“was taken from me in his infancy, upon the account of my differing in judgment, and ordered by the Authority to be brought up in their principles, incensing him against me his own father, and thus kept from me till he came to a young man’s estate; yet, notwithstanding, last winter now past, hath been an instrument in the hands of God, to preserve my life in an unfinished prison, with an open window facing towards the northwest, I being fined and imprisoned by two several courts without any trial of law by a jury.”
It will be remembered that John Rogers is still in prison, awaiting the sitting of the March session of the Superior Court in New London. This now opens, March 25, at the meeting-house.
At the opening of the court, the sheriff announces that he has kept John Rogers safely until now and has him still in custody. The court orders the sheriff to set said prisoner at large.
Samuel Beebe fails to follow up his claim on land of Capt. James at this court, but renews the suit regarding alleged gifts of the widow to his wife, viz., “moveables,” including certain young slaves belonging to the estate of James Rogers. He enters suit, by his attorney, Colonel Livingston, against Samuel Fox (husband of Bathsheba) for two negroes with £5 damages, and against John Rogers, Jr., for three negroes; all five being free negroes in employ of said persons. The verdict goes against him. John Keeney and wife also lose a similar suit for similar alleged gifts on the part of the widow.
On this same day, James Rogers, Jr., having presented his accounts, etc., to the Probate Court, as executor, said court orders distribution to be made of the residue of the estate (movables), according to regular form of law when a person dies intestate; a double portion to Samuel, as oldest son, the remainder to be equally divided between the other children. This gives James Rogers one-eighth of the movables, instead of the much larger share accorded by the codicil. Evidently self-interest had no part in the move made by James, Jr. Now comes the part of Samuel Rogers in this final issue. He states to the court, “in writing,” that he has already, and before his mother’s decease, received, by the terms of agreement among the heirs, according to his father’s will, all that was due[119] to him from his father’s estate, to his full satisfaction, and absolutely quits claim to anything further. Joshua Hempstead is ordered to make distribution.
(N.B. There has now been placed before the reader the sum and substance of all the litigation in regard to the estate of James Rogers, upon which Miss Caulkins founded her statement regarding “contention” among his children.)
The very next day,[120] March 26 (by Superior Court record), while the court is still in session, John Rogers is taking a convert to the Mill Cove for baptism. In doing so, he passes near the house of the sheriff, where he has so recently been a prisoner. Accompanying him are a number of his Society, among them John Bolles, John Rogers, Jr., and James Smith, son of Bathsheba. Time and again, since that notable day in 1677, has John Rogers baptized persons in this Mill Cove, directly under the windows of Governor Saltonstall, so to speak, whose house stands near by on a hillside rising from the cove. Certain lands bordering this cove remain in Rogerene ownership.
If the sheriff and his chief have judged that the heroic treatment of the past eleven months has cooled the ardor of the dissenters, here is unmistakable proof to the contrary. If the sheriff can nip this bold little act in the bud, formally or informally, he may be sure of the governor’s co-operation and hearty commendation. On plea of wishing to speak with John Rogers, he persuades him to enter his house (which, as before said, contains the prison). He then endeavors to force him to enter a door leading into the prison. The friends of John Rogers, who have followed him into the house, Upon seeing the latter purpose on the part of the sheriff, surround their leader, to prevent hands being laid upon him, and others in the tavern join them in declaring that no arrest can legally be made without a warrant. The sheriff leaves, with the avowed purpose of going to the court-room (meeting-house) for a “mittimus.” Here, within this brief period of time, are two outrages upon the law; first, an attempt to take a prisoner without a warrant; second, to seek warrant for an arrest not authorized by law; the only penalty concerning such baptism being a fine after the occurrence of said baptism; imprisonment following only in event of non-payment of the fine. Well may the victim turn and follow the sheriff to the court-room.
The sheriff, being somewhat ahead, has already made out a case, so far as the judge is concerned; nothing more having been necessary than to state the attempted baptism. Taking into account all that he has suffered of late from unjust and despotic procedures on the part of the courts, John Rogers enters the court-room (meeting-house) fully prepared to denounce this latest outrage.[121]
Vain against the power and determination of Governor Saltonstall are the ringing tones in which this departure from the written law of the land is condemned. But well has John Rogers calculated that, in the presence of all these witnesses, the judge will not venture to issue the illegal warrant for his arrest. The judge goes on, however, to sign a warrant (“mittimus”). Although he dare not arrest John Rogers because of the attempted baptism, he has now a better excuse and more personal determination also; since John Rogers has dared to enter the court-room to again publicly denounce official procedures. He signs a warrant for the arrest of John Rogers, on the charge of Madness!
Well might all the proceedings of the past year, capped by this, make mad the sanest man, in both senses of the word. The sheriff claims his prisoner and leads him from the court-room.
A crowd follows sheriff and prisoner to the jail. An uproar ensues when the window of the prison is darkened by a plank, and that same plank is broken down by the mob. The appeal of John Rogers, in the court-room, for the rights of the citizen, has not been made in vain. All praise to that English lieutenant, who goes to the Superior Court, still in session, to ask for an adequate examination of this prisoner, that it may be seen he is under no distraction. The assurance is returned that the prisoner shall be brought before the governor in the evening (when danger from the mob may be avoided) for a private examination regarding his sanity, by the very man who has invented this charge of lunacy! Of the absurdity of the promised examination, the lieutenant probably knows little or nothing; but others understand. This evening interview will make the friends of the governor laugh in their sleeves, while friends of John Rogers discern a new insult and injury, under this so transparent cloak of fairness.
Even after dark, the prisoner’s convoy to the house of the governor is beset with indignant sympathizers, who follow into the very yard of the governor, where, after the prisoner’s entrance to the house, they have to be dispersed.
These two men, under these circumstances, stand face to face, behind closed doors, the one knowing as well as the other that the only fault or distraction of which John Rogers is guilty is the old crime of nonconformity. (Would that this remarkable scene and conversation had been revealed for the benefit of future history.)
After this “examination,” the prisoner is returned to the sheriff, to be taken to his “house.” With such friendly demonstrations among the people, John Rogers cannot be confined as a common malefactor or madman, in the prison at said “house”; he is even allowed the freedom of the yard during the sheriff’s continued attendance upon the court, which is sufficiently significant of the known falsity of the charge of insanity.
Two days after, the sheriff is instructed that, after adjournment of the court, he is to convey John Rogers to the Hartford prison and see that he is shut up in a dark room, where a certain French doctor will “shave his head and give him purges,” to cure him of his madness. Such treatment, added to all the memories of past wrongs, would seem enough to give the sanest man the temporary appearance of a maniac. The more he can be made to appear like a maniac, the more plausible will be the excuse for consigning him to a worse than prison cell.
Had it remained for Gurdon Saltonstall to carry out this inhuman purpose, the statement that John Rogers died in Hartford prison, or in a madhouse, would probably have ended this man’s history.
Some person, to whom the sheriff confided the inhuman plot, being friendly to the prisoner, John Rogers is informed of the doom prepared for him. He goes directly to the sheriff, to inquire into the truth of the statement, and asks to see the warrant for this new procedure, which the sheriff shows him. He there recognizes the handwriting of Gurdon Saltonstall.
Few men could be readier in resources than the man in custody. A person is quickly found to carry word, this very (Saturday) evening, to John Rogers, Jr., at Mamacock, of the impending peril. The hurried message quite suffices. With all possible speed, before the night is far advanced, John, Jr., is at hand, with a staunch boat, near by, well manned, to convey his father to Long Island. He has also money for his use, and, finding him in need of a suitable shirt, takes off his own and gives him. The boat was easily moored not far from the prison, which is by the Mill Cove, and also not far from the Thames River, into which the cove leads.
This boat, propelled by hands well skilled, pulls out from shore, in cover of the night, and goes to brave the winds and waves of March across Long Island Sound. John, Jr., returns to Mamacock, with thrilling tale of this, so far, successful rescue. Many a follower besides John Bolles anxiously awaits the tidings. Eagerly, no doubt, they gather in the big front room at the Mamacock “mansion house,” to talk the matter over and speculate regarding the result, noting the weather betimes and praying for a bon voyage.
Before dawn, John Rogers is landed at Southold, and makes his way to the tavern. It will be seen how much he conducts himself either like a malefactor or a madman. While it is still early morning, he presents himself before a justice, to inform him of his escape from the New London sheriff, and the circumstances of the case. A guard is placed over him until the next day (Monday), when he is taken before the justices and the law is read to him stating it to be felony to break out of a constable’s hands. In return, he places before them a copy of the warrant issued by Governor Saltonstall for his arrest on the ground of insanity. The intelligent, self-possessed appearance of the man, as opposed to this singular declaration of lunacy, occasions these officials no little perplexity. They withdraw for a private conference. All agreeing that he is a sane man, they discharge him from custody. He now informs them of his intention of appealing to the Governor of New York for protection, and asks them to stop, if possible, the “Hue and Cry” that will be sent after him, which they kindly promise to do. The remainder of this story is best told in his own words (Part I., Chapter V.).
In June of this year, while the refugee is still in New York, a session of the County Court is being held in New London. The case of John Rogers, Jr., for the disturbance at night (November 16, 1711), by which he saved the life of his father, now comes up for review. He desires to be tried by jury; but the present jury is dismissed and a special jury impaneled for this case. The fine of £3 and costs of the previous court is made to stand good against him, and three of the best cows on Mamacock farm are taken for this fine (see Chapter IV., last part). Although he was sentenced to imprisonment until this court for not giving the required bonds, we have seen him free at the time of his father’s escape to Long Island. The bonds were doubtless given by a friend, as frequently happens with the Rogerenes.
At this June court, John Rogers, Jr., John Bolles, and James Smith (son of Bathsheba) are complained of for preventing the sheriff from arresting and imprisoning John Rogers on March 26. The charge is that these persons “opposed, resisted and abused” the sheriff “by threatening words, pushing, hunching, and laying hands on John Rogers,” as said sheriff and the constable were apprehending him. A jury having been demanded and by good fortune accorded, a verdict of “not guilty” is rendered, and they are discharged. This shows the method of defence used by the Rogerenes on this occasion. They surrounded their leader, forming a human wall about him, and kept this position in spite of the efforts of sheriff and constable to lay hands upon him.
Although no reply is returned to the message which the authorities of New York have sent to the authorities at New London, in behalf of John Rogers, this proof of friendliness on the part of New York dignitaries towards the refugee from Connecticut, and their evident knowledge that this refugee had been imprisoned on false pretences, has so salutary an effect, that when, after a stay of three months in New York, the nonconformist boldly returns to New London, no attempt is made at reimprisonment.
This indomitable man immediately makes a move to prosecute the judge and justices of the County Court who, in June of the preceding year, not only tried in New London a case of “man-stealing,” pretended to have been committed within the jurisdiction of Long Island, but tried a case of this serious nature—even capital upon the law book—without a jury. He must be well aware that such protest on his part is not only likely to be very expensive but wholly ineffectual. Back of this judge and these justices, stands Governor Saltonstall; moreover, any blame attaching to them would attach equally to the governor from having so signally punished the man who had declared against the illegal proceedings of the court at the time. Yet he makes the appeal manfully. Those who have heard the previous circumstances will hear also of the vain effort for justice, and this itself may help to weaken the despotic rule of an ecclesiastical clique.
1713.
In May of this year, at the session of the General Court, the judge and justices of the County Court appear, to answer to the above charges; John Rogers having, by repeated efforts, secured this much of attention. (See his account, Part I., Chapter V.) The defendants stand mainly upon objections regarding time and form of the Petition, on the part of the plaintiff. They say there was nothing in John Roger’s petition that showed any appearance of maladministration, and that, had there been any ground for his complaint, it did not come within the time limited by law. This shifting from the main ground to technical points, with denial of any importance to be attached to the significant charges (lack of jury and wrong jurisdiction), call for legal knowledge and adroit argument regarding minor points of the law, by way of evading the question of vital importance. In short, the case is, by legal device, taken away from the plaintiff at the start. As a show of justice, the court offers the plaintiff legal counsel; not to decide whether this case should have been tried where, and as, it was tried, but mainly whether the plaintiff’s petition was within the time specified by law. Every difficulty possible had been placed in his way to retard the case, doubtless with this very end in view. The plaintiff refuses to make any reply, since he can reply to nothing but legal evasions. It being proven to the satisfaction of this court that John Rogers has nothing to complain of, he is ordered to pay the expenses of the judge and justices for their attendance on the court.
This man has ever in such cases a last resort, to be used at whatever peril. Then and there, before this assembly, he again charges the County Court held in New London, with “felony, rapine and injustice,” and moreover declares the daring truth that the Governor of this Colony, here present, is an abettor of the same. The court, having considered his offense and high misdemeanor, resolve that he shall pay a fine of £20 to the public treasury, and execution upon his property is to be granted by the Secretary.
In November of this year, Capt. James Rogers passes away. To the last, he has been a busy man on land and sea. July 1st he returned from one of his voyages to the Barbadoes (“Hempstead Diary”). He owned and operated a tannery and cooper’s establishment at Goshen. He left a large estate, and followed his father’s example in desiring his children to settle the same out of court. This settlement proceeded in a perfectly orderly and harmonious manner. Despite the fact that his sons, James and Richard, had become connected with the Congregational church, he and his wife evidently continued in their nonconformist faith, as particularly proven by the remonstrance of 1695.[122]
In December of this year, occurs the death of Samuel Rogers in his 73d year. Although this evidently superior man, by his distaste for controversy and public proceedings, as well as by his busy life in developing the new lands of Mohegan (whereby his name is written all over the early books of New London land records), has succeeded in hiding himself largely from the view of future generations; yet when compelled to present himself to such view, he has always been found acting the manly part. Throughout the early period of persecution, he was plainly in sympathy with his father and brothers, and proofs of continued sympathy with the Rogerene cause are evident to the last. He kept quietly but firmly aloof from the church that persecuted his relatives, despite counter-influences in his own family. For some twenty years of his early manhood, he conducted the bakery business on the former large scale and handed it to his son unimpaired. Besides the enterprises of his pioneer life, he was a shipowner and business man at large. Although possessed of great wealth for his time, he so managed to distribute his property in his lifetime that little more than cattle and movables remained to be disposed of after his death, which personal estate was left to his wife Joanna, the executrix. In his will is the following clause: “one cow and six sheep to be delivered unto John Rogers, son of brother John Rogers, to be disposed of as I have ordered him.” Also the executrix is to act with the advice of above said John Rogers and Samuel Fox, “oldest son of my brother Samuel Fox” (husband of Bathsheba). At the writing of this will, February 13, 1713, the testator states that he is in “perfect health.”
1714.
Mary, the second wife of John Rogers, was, a number of years since, married to Robert Jones of Block Island.[123] It is now fifteen years since John Rogers took her for his wife and twelve years since their enforced separation. He has recently become attached to an estimable widow, by the name of Sarah Cole, of Oyster Bay, L.I., a member of the Quaker Society of that locality. Although favorable to his suit, she is yet inclined to hesitate, on account of rumors that have been circulated in regard to his separation from Mary. In his prompt, straightforward way, he desires her to accompany him to Block Island, to learn from Mary herself if she has anything to say against him. This request is so reassuring, that the publication of their marriage intentions takes place at New London, July 4, 1714 (“Hempstead Diary”), after which they visit Mary at her home on Block Island. Mary gives Mrs. Cole so favorable an account of John Rogers and the treatment she herself received from him, that the ceremony is performed by Justice Wright before they leave the island.
[There is evidence, from the court records and testimony of Peter Pratt,[124] that this wife, Sarah, was of attractive personality, also that she was a zealous religious co-worker with her husband, and that they lived happily together at Mamacock, with John, Jr., and his family and the two children of Mary.]
CHAPTER IX.
1716.
One of the spasmodic attempts to secure more strict enforcement of ecclesiastical laws is instituted about this period. Edicts have been issued by the General Court charging the various officials to observe greater stringency in the execution of all these laws. That this sudden and severe pull on the rein does not occasion a general and continued uprising on the part of the Rogerenes, is only explainable on the supposition that the first attempt to lay hands on them anew having brought forth the countermove, the authorities have thought best to desist from further serious molestation. The particulars of this countermove are as follows:—
April 22, 1716, there is an entry into the Congregational meetinghouse by John Rogers and his wife Sarah, John Bolles and his wife Sarah, John Culver and his wife Sarah, and several others, names not given. The cause of the disturbance is, as usual in affairs of this kind, studiously ignored on the court records; but evidently—as afterwards indicated—this entry, with scriptural testimony not revealed, was occasioned by the breaking up of Rogerene meetings by the town authorities, with the accompanying feature, a church-party mob. As has been seen, the Rogerene meetings, not being among those allowed by law, can at any time be broken up at the pleasure or caprice of the authorities, and their continued existence has depended, not upon the willing forbearance of the ecclesiastical rulers, nor, to any really saving extent, upon the public sympathy enlisted in their favor; but chiefly upon that formidable reserve power—the entrance into the meeting-house, with scriptural testimony.
Proof of the exact date of this countermove and that the before-mentioned persons were concerned in it, is contained in the “Hempstead Diary” and a record of the General Court in the following month (May). By the latter record, Governor Saltonstall, referring in this assembly to the offense committed by the said persons, states that they are now in New London jail.[125] The governor also states that he learns, from “relatives” of the prisoners, that they were ignorant of the provisions, under the law of 1708 (see Chapter VII.), relating to those who soberly dissent. Probably said relatives have been far more ignorant of this law than have any of the Rogerenes, who are naturally watching all ecclesiastical regulations with lynx-like vigilance and are particularly aware that there is no relief for their Society in this law, as allowed in the Colony of Connecticut. The governor knows just what the Rogerenes know in this regard. But he goes on to order that the said prisoners be released—ostensibly on the ground of this ignorance declared by their friends—and says, in case they behave themselves orderly and rest contented with the liberty of worship given them under said law, they shall not be prosecuted.
All this on the part of the governor doubtless sounds very plausible and very indulgent, to the uninitiated. He is evidently very glad of some excuse to release the prisoners. So much of a hornet’s nest has been aroused, about this time, that not even the disturbance of the Congregational meeting, less than two weeks before, is considered sufficient ground for detaining them longer in prison or imposing any more serious fine than payment of their prison fees.
By the joint testimony of Peter Pratt and John Rogers, 2d, it is shown that the governor distinctly stated before the Assembly at this time that the Rogerenes should be allowed to worship God according to their consciences, if they would refrain from disturbing Congregational worship, and that he would punish any who should disturb their worship.[126] Here is something tangible, as opposed to the ambiguity of the court record; it not only indicates that the April countermove was a direct result of interference with Rogerene meetings, but that said countermove had been productive of a decisive advantage. In short, interference with their meetings had caused the countermove, the countermove had forced the governor to himself promise them immunity from further interference of this sort, on condition that they would not exercise their reserve power.
1719.
Three years have now passed, with no record of any disturbance of the Congregational meetings, and of nothing, in fact, to show how matters are progressing that concern Rogerene history, unless it be the total lack of court notice. It is at least a season of patient endurance and forbearance on the part of the Rogerenes, so far as the ordinary distrainments are concerned. About this time, there is talk of a proposed rebuilding, or enlargement, of the Congregational meeting-house, which will occasion a new levy on the Rogerenes, with the usual wholesale seizure of property. But something more serious than this now occurs, the exact nature of which is hidden from our view. The disturbing move is made by the town authorities, under some one of the Sunday laws, and the victim is Sarah, wife of John Bolles, her infringement of this Sunday law being “a matter of conscience” on her part.
It must be borne in mind that under the ecclesiastical laws, to whose unscriptural character it is the mission of this sect to bear testimony at all hazards, punishments far beyond the letter of said laws are frequently being inflicted upon the Rogerenes. The following from John Bolles throws light upon this subject:—
When a poor man hath had but one milch cow for his family’s support, it hath been taken away; or when he hath had only a small beast to kill for his family, it hath been taken from him, to answer a fine for going to a meeting of his own Society, or to defray the charges of a cruel whipping for going to such a meeting, or things of this nature. Yea, twelve or fourteen pounds worth of estate hath been taken to defray the charges of one such cruel whipping, without making any return as the law directs. Yea, fourscore and odd sheep have been taken from a man, being all his flock; a team taken from the plow, with all its furniture and led away. But I am not now giving a particular account, for it would contain a book of a large volume to relate all that hath been taken from us, and as unreasonable and boundless as these; besides the cruelties inflicted on our bodies and many long imprisonments....
Here we see something of those things which never appear upon the court records and of whose “boundless”ness we only now and then catch a glimpse, by some side-light like this or by a Rogerene entrance into the meeting-house, the latter effect always pointing to some unbearable wrong as its cause. To continue with this statement of John Bolles:—
“and many long imprisonments, of which I shall mention one woman, when she was condemned by a judge in a case of conscience; because she stopped her ears and would not hearken to his sentence, as not belonging to him to judge in such cases, but with a cheerful spirit sang praises to God, and then turned to the judge and said that if he went on persecuting God’s people God’s judgments would come upon him and his.”
There are among the Rogerenes many sweet singers, who sing hymns and psalms in certain meetings of their Society. It appears (by aid of above statement) that Sarah, wife of John Bolles, is one of these; for, by a Superior Court record of September 22, 1719, it is shown that Sarah Bolles is summoned from prison before that court
“to answer for reflecting upon the proceedings of a court held in New London,[127] in saying to one of the judges thereof, viz.: Rich. Christophers, Esq.: Now look to yourself for God’s judgments will surely come upon you, for your unjust judgments for persecuting God’s people—Said Sarah, being asked whether she was guilty or not guilty of the crime for which she was committed, refused to make any plea. Whereupon said Sarah Bolles shall suffer two month’s imprisonment” (in addition to the four already endured) “and pay the charges of her prosecution and stand committed till the said charge be paid, viz.: £1 19s.”
So this heroic woman, who has ten children at home, five of whom are under ten years of age, is returned to prison, not only for the two months, but until she pay the charges of her prosecution, which the court, as well as her own people, have good reason to believe she will never pay, thus to encourage the authorities in their unchristian persecution of the Rogerenes. John Bolles goes on to say, regarding this woman, whose name he does not reveal:—
Whereupon said judge condemned her to prison, where after further determination, [viz.: above Superior Court sentence] she was required to remain till she should pay the charge of her prosecution, so called, and there continued six months, till God made way by moving the hearts of the people with compassion for her deliverence, by seeing her affliction; she being not only locked up in prison but also a high boarded fence round the prison, locked also,[128] and the prison keeper living near half a mile from the prison, it being an extreme cold winter, and in the height of it she miscarried, being without any help nor could call for any, her husband living about a mile and a half from the prison and was not suffered to come to her; as if God suffered such things to be done to lay conviction before all faces. But after her release she was carried home on her bed in a cart and after some time she was, thro’ God’s goodness, restored to health again.
About two weeks previous to this appearance of Sarah Bolles before the Superior Court, there occurred a Rogerene countermove which is directly traceable to her imprisonment. This countermove took place September 6, after Sarah had been nearly four months in prison. It must have been known to the Rogerenes, and to the authorities as well, that she was with child, which, together with the fact that the youngest of the ten children needing her at home is but two years of age,[129] made this long imprisonment in “a matter of conscience,” with the impending appearance before the Superior Court on charge of contempt, especially aggravating. The circumstances called for some imperative action on the part of her friends, the more so, because no mercy could be expected from the judge of the Superior Court.
The persons accused of entering the meeting-house on this 6th of September, are John Rogers and his wife, Sarah, wife of John Culver, John Bolles, John Rogers, Jr., Andrew Davis and Esther Culver. The records relative to this countermove are in the minutes of the November session of the County Court in New London. First, that on September 6, while Mr. Adams was at public prayer, John Rogers, Sr., entered the meeting-house and interrupted the service in a loud voice.[130] (No slightest clew is given to the words spoken.) He pleads “not guilty” and is fined £20 and charges, £3. The record states that, upon this (November) trial, he “behaved himself contemptuously, coming into court in a violent manner and raving voice, saying, ‘What have you to say to me, etc.’ (would we might have the words in place of the ‘etc.’) and when the indictment (not revealed) was read, he cried out That’s a ly, and upon that part of the indictment (part not revealed) when read he again cried out, ‘That’s a devilish ly,’ and by abusing one of the members of the court in saying to him, upon said justice’s affirmation, several times that’s a ly, and for several other abusive demeanors” in the court-room (unfortunately not described), he is sentenced to pay 20s.—he who so often for no more contempt than this has been fined £20. (Moreover, as late as May 25, of the following year, it is on record that “execution” for this 20s. was “returned with nothing acted upon it.” In this insignificant fine is visible the sympathy of a jury, and in the lack of “execution” the fact that no collector is willing to collect this fine, although he may be himself fined for the omission.) The record continues:—“John Rogers demands a present appeal to the King’s bench.” “Court consider that no such appeal lies.”
Sarah, wife of John Rogers, is also presented at this November court for having come into the meeting-house, on the same occasion (September 6), and “interrupted Mr. Adams by speaking several words in a loud voice.” The court having considered the evidence in this case and that said Sarah has “behaved herself competently well before the court and also pleading ignorance of the laws and methods of this government, and considering her also under covert and that she has been committed to prison until this court,” sentence her to pay a fine of 10s. and prison fees, £3. Sarah, wife of John Culver, for same offense on same occasion, same fine and fee. John Bolles “for breach of Sabbath” on same day (form of breach not stated), same fine and charge as the women. Andrew Davis, Esther Culver and John Rogers, Jr., same charge and fines as John Bolles.
For the two months previous to this November court, John Rogers and his wife, Sarah Culver, John Bolles and the others have been confined in prison. All these people know, at the date of this November court, that Sarah Bolles has not only lost her child, but is lying at the point of death in the “inner prison.” Well might the leader of the Society in whose cause she has so suffered and endured, when he at length escaped from prison and had an opportunity to speak in public, employ such scathing words as befitted the occasion.
(From this court scene as described by Peter Pratt,—see Chapter XIV.,—are derived the statements that John Rogers and his followers were accustomed to accuse dignitaries of lying.)
After all the verdicts in this case have been rendered, Sarah, wife of John Culver, knowing so much more of this season of persecution and the legal (and illegal) proceedings than is possible to outsiders, indignantly exclaims in court: “You are an adulterous generation and I hope God will find you out” (by Court Record), for which the court sentences her to receive fifteen stripes on the naked body and to pay charges for the same.
Nor is this the end of the matter. Sarah Bolles, despite all protest, still lies at the point of death in the cold and dismal “inner prison.” What can yet be done by this non-resistant people? They may not, by their principles, even waylay the jailer, seize his keys, hold him for a time in durance, and so rescue Sarah Bolles. But, upheld by the public sympathy now enlisted, they can head a resolved company of men and women, break down the gate of the prison fence, and, aided by the Rogerenes within the jail, force open the prison doors and bring out the helpless captive. This is exactly what takes place.
Before this same November court is at an end, complaint is made to said court by the keeper of the prison, that “John Culver, John Culver, Jr., Bathsheba, wife of John Rogers, Jr., and Mary Rogers, daughter of John Rogers, Sr., did, on the 26th and 27th of this Nov.” (viz., at midnight) “stave down part of the prison yard.” A significant ending of this record is that for this misdemeanor John Culver and his son are to pay only 10s. and charges, and Bathsheba and Mary to pay only the charges of their prosecution, also that John Rogers and the others still in prison are not brought before this court at all. All this shows the extent of public sympathy at the time, especially in regard to those concerned in the September countermove.
The court record does not inform us that Sarah Bolles was rescued from the prison by this raid and carried home in a cart; neither does it inform us that the company headed by the persons tried for this daring deed contained others besides Rogerenes, whose approbation was enlisted by the danger of a second murder being committed in that prison, through cruel neglect. Only by the public sympathy exhibited on this occasion can the facts be accounted for that no action is taken by the court regarding the escaped prisoner and no record of her escape made.
John Rogers had been returned to prison on account of non-payment of the £23, for disturbance of meeting. John, Jr., John Bolles and the others were in prison also for non-payment of smaller fines, for the same offense. Thus the attack from outside the prison lacked the usual leadership; yet that these prisoners were concerned in the rescue, from a position within the prison, is shown by a record of the General Court of November 30, to the effect that, at a special meeting of the Governor and Council, of that date, “it is ordered that the fines and penalties incurred by John Rogers etc.” (“etc.” doubtless including the others tried with John Rogers for the September countermove) “on account of recent tumultuous and riotous proceedings of which said prisoners have been guilty, be applied—upon collection of same—to the extraordinary charge which they have occasioned the county by said proceedings.” This “charge” evidently refers to repairs of the prison which was broken into three days before in behalf of Sarah Bolles. Why the Culvers and Mary and Bathsheba were brought before the County Court (where they were so lightly fined) and “John Rogers, Sr. etc.” dealt with by a special court can only be conjectured. It is not unlikely that this raid upon the jail resulted also in the rescue of Sarah Culver from the stripes. The fact that her husband and son acted with the women indicates such a possibility.
As has been seen, the arrest of Sarah Bolles was for some so-called “breach of Sabbath.”[131] Certainly she could not have been ploughing or carting. Had she been spinning at the door of her home, or had she ventured to walk some distance over the Norwich road to visit one of her friends? In either case, this would be no more than she had been doing ever since 1707; yet either of these acts would have furnished legal ground for her arrest. The only way to account for the proceedings against her is by supposition of another of the spasmodic attempts to intimidate and repress Rogerene leadership. That Sarah Bolles deserves the name of a leader in this Society is evident.
One of the most serious grievances of the Rogerenes, since they began to hold their services on Sunday, is that, although the Congregationalists are allowed to go long distances to Congregational meetings, the Rogerenes are arrested for travelling any considerable distance to meetings of their own persuasion. From the fact that they hold their meetings in private houses, such services are sometimes at one house and sometimes at another, and, as they are widely scattered (outside the nucleus at Quaker Hill), some of the members are always liable to travel some distance.
On Sunday, December 13, two weeks after the November trial just described, a young Rogerene, by the name of John Waterhouse, has the audacity to appear at the door of the Congregational meeting-house, and, “standing within the ground sill, in sermon time,” to exclaim: “I am come to enter complaint that I am stopped on the King’s highway.”[132] He has availed himself of the one efficient mode of defense, the Rogerene countermove.
1720.
The proof of this courageous stand of John Waterhouse, while the leading Rogerenes are in prison, is from records of the County Court, June, 1720. By these records it is also shown that some three months after the above offense (and apparently while out on bail, pending trial in June) this same young man “blew a horn or shell near the meeting-house, while the congregation were singing,” and, refusing to give bond for appearance at the County Court in June, “with good behavior in meantime,” is arrested and imprisoned.
At this same June court, the offender is brought from prison, and being charged with the first offense, of December 13, refuses to reply to the question “guilty or not guilty.”[133] The court now proceeds to give judgment, “on a nihil dicit,” of £20 fine, with charges of prosecution, and if he do not immediately pay or give surety he “shall be let out,” until the same is paid. The same judgment, upon a nihil dicit, is pronounced in regard to the blowing of the horn, viz.: fine of £20, which if not paid he is to be let out, etc.
Yet this very act of blowing a horn on Sunday near a meeting-house, in time of service, is among the offenses enumerated upon the law book as finable by only 40s., which is all the young man had reason to expect. Here are more than £40 for this young man to pay, or go to common servitude for a long period.
Nor is this all that is charged against John Waterhouse at this June court. He is examined on suspicion of being concerned in a most astonishing performance, in the month previous (May 4), viz.: the “opening and carrying away of the doors of the prison” to which the clarion blast had consigned him, and in which he had been confined something over a month. At date of this June court, said doors have “not yet been found.” It is also stated that, during this imprisonment, he had made his escape from the prison several times—and, of course, he had escaped again at the time of the opening of the doors. He pleads “not guilty” regarding the doors, probably, as do other Rogerenes in such cases, admitting no guilt in doing that which they consider right, however contrary it may be to the law. Fortunately for the romance, he does not satisfy the court that he had no hand in said damage and disappearance. The jailer is to recover from him the value of the prison doors “as they were, with the locks on them,” which is £5. With charge of prosecution and another fine of £20 for this offense, added to his previous fines, more than £70 are required of this young man at this June court. £70 represents a snug little fortune (at this date), enough to buy a good farm “with mansion house thereon.” This is the more preparing him for life-long opposition to ecclesiastical government, an opposition which is to be transmitted undiminished to his descendants. (For this young man is to be the founder of the Quakertown community, that “remnant” which, in the words of Rev. Abel McEwen, “exists in a neighboring town.”)
Since John Waterhouse is to be so potent a factor in Rogerene history, let us scrutinize him as closely as the scanty glimpses permit. Is he not some young scapegrace, allied to the Rogerenes for love of their so venturesome and exciting life? So he might be judged, but for the preamble of one old deed of gift on the New London records, despite the fact that he is a son of Jacob Waterhouse and grandson of Mr. Robert Douglass,[134] two of the most substantial citizens of New London and members of the Congregational church. Jacob Waterhouse, in 1717, singled out this son John to receive, by deed of gift, the family homestead, “my father’s habitation,[135] near the mill bridge,” as well as a valuable tract of land at “Foxen’s Hill” on the river; not because he was his oldest son, but “for love and appreciation of his dutiful behavior.” It is, then, the dutiful son of a wealthy and honorable citizen of New London who was arraigned as above at the June court in 1720. Surely it would not be wise to omit visiting upon this renegade youth dire punishment for his bold espousal of Rogerene faith and Rogerene methods, lest other promising young men of the Congregational fold should dare to venture upon a like career.
But we are not yet through with this interesting June court. John Bolles is here arraigned, on a like suspicion of being concerned in opening and carrying away those prison doors “that have not yet been found.” For declining, at the time of their disappearance, “to give any reply to inquiries made of him concerning that matter” he has been imprisoned until now. He now pleads “not guilty,” which of itself might mean that he acknowledges no guilt in the matter; but his wife is present to testify that he was at home upon the night of this romantic occurrence, also Esther Waterhouse,[136] “who lodged at John Bolle’s that night,” testifies to the same effect; upon which John Bolles is to be discharged, on payment of costs of prosecution and prison fees. One can but marvel that John Bolles did not in the first place avail himself of this so convenient testimony, and thus escape imprisonment and expense. Also, why were not those noted prison breakers, John Rogers, Sr. and Jr., arraigned, on suspicion of complicity in this matter? Had they no hand in this achievement, or were their tracks so well covered that no slightest clew could be discovered by the authorities? Did John Bolles, knowing he had evidence to clear himself at sitting of the June court, allow himself to be imprisoned on this suspicion, in order to draw attention from the true culprits?
Sometime in this year is printed, in Boston, “The Book of the Revelation of Jesus Christ,” by John Rogers, Sr.[137]