWNERSHIP
1. Local political units generally acquire only industries whose products must be used in the place where produced. The word industry is used here in a broad sense, including agents of psychic income not usually so classed, such as public parks. The grouping of publicly owned industries according to the size and importance of the political units cannot be exact, because some classes of industries are owned by several kinds of political units. Yet, especially with application to American conditions, an approximate classification may be made on this principle. Federal states consist of three main groups of political units: national, provincial, and local. Provincial units are the largest subdivisions, as the American "states," or commonwealths, the German states, and the provinces in other countries. The term local political unit is more complex and may mean county, township, village, city, and school or sanitary district; but most of what is to be said of local ownership refers to cities or to incorporated villages.
Nearly all public parks and recreation grounds are owned by cities. As population has become more dense, private yards of any extent become impossible, in cities, for all but the wealthy. Public ownership of parks insures recreation grounds to the common man in the most economical way. Of late the movement for large and small public parks and playgrounds has gone on rapidly in American cities. Related to parks are public baths, public libraries, art collections, museums, zoölogical gardens, etc. Some have declared that such a policy stops little short of a paralyzing socialism for the masses. Reason and experience fail to reveal any such danger so long as the things supplied gratify the higher tastes—as art, music, literature, innocent social recreation. Not until the necessities of life, as bread, clothing, and houses, are supplied, is encouragement given to the increase of improvident families and to the breaking down of independent character. The means of local communication—streets, roads, bridges—were once owned largely by private citizens. Here and there still are found toll roads and toll bridges built under charters granted a century ago, but tolls on public thoroughfares are for the most part abolished. A public market, where the producer from the farm and the city consumer can meet, is an old institution that is now being established anew in many cities. The providing of apparatus for extinguishing fires is always a public duty; the conveyance of waste water is increasingly a public function; and the supply of pure water, while often a private enterprise in villages, and sometimes in large cities, is increasingly undertaken by public agencies. Public ownership of gas and electric lighting is less common, as the utility supplied is not so essential and the industry is somewhat less subject to monopoly; but the difference is one of degree only. Street-railroads are often under public ownership in Europe; but there has thus far been no case of the kind in the United States, and only one in Canada.
2. The American state owns and conducts industries mainly whose products have a wider territorial use. The American commonwealth has retired from some fields where once it was engaged in industry. Students of American history know that between the years 1830 and 1840 some states engaged largely, even wildly, in the building of canals and undertook to construct railroads, to start banks, and to engage in other enterprises. The undertaking of these industries was determined often by political and by selfish local interests, and their operation often was wasteful. A few enterprises succeeded, the most notable of these being the Erie Canal in New York. The unsuccessful ones remained worthless property in the hands of the state or were sold to private companies, as in the case of the Pennsylvania railroad. This reckless state enterprise was a bitter lesson in public ownership, and even after seventy-five years is not without effect on public opinion. For a long time no proposal for public ownership could have a fair hearing in America. But railroads and canals are publicly owned, and more or less successfully operated, in many foreign countries, as in Prussia and other German states, in Switzerland, and in the new states of Australia.
There has been recently a rise of interest in forestry in America. This is especially likely to be a state enterprise wherever the forest tracts are entirely within the limits of the state, as is the case of the Adirondacks in New York. Most of the forests in Germany are either communal or state-owned. The schools, a great industry for turning out a product of public utility, are largely conducted by the American state and by local units rather than by the nation or by private enterprise. The state encourages researches in the arts and sciences, and gives technical training. A variety of minor enterprises have been undertaken by states to supply salt, phosphate, banking facilities, even some manufactures. In the prisons and public institutions, states, such as New York, that have adopted the system of labor on public account engage in agriculture and manufacturing on a large scale, the products, amounting to millions of dollars annually, being used almost entirely by public agencies.
3. The nation owns and controls many industries of the widest use and most general interest. Some industries grow out of the political needs of government. Established as a means of communication with military outposts, the post became a convenient means of communication for merchants and other citizens and grew into a great economic institution. In most countries the telegraph is publicly owned and has been annexed to the post, to which it is very closely related in purpose. The national improvements connected with rivers and harbors were first political—that is, they were for the use of the governmental navy; they became, secondly, commercial—for the free use of all citizens engaged in trade; and they continue to unite these two characters. Forestry is most largely undertaken in this country by the national government, doubtless because the large forest areas in the West extend over state boundaries, and because large tracts of public lands were still unsold at the time public attention was attracted to the subject. Since 1890, the policy of reserving great areas for forests, and picturesque districts for national parks, has developed greatly. In some countries mines are thought to be peculiarly fitted for national ownership and control. In Germany, the state owns some coal, salt, and other mines. Coinage and banking are everywhere looked upon as a function of sovereignty, and yet it is no more necessary for a nation to own its own mint in order to control the monetary system than for it to print the bank-notes in order to regulate their issue. The American government has its own printing office and therewith its share of troubles with organized labor. The fish commission, and the various branches of the department, coöperate with private industry in many ways. In Germany, compulsory insurance is provided for the workingman. This hasty survey suggests that the industries undertaken by government are both varied in nature and large in extent, although small in proportion to the mass of private industry.
§ II. ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF PUBLIC OWNERSHIP
1. Public ownership is primarily to control the essential agencies of government. A large part of public ownership and activity in industry develops from political functions. As society evolves, what was unessential to political life becomes essential. Civilized government requires the use of a number of material agents. Buildings for legislative and executive officers, custom-houses, post-offices, lighthouses, can be rented of private citizens, as post-offices usually are in small places; but it is obviously economical and convenient in large cities for the government to own the public buildings. Government can reduce to a minimum its employment of labor by "farming out" the taxes, as all countries once did to some extent, and as France continued to do up to the French Revolution. It is now the settled policy for government to own or control its essential agencies, but this does not involve in every case the employment of day-labor direct to clean the streets, to collect garbage, etc. The more simple political functions shade off into the economic. To coinage usually are added the issue of legal-tender notes and certain banking functions; the post carries packages, transmits money, and in some cases performs the function of a savings-bank for small amounts. The only open question is as to the proper limit to this development.
2. Public industry expands to supply as free goods many essentials of good citizenship, and to insure cheaper and more bountiful supplies of others. It is the ideal of Herbert Spencer and of a small surviving group of laissez faire philosophers that government should confine itself exclusively to the most essential political functions, leaving the economic functions absolutely alone. It should keep the peace, prevent men from beating and robbing each other, and preserve the personal liberty of the citizen. They assume that all of the economic needs will be provided by competition, in the best way humanly possible, in quantities and at the rate needed. In many cases, however, the general interest fails to harmonize with that of the individual. The forest has an immediate utility to the consumers of lumber, and it has also a diffused utility in its influence on industry, on climate, and on torrents and floods. Yet, as the private owner cannot control enough of the forest to affect the climate, and could not sell climate even if he could affect it, he will cut down the tree whenever he can gain by doing so. In this situation either government control or government ownership of forests is essential.
In some cases the difficulty of private ownership is in the excessive cost of collecting for the service. The cost of maintaining tollhouses at short intervals on a turnpike sometimes exceeds the amount collected. Collection in other cases, as for the service of lighthouses to passing ships, is impossible. Public industry secures, through the economy of large production, a cheaper and more efficient service, the benefits and costs being diffused throughout the community. The benefits of the work of experiment-stations for agriculture are felt immediately by the farmers, but are diffused to all citizens. A manufacturer able to keep his methods secret, or to retain his advantages for a time, can afford to undertake experiments in his factory, but the farmer seldom can. The public ownership of parks for the use of all gives a maximum of economy in the production of the most essential utilities—fresh air, sunshine, natural beauty, and playgrounds in the midst of crowded populations. Municipal ownership of waterworks is an extension of the same idea. Not only because large amounts of water are used by the public, but because cheap, pure, abundant water is an essential condition to good citizenship, speculation should in every possible way be eliminated from this industry.
3. Public ownership tends constantly to include the industries of a monopolistic nature, locally supplying general necessities. This is no abstract principle; it is merely a statement of what is seen to be happening. Some industries are of such a nature that they drift inevitably into monopolistic control. Waterworks, gas, electric lighting, street-railways, telephone systems, are among these. However fierce may be the competition for a time, sooner or later either one company drives out the other or buys it up, or both come to an agreement by which the public is made to pay higher prices.
A feature favoring the growth of monopoly when such industries are left to private enterprise, is the need to produce and supply the utility at a given locality. While two street-railways can compete on neighboring streets, it is physically impossible for two or more to compete on the same street. Two systems of water-mains or gas-mains can be put down, as sometimes is done, but this is not only a great economic waste, but the tearing up of the streets is an intolerable public nuisance. This difficulty is less marked in the case of telephones and electric lighting, and some persons still cling to faith in competition to regulate the rates in those industries; but faith in competition between water-companies and between gas-companies has been given up by nearly all students of the subject.
4. A second feature favoring monopoly in such industries is the marked advantage of large production in them. These industries are usually spoken of as "industries of increasing returns." This advantage is enjoyed in some degree by every enterprise, but it is gradually neutralized and limited (as has been noted elsewhere). The need to extend an expensive physical plant to every point where customers are to be served, and the very much smaller cost per unit of delivering large amounts of water, gas, electricity, transportation, etc., on the same street, offered a greater inducement for one competitor to crowd out or buy out the other at a more than liberal price. Even then, larger net dividends and correspondingly larger capitalization are secured than were before possible to both companies combined.
5. A third feature favoring monopoly is uniformity in the quality of the product furnished. It is a general truth that competition is most persistent where there is the greatest range of choice open to the customer, and consequently the most individual treatment required in the enterpriser. An artist, even a storekeeper, attracts about him a body of patrons who like his product (for the merchant's manner and method of dealing are a part of the quality of his goods), and who cannot be tempted away by slight differences in price. Rival companies in the stage of competition are seen to claim superiority for their particular goods and to improve their service in every way possible. A new telephone company, entering where a monopoly has held the field, works at once a wonderful betterment in rates, courtesy, and service. But as the product of all competitors attains the highest technical standard possible at the time, the rivalry is reduced to one of price, and it is usually a "fight to the finish."
6. A fourth feature favoring monopoly in these enterprises is the necessity of making permanent and exceptional use of the public streets and alleys. If this right were granted by a general law to every citizen, this feature would be sufficiently implied in the foregoing discussion. As it would be intolerable to allow private interests to use public property in whatever way they wished, the legislative body makes special grants in such cases in view of the circumstances. Not only is the legislature (or council, or county board of commissioners, etc.) induced by the economic difficulties to withhold a charter to a second company, but it is exposed to the greatest corrupting influences by the one already established. The knowledge of the opposition to be encountered in getting a franchise must keep competitors out, even though monopoly prices are maintained.
In view of these several features, which are so closely related that they form a common character, more or less fully shared by various industries, and especially in view of the necessity for the formal granting to them of peculiar privileges in the form of a public franchise, the public, in order to protect the general interest, is forced to undertake an exceptional control of these industries.
7. Several courses are open to the public, acting in its political capacity, to retain these monopoly advantages for the general welfare. First, it may do nothing, trusting vainly to competition to regulate the rate, or consciously leaving the result to be worked out by the monopoly principle; this is what in most cases has been done in the past in America. Second, in granting the franchise it may attempt to fix near cost the charge for the service or product, so that the franchise will be worth little or nothing. Third, it may leave the rate to be fixed by the monopoly principle, but charge for the franchise so much that the value of the monopoly is appropriated into the public treasury. Fourth, it may have public officials carry on the business, either selling the product at cost or making monopoly profits that go into the public treasury. Various combinations of these plans are followed in practice, the most common plan being the fixing of maximum rates which, with improved methods, generally become ineffective. It is difficult to fix a uniform rate that is equitable, because conditions change, and, further, because a uniform rate must be applied to all parts of the town, although the cost of service varies greatly. It is difficult to sell the franchise for near what it is worth, because of the uncertainty, of the political blackmail, and of the limited number of competent bidders. There remains only the policy of public ownership to secure the profits of monopoly to the public, either directly or in a diffused manner.
8. Public ownership is economically justified when it secures a utility of widespread consumption, otherwise impossible, or insures the public a better quality or a lower price. The question of public ownership is not exclusively an economic question. There are incidental problems, such as its effects on enterprise and on political integrity, with which it is not possible here to deal. In the main, however, public ownership is simply a business proposition which must be justified by its economic results. In the case of a general social benefit not to be secured without public ownership, as popular education or the climatic effect of forests, the only question to answer is whether the utility is worth the cost. In the case of industries already in private hands, as waterworks, gas and electric lighting, there is needed, to make a wise decision possible, a knowledge of the effect a change to public ownership will have on value. If public officials can furnish some goods cheaper than they are furnished by private enterprise, it is because of the wide margin of monopoly profit, not because there is any magic in public ownership. The same general items of cost must be met. The first cost of the plant and the annual interest payments are much the same. Experience shows that, because of political influence, wages are likely to be higher under public ownership, but salaries of officials are higher under private ownership. On the whole, public industry in these respects probably has no advantage. Some items of cost may be less under public management. Public collection of dues along with taxes is an advantage not enjoyed by private companies. Several public officials sometimes share the same office and thus reduce expenses. In small towns the public electric lighting and waterworks have been operated more economically under one roof. Public industry does not have to meet the cost of lobbying and blackmail which are often forced upon private companies. But the greatest source of saving in public ownership is the value of monopoly privileges that, under private management, go into private pockets.
The temptation to political corruption may be more insistent when a large force of men is constantly employed, and when large supplies are constantly purchased, by public officials, but the temptation is not so strong or so centralized as it is in the granting of franchises to wealthy corporations. Public industry is weakened by the absence of certain motives to excellence that are present in private business. The income of public officials not being dependent on the economy of management, the spur and motives of competitive industry are lacking. No social discovery has made individual honesty and civic virtue useless to good government.
The decision in any specific case is one dependent on local conditions, and the exact limits of public ownership are not fixed. Industry is changing so rapidly that new experience is needed each year. The main outlines of public ownership, however, are now in large part determined. Some industries do well, others ill, under public management, and between these lie many debatable cases. Waterworks and probably electric lighting, because of the comparative simplicity of their operation, are more suitable for public ownership than are gas-works. No absolute line divides the one group from the other. But whatever the changes, the student of the theory of value must never overlook the fact that the increase of public ownership is altering in manifold ways the prices of goods, and is reacting also on the production, distribution, and consumption of incomes.
CHAPTER 54
RAILROADS AND INDUSTRY
§ I. TRANSPORTATION AS A FORM OF PRODUCTION
1. Transportation of goods and men is one of the most important modes of production. When utility was thought of as inherent in things rather than as resulting from a relation between things and wants, it was usual to consider only those industries as truly productive that brought something physical into existence, as do agriculture and the extractive industries. Even after it was recognized that a change of form also imparted value, it was still denied that a changing of place could be truly productive industry. But when production is seen to be the bringing of things into right relations with wants, transportation may be deemed to be the primary and typical mode of increasing income. Movement is necessary to the existence of animals. The animal, in the order of evolution a higher form of life than the more fixed plants, goes to seek food, and has open to it a wider range of possibilities in life. With slight exceptions, it is true that the only way in which animals can bring about better place-relations between their wants and goods is by moving themselves. To this power man has added that of moving goods and thus adds enormously to income. Agents being valued in accordance with their net productiveness, the nearness to market and the ease of transporting the product are large factors in price. The location of a field enters into its value as truly as do the chemical qualities of the soil. A rocky field near a market may be richer, in an industrial sense, than the richest soil far remote, which can be used by men only at the cost of their alienation from society. Means of transportation set a limit to social and political groupings, to the size of the market, and to the possibility of exchange. Indeed, all exchange value is conditioned upon the possibility of transportation.
2. Natural differences in the grades of fertility and of accessibility determine first the most valued locations. Primitive man, dependent on the bounties of nature, had to take things as he found them. Few places unite the best grades of the essential things: water, food, fertile soil, a favorable climate, protection against enemies. Between tribe and tribe went on ceaseless war for the few favored spots of the earth. Where transportation is possible, trade can supply one or more of the missing elements. International trade began early, wherever it could, to strengthen economically the weak localities. Advantages in transportation are sometimes better than fertile soil and rich resources. The early centers of civilization were on the banks of rivers and the shores of seas. Around the Mediterranean were the ancient empires. Trading-towns grew up at ports and at the favored points of trade: Tyre, Sidon, Carthage, Florence, Genoa, Venice, Antwerp, London, New York. The early settlements in America were grouped along the coast. Without the cheap communication afforded by water, the colonies would have been cut off from the benefits of continuing contact with the older civilization. It would have been a great price to pay, even for a rich continent.
3. The opening up of new water-routes of travel has profoundly altered the prosperity of nations. Sometimes the relation of cause and effect is the reverse of that just noted. The conquest of Asia Minor by the Turks closed the lines of travel with the East, destroyed the trade of the Italian cities, and stimulated exploration for new routes. The War of 1812 in America stopped the coast trade and forced on the wagon-roads between the New England and the Southern states a great traffic, which declined quickly at the close of the war. Again, the growth of population and industry shifts the center of trade, as it did from the south to the north of Europe, and as it is doing from England to America. The discovery of new routes, however, has wrought the most rapid and sweeping changes. These three causes united, about the time of the discovery of America, to overthrow the prosperity of the older cities of Europe, while the opening of the resources in America, the abundance of silver and gold, trade with the colonists and the Indians, showered wealth and trade into the lap of Spain, Holland, Belgium, England, and the northern cities of Germany. Such changes continue under our eyes. The Erie Canal has an influence on values in every township from New York to Buffalo, and along the lake shores to the head of Lake Superior. The Suez Canal marked an epoch in ocean travel. The American Isthmian Canal will affect the value of many investments, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Coast. A marked change in transportation thus shifts the level of values in a locality. Fortunes are made and lost. One community rises and another sinks. Increments and decrements of value on a great scale are unearned, and all classes of goods are affected, though in varying degrees.
§ II. THE RAILROAD AS A CARRIER
1. Different modes of transport are more or less economical relatively to the other industrial conditions. Not only new routes but new agents of travel change the scale of values. In early societies, undeveloped industrially, first men, then domestic animals, were used as beasts of burden. The first vehicles are technically simple in design and construction; on land are used drags, sleds, carts; on waterways are used rafts, canoes, barges, and boats. Primitive means of transportation had to be inexpensive, for poverty and the uncertainty of early society forbade the tying up of large resources in them. Technical efficiency of means of transportation may be contrasted with economic efficiency. Technical goodness is absolute, and is measured in speed and weight of cargo; economic efficiency is relative, and varies with the money cost and money value of the services. A turnpike is more efficient than a mud road, yet in some districts it is bad economy to build it. A railroad is more efficient than a cart, yet in some places even pack-horses are more economical. To be economical, the expenditure needed to supply the efficient agent must be warranted by the volume and value of traffic.
2. The most economical means of transportation before the railroad were the waterways, natural and artificial. Some natural waterways still afford the most economical means of transportation between favorably situated ports. Coal is shipped most cheaply in sailing vessels from Wales around Cape Horn to ports along the western coasts of America. A part of California's regular fuel-supply is obtained in this way. Coal has been shipped from Pennsylvania to Europe, and in the anthracite coal-strike in 1902, some was shipped from England to America. Invention has reduced the cost of construction and operation of vessels and has increased their safety and speed, thus multiplying the efficiency of the natural waterways. The large cities in America are situated on waterways, usually where there is a break in transportation requiring reshipment, as, for example, at New York, San Francisco, Buffalo, New Orleans, Cincinnati, Chicago, Minneapolis, and St. Paul. Likewise many of the small cities and villages, serving as local trading centers, owe their existence to similar though less powerful influences.
Canals are begun as connecting links in a system of natural waterways to extend the advantages of cheap transportation. The Erie Canal not only serves the three hundred miles of territory along its banks, but it opened to commerce all the lands tributary to the Great Lakes. The great advantage of canals is cheapness of operation due to the simplicity of the machinery needed and to the great loads that can be moved with small power. A cent a ton-mile is a paying rate on a canal. For heavy, slow-moving freight, the railroads can hardly rival the canals at their best. As canals, however, can be built only along a level country and where the water supply is at a high level, their construction is limited to a small portion of the country. The law of extensive diminishing returns applies strongly to the construction of canals. The first canals are easily constructed and economically operated, but it is only with greater cost and difficulty that the system can be successively extended. In temperate climates their use is limited by ice to a part of the year, and the summer's drought sometimes limits it still further. At its best, therefore, the small land-locked canal is fitted only to be a supplementary agent in the system of transportation wherever industry demands high speed and great regularity. Far different is the case of the oceanic canal in a tropical climate.
3. The railroad is rapidly surpassing in importance every other agency of transportation. Even in respect to cheapness, the unique virtue of waterways in favored localities, the railroad has been making rapid gains. Improvements in roadbed, rails, cars, engines, and other equipment are reducing greatly the cost of conducting traffic on the main lines of roads. The adaptability of the railroad excels that of any other agent of transportation; it can go over mountains or tunnel through them. In certainty its superiority is marked; floods and snows may delay it for a day, but there is no seasonal stoppage of traffic. In speed, the railroad so far excels that the canal can survive only by dividing the traffic, taking the lower grades of freight, and leaving to the railroad the passenger traffic and fast freight.
Because of these qualities, the extension of the railroads in the last fifty years has been so rapid that it has not given time for a gradual adaptation of industry. It has worked in many places revolutionary changes. The building of railroads in the Mississippi valley in the seventies lowered the value of Eastern farms, ruined many English farmers, and depressed the peasantry in all western Europe. With the prices that resulted when the fertile lands of the Western prairies were opened to the world's markets, the stony and worked-out lands of the older districts could not compete. Great regions are still to be opened in this manner in Russia, Siberia, Africa, and South America. While one can only speculate upon the effects this development will have, the changes promise to be less sudden and tremendous than those of the last twenty years. Many minor changes, of no less moment in limited districts, result from the building of railroads. Local trading-centers decrease in importance. Villages and towns, hoping to be enriched by the railroads, see trade going to the cities. Commerce becomes centralized. Enormous increase of value at a few points is offset by losses in other localities.
§ III. DISCRIMINATION IN RATES ON RAILROADS
1. The railroad has more monopoly power in fixing rates at points along its lines than is the case with other agents of transportation. The ownership of the wagons, ships, and canal-boats of a country is usually divided. Every point along the line of the turnpike or the canal and at ocean ports enjoys competition between carriers, the great shipping combinations not having been successfully formed as yet. In the early days of the railroads it was believed that a company or the government would own the rails and charge toll to the different carriers, who would own cars and conduct the traffic as was done on the canals. Experience soon showed the utter impracticability of this scheme and the need of unified management. The railroad, therefore, has a monopoly at all points on its line not touched by other carriers. This, like all other monopoly, is limited by the need to secure some business and to meet competition at terminal points. The railroads in private hands early began to "charge what the traffic would bear" at every station, thus practising various forms of discrimination disastrous in their effects on the citizens.
2. Discrimination as to goods is charging more for transporting one kind of goods than for another without a corresponding difference in the cost. When reasonably understood, this proposition does not apply to a higher charge for goods of greater bulk, as more per pound for feathers than for iron, the "dead weight" of car being much greater in one case than in the other. It does not apply where there is a difference in risk, as in carrying bricks and powder, or coal and crockery; nor where there is a difference in trouble, as in shipping live stock and wheat. Any difference that can reasonably be explained as due to a difference in cost is not discrimination; on the other hand a difference in cost without a difference in rate is discrimination. Discrimination as to goods may be by value, as low rates for heavy, cheap goods and high rates for lighter, valuable ones. Coal always goes at a low rate as compared with dry goods, and sometimes more is charged for coal to be used for gas than for coal to be used for heating purposes. Discrimination as to goods is the most usual and, if reasonably employed, one of the most justifiable of the various kinds of rate discriminations.
3. Discrimination between places (local discrimination) is charging different rates to two localities for substantially the same service. This occurs when local rates are high and through rates are low; when rates at local points are high and at competing points are low; when less is charged for shipments consigned to foreign ports than for domestic shipments; when more is charged for goods going east than for goods going west. The causes of local discrimination are: first, water-competition, found at great trade centers such as New York and San Francisco; second, differences in terminal facilities, making some places better shipping-points than others; third, competition by other railroads, which is concentrated at certain points, only four thousand (one tenth) of the stations of the United States being junctions; fourth, the influence of powerful individuals or large corporations and the personal favoritism shown by railroad officials.
The effect of discrimination is to develop some districts and depress others; to stimulate cities and blight villages; to destroy established industries; to foster monopolies at favored points; and to sacrifice the future revenues of the road by forcing industry to move to the competing points to get the low rates. The power of railroad officials arbitrarily to cause rates to rise or fall is happily limited in practice by the need of earning as large and as regular an income as possible, but even as exercised it has been at times as great as that possessed by many political rulers.
4. Discrimination between shippers (personal discrimination) is charging one person more than another for substantially the same service. This most odious of railroad vices, rarely practised openly, is done by false billing of weight, by wrong descriptions or false classification to reduce the charge below published rate-sheets, by carrying some goods free, by issuing passes to one and not to all patrons under the same conditions, or by donations or rebates after the regular rate has been paid. In some cases a subordinate agent shares his commission with the shipper, and the transaction does not appear on the books of the company. In other cases favored shippers are given secret information that the rate is to be changed, so that they are enabled to regulate their shipments to secure the lower rate.
One group of reasons for personal discrimination is connected with the interests of the road. It is to build up new business; it is to make competition with rival roads more effective by favoring certain agents, as is very commonly done in the Western grain business; it is to exclude competition, as by refusing to make a rate from a connecting line or to receive materials for a new railroad which is to be a competitor; and it is to satisfy large shippers whose power, skill, and persistence make the concession necessary. Another group of reasons has to do with the interests of company officials. It is to enable them to grant special favors to friends; or it is to build up a business in which they are interested; or it is to earn a bribe that has been given them.
That the evils of personal discrimination are great, need hardly be said. It introduces uncertainty, fear, and danger into all business; it causes business men to waste, socially viewed, an enormous fund of energy to get good rates and to guard against surprises; it grants unearned fortunes and destroys those honestly made; it gives enormous power and presents strong temptations to railroad officials to injure the interests of the stockholders on the one hand and of the public on the other.
Apart from government, the railroad represents the greatest single economic factor in personal distribution. It has introduced a new form of problem into economic society. It has created a monopoly comparable to the prerogatives of feudal lords. No other industrial agency in private hands so affects all the producing forces of society and exercises such a potent influence on values.