The Rogerenes: some hitherto unpublished annals belonging to the colonial history of Connecticut

1721.

Mr. Hempstead, in his usual brief style of chronicle, gives no further light upon this matter. By the records of the County Court, in the following June, it is shown that the Quakers referred to in the Diary were John Bolles, his wife Sarah and John Waterhouse, and that the impelling reason for this countermove was because John Waterhouse had been seized and maltreated for baptizing Joseph Bolles, eldest son of John and Sarah, now twenty years of age, who, on entering upon a religious life, had, with the approval of his father and mother and the rest of the Society to which his whole family belonged, selected this young leader to baptize him.

Had any Rogerene been selected to perform this baptism other than the “dutiful” son who had recently left the Congregational church to join the nonconformists, it is probable there would have been no such unusual interference; since such baptisms have been constantly taking place for years, and there is no record of any other disturbance of this character.

Extensive improvements have now been completed in the Congregational meeting-house, almost equivalent to a rebuilding of that edifice. From the Rogerenes has been taken the usual unreasonable amount of property on this account; in the case of John Rogers, three of his best fat cattle together with shoes that, sold cheap at an “outcry,” brought 30s. It seems high time, after so many years of exorbitant tribute to a ministry of which these people have no approbation, that some more effectual effort should be made than the simple refusal to pay such taxes, which has practically greatly increased their loss, by leaving them utterly at the mercy of the collectors.

A plan is now devised to fit this emergency, yet one much less aggressive than the ordinary countermove and indicative of a spirit of compromise on the part of the Rogerenes, despite the fact that one of their recent baptisms has been so seriously interfered with and their friends concerned therein are to be tried at the next sitting of the County Court. A representative number of them will appear at noontime in the meeting-house, which they have been forced to assist in rebuilding, and endeavor to hold a meeting of their own between the regular services. Undoubtedly, they expect to be prevented from entering the church at all; but the appeal for their rights in the premises will be made none the less evident and eloquent by such prevention. If they do succeed in entering, the familiar riot will ensue, occasioned by putting them out in a violent manner, carrying them to prison, etc. In that case, they will be fined “for making a riot,” and tried and sentenced for the same; but their cause will be all the better advertised, at home and abroad.

By this, it is shown that the first attempt at this new style of countermove was on the above day, and, by the absence of any court record regarding this occurrence, it further appears that, either because it was “sacrament day,” or because the governor was out of town, or from both causes, no resistance was made to this noon entry or to the preaching by John Rogers that followed, each of the Rogerenes occupying his or her own seat as set off in the meeting-house.

Upon the next Sunday, they appear in like manner,^[138] just as the Congregational service is breaking up. As Mr. Adams and the others come out, they politely state their purpose of holding another meeting of their own between the Congregational services. No objection being made, they enter and take their places in the seats assigned them. The governor is surely at hand on this occasion, and none can be more expectant of dire consequences to the offenders than are the heroic band themselves. But even Governor Saltonstall cannot well proceed without the issue of a warrant, which he must hasten to procure. In these critical circumstances, the dauntless leader proceeds to expound certain Scriptures to his little audience of twelve Rogerenes, with, doubtless, some curious spectators also.

A constable soon appears upon the scene, and the excitable and riotous portion of the church party are now at liberty to make an uproar and assist in the seizure and abuse. John Bolles is carried out and to jail by the arms and legs, face downward. His wife Sarah and one of the Rogerene men, Josiah Gates, hasten to the house of the governor, near by, where they remind him of his public promise (Chapter IX.) not to break up their meetings provided they do not disturb the Congregational church services, and Mrs. Bolles begs that her husband may not be thus abused.

Considering the towering rage of the governor over this strategic move on the part of the nonconformists, and the plea of the petitioners regarding non-disturbance of Congregational services, the box on the ear which Josiah Gates receives from the hand of the governor and the summary turning of the two petitioners out of doors is a natural sequence.

The next day, the governor binds John Rogers and John Bolles over to the June court.

By the records of the County Court in June, we find John Rogers and John Bolles called to answer “for unlawful and riotous entrance into the meeting-house on April 30, with other persons to the number of twelve.” They plead “not guilty” (viz.: to any riotous entering or to any guilt in entering). The court finds both guilty; John Bolles is to pay a fine of £5, and cost of prosecution £3. John Rogers, having taken the precaution to demand trial by jury, is to pay a fine of only 10s., and cost of prosecution £1 18s., which gives us the popular verdict in the case. Yet for this fine the sheriff took ten sheep and a milch cow. In this way, the executives got the better of a sympathetic jury.

At this June court, John Bolles and his wife are arraigned for having disturbed the congregation “in February last” (upon occasion of the Congregational interference with the baptism of their son Joseph by John Waterhouse). The court, “having heard what each has to offer and the evidence against them, adjudge each to pay a fine of £20 and costs of prosecution £1.”

As for John Waterhouse, he is first tried for having disturbed the Congregational meeting (after the church interference with said baptism, February 26) and is to pay same fine and charges as John Bolles and wife for this offense. Accordingly the cost of Joseph’s baptism reaches £65. No wonder that Joseph Bolles is to become a leader among the Rogerenes and eventually prominent in a great countermove that is to shake the Congregational church of New London.

John Waterhouse is also tried for “assuming a pretended administration of the ordinance of baptism to one Joseph Bolles of New London” and “that in time thereof he made use of these words: ‘I baptize thee into the name of the Lord Jesus Christ.’” “The matter of fact against him being fully proven” and “he having been imprisoned” (apparently until the sitting of this court), he is now sentenced to be whipped ten stripes on the naked body for having performed this baptism.

It is well for the Rogerene Society that so courageous and talented a man as John Waterhouse has given himself to the Christian service in this contest for religious liberty. The days of their great leader are now numbered, although he is still, at seventy-three years of age, in full health and vigor, despite his fifteen years of imprisonment during the last forty-six years, and many other trials and sufferings induced by merciless punishments.

Prominent among the noticeable facts in this man’s history is his faithful Christian ministry, a ministry copied closely from New Testament precept and example. Here is a pastor who in obedience to the command to visit the sick has been ever ready to hasten fearlessly to the bedsides of victims of the most dreaded contagion, to render aid temporal or spiritual; although not himself an immune, unless God so decree. He could be called upon in any circumstance of misfortune, wherever a friend was needed, to serve, to comfort, or advise. He has assisted the poor from the earnings of his own hands. He has visited the widows and the fatherless and those in prison. He has been at all the charges of his own ministry, by the fruits of his own industry. Since it has been claimed by him and his followers, on Scriptural authority, that faith and prayer are more efficacious in the healing of the sick than are the advice and prescriptions of earthly physicians, how often for this purpose must his prayers have been required.

A few months later than the events narrated in previous portions of this chapter, occurs the great smallpox pestilence in Boston. At this time, John Rogers is having published in that city his book entitled “A Midnight Cry,” and also his “Answer to R. Wadsworth.” If he has need to go to Boston, on business connected with these publications, it is certain, by the character of the man, that he will not hesitate, but rather hasten, that he may, in the general panic there, render some assistance. Even if he has no business occasion for such a visit, it will not matter, provided he judges the Master’s command to visit the sick calls him to Boston. Since his conversion in 1674, he has made a practice of visiting those afflicted with this contagion so shunned by others, yet has never been attacked by the disease. He believes the promise that God will preserve His faithful children to the full age of threescore years and ten unless called to offer up their lives in martyrdom, and that when, at last, in His good pleasure, He shall call them, it matters not by what disease or what accident He takes them hence. Surely death could come in no better way than in some especial obedience to His command.^[139]

If after an immunity of more than forty years, not only to himself but to his household, he takes cheery leave of family and friends, ere mounting his horse for the long journey, it is no wonder, nor if they take a like cheerful view of his departure. The Lord may bring him safely back, as so often before, even though his seventieth year is past. Yet—it may be that this call of the Master is to prove his faithfulness unto death.

His horse stands saddled by the roadside, with portmanteau packed for a brave and kindly stay, God willing, with the suffering and the forsaken. He is ready even to his jackboots, and his faithful watch tells him it is time for the start.^[140] We look for no tremor here, even when he speaks the last farewell, but for the cheery word, the tender glance, the fervent grasp of the hand, the committal to God of those he holds dearest on earth, the agile spring to the saddle, and a still erect and manly figure vanishing at the turn of the road. It is not unlikely that a cavalcade of brethren accompany him some miles on his way.

On and on, from the health-giving breezes of Mamacock, towards the plague-stricken city. Once there,—would we might follow him in his ministrations, even to that day when he remounts his horse for the homeward journey. Has the contagion so abated by the middle of October that he is no longer needed, or can he indeed be aware that he himself is attacked by the disease? Would it be possible for a man, after he had become sensible that the malady was upon him, to take the journey on horseback from Boston to New London? All that is known for a certainty is that after he reaches home the disease has developed. It seems probable that he was permitted to complete his mission in Boston and to leave there unconscious of the insidious attack awaiting him. Why was he stricken down at the close of this faithful effort to obey the command of the Master in the face of scorn and peril? One important result is to ensue. The unfaltering trust of the Rogerenes in an all-powerful and all-loving God is to be shown remaining as firm as though John Rogers had returned to them unscathed, and this unswerving trust in God’s promises, under circumstances calculated to shake such a trust to the uttermost, is to be attested over and over by the records of Connecticut.

Fast and far is spread the alarm that John Rogers, just returned from his foolhardy visit to Boston, is prostrated at Mamacock with the dread contagion. There are in the house, including himself, thirteen persons. Adding the servants who live in separate houses on the place, it is easy to swell the number to “upwards of twenty.” The large farm, spreading upon both sides of the road, is itself a place of isolation. On the east is a broad river, separating it from the uninhabited Groton bank. On the north is wooded, uninhabited, Scotch Cap.^[141] There is possibly a dwelling within half a mile at the northwest. A half-mile to the south is the house of John Bolles. What few other neighbors there may be, are well removed, and there are dwellings enough on the farm to shelter all not required for nursing the sick. To what degree the family might take the usual precautions, if left to themselves, or how efficacious might be their scriptural methods, can never be known; since the authorities take the matter in hand at the start.

Had this illness occurred in the very heart of a crowded city, greater alarm or more stringent measures could not have ensued. There is a special meeting of Governor and Council at New Haven, October 14, on receipt of the news that John Rogers is ill at Mamacock with the smallpox, and that “on account of the size of the family, upwards of twenty persons, and the great danger of many persons going thither and other managements” (doubtless referring to scriptural methods of restoration and precaution) “there is great liability of the spread of the infection in that neighborhood.” It is enacted that “effectual care be taken to prevent any intercourse between members of the family and other persons, also that three or four persons be impressed to care for the sick.”

There are a number of meetings of the Governor and Council over this matter (for full accounts of which see the published records of the General Court of Connecticut). Were it not for the court records, coming generations would be at loss to know whether the members of the family themselves, also John Bolles, John Waterhouse, John Culver and their wives, and others of the Rogerenes held firmly to their principles in this crisis, or whether they stood willingly and fearfully aloof, not daring to put their faith and theory to so dangerous and unpopular a test. Fortunately for Rogerene history, the testimony furnished by records of the special sittings of the Governor and Council on this occasion, fully establishes not only the fidelity of the Rogerenes to New Testament teachings, but also their attachment and loyalty to their leader.

Three days after the official order that every relative and friend be banished from his bedside, and so with no one near him but the immunes pressed into the service, John Rogers yields up his life unto Him whom he has faithfully striven to obey, fearing not what man or any earthly chance might do to him. Thus dies John, the beloved and trusted son of James Rogers, and the last of that family.

John Rogers departed this life October 17th, the anniversary day of his marriage to Elizabeth Griswold. She cannot fail to note that fact, when the news reaches her. She is less than woman if, in the hour of that discovery, she does not go aside to weep.

The day after this death, at another special meeting of Governor and Council, it is enacted that “constant watch be kept about the house, to seize and imprison all persons who may attempt to hold any intercourse with the quarantined family.” Little do those who have been forced to take charge at Mamacock and to punish all friendly “intruders about the premises” appreciate the deep sorrow and sympathy of these long-time neighbors and friends, who desire to hear the particulars, to show respect for the departed and to render aid to the family. Rudely rebuked, no doubt, are the most reasonable efforts on the part of these friends, to prove their love and fellowship in grief, although as yet no one else has the contagion and all thoughts are centred on this one great bereavement.

When shortly Bathsheba, wife of John Rogers (now 2d) and their eldest son, John, are stricken, the dark shadows deepen over Mamacock, and friends of the family would fain show some sign of fearless fidelity, not only to those afflicted, but to the teachings of the New Testament and the Old, in regard to the power and good will of God to hold even the direst pestilence in His hand. Much of the endeavor on the part of these friends appears to be to provide the family with such necessaries for their comfort as have not yet been supplied by the authorities.

John Waterhouse and John Culver come over from Groton to secure news regarding the sick and bring something likely to be needed in the quarantine. The slightest attempt at such friendly aid excites indignation and terror on the part of the authorities.

At one of the special meetings of Governor and Council (October 31)

That friends of the family have endeavored to supply them with necessaries, on account of very tardy red tape regarding such provision by the authorities, is strongly suggested by an order accompanying the above, commencing: “Whereas it appears that a meeting of the selectmen is necessary in order to their taking care of the sick family,” it is hereby ordered “that notice shall be given the selectmen to meet and consider what is fit to be done for such as are confined in said families.” Yet it is not until the next special meeting, over three weeks later (November 24), that it is ordered that two suitable persons shall be constantly in attendance “to lodge at the house of Jonas Hamilton or John Bolles” and “by relieving each other, watch and ward night and day to understand the state of the sick there and give information of what is needed.” After this order, although other meetings are held by the Governor and Council on the same account, there is no mention of any further endeavors on the part of friends of the family to hold communication with them.

Two more of the family die of the disease, Bathsheba, wife of John Rogers, 2d, and John, their son. When all is over, John Rogers, 2d, is called upon to pay the expenses of official nurses, guards, provisions and medicines, a large bill, on which he is allowed no reduction.

John Rogers having died intestate, his son John is appointed administrator. The only heirs allowed by the court are the widow, John Rogers, 2d, and Elizabeth Prentice, “only son” and “only daughter,” among whom the estate is divided by due course of law. When this form is ended, John Rogers, 2d, ignoring the fact that he, as only son under the law, has “a double portion,” and Gershom and Mary, the two children by Mary, are awarded nothing of this estate, pays to each of these a liberal sum out of his own portion for “share in” their “father’s estate” (as is still to be seen on the town records). Well may Mary, if living, forgive this honorable man for some things that displeased her in the past. He claims her children as his father’s before the world; he claims them as brother and sister of his own. He afterwards buys of them land at Mamacock, which was given them by their father, Gershom’s land “having a house thereon.”

To the ecclesiastic view, John Rogers has fallen, as to that view he has lived, a fanatic, striving for such an impracticable end as to resurrect the first Christian era into the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But the friends and followers of this leader are sure that a Christian hero has passed from their midst, in no ignoble way.

Here was a man who, had he chosen to fight worldly battles, in forum or in field, might well have made a mark that all men had acknowledged; but who, for the truth that is in the Gospel of Jesus Christ, elected to lead through life a forlorn hope, humanly speaking, as of one against a thousand or a score against a host. It matters not that he but voiced the sentiments of a large number of his own day (and a multitude of ours); it is a silent minority, that dare not even to applaud a man who speaks their views, while the popular leadership and power are on the other side.

Mamacock farm has been much enlarged since, by that name; it was the old Blinman farm, and as such given to Elizabeth Griswold; it has taken in lands to the north, south and west (across the Norwich road). In a southeast corner of its present (1721) boundaries, close by the river bank, are three graves that mark the earthly loss to family and friends of that fearless visit to Boston. The sentiments of the Rogerenes who view those mounds are: “The Lord hath given and the Lord hath taken away, blessed be the name of the Lord.” They gather closer to fill this great vacancy in their ranks and press on under the same banner. If John Rogers, 2d, be not the next leader-in-chief (as perchance he is) that banner will never falter in his hands. John Waterhouse, as a preacher of rare eloquence and power, wears the mantle well. John Bolles is in the prime of life, being but forty-four years of age at the time of the death of his chief. He will labor in this cause for many a year to come, with ready voice and pen. Under his training and that of his wife Sarah, a bevy of bright and energetic boys are growing up strong in the faith, to join hands with the sons of John Rogers, 2d. Young Joseph Bolles is soon to come to the front. Shortly another elder and preacher rises, in the person of Andrew Davis. Here are enough to hold the present band together and labor for its enlargement. The authorities cannot take much encouragement, after the fall of the great leader. He has builded for time to come.

In 1722 is passed an act directing dissenters to qualify under the law of 1708, and such persons as neglect the public worship of God in some lawful congregation, and form themselves into separate companies in private houses, are to forfeit the sum of 40s. A fine of £10 and a whipping to any person not a minister who shall dare to administer the sacraments.

However this may be aimed at the Rogerenes, it evidently does not reach them. If the authorities should endeavor to strictly enforce this law in New London, there would undoubtedly be court records in plenty regarding countermoves, and an overflowing prison, as will be seen during a later attempt (1764-6) to enforce arbitrary laws of this kind. For more than forty years previous to 1722 the Rogerenes have ignored similar laws, and will continue the same course to the end.

For some years after the death of John Rogers, no serious interference with the customs of the Rogerenes is recorded. The countermoves directly preceding that death should, by all precedents, be sufficient to secure them from molestation for a considerable time to come.

September, 1724, occurs the sudden death of Governor Saltonstall, by apoplexy. His family continue to reside in New London and to form an important part of the leading membership of the Congregational church.

Under the ministry of Mr. Saltonstall the half-way covenant was in full force,^[142] and under his administration as governor this policy was applied to the colony at large.

For forty years after the death of Governor Saltonstall, nothing regarding the Rogerenes appears on the records of either of the three courts. Yet there is abundant evidence that these people are steadfastly continuing in the faith and practices of their sect, holding their own meetings, in New London, Groton and elsewhere, preaching their purely scriptural doctrines, and publishing books in defense of their principles. Although not presented before the County Court in this period, they are (as shown by the writings of John Rogers, 2d, and John Bolles) frequently disturbed by the town magistrates, who deal with them “at their own discretion.” That entrance into the meeting-house was a last resort is shown by its extreme infrequency as compared with the more or less constant and severe aggravations to which they are subjected. The only evidence of virulent measures in this period is the pitiless scourging inflicted by Norwich authorities (1725) upon the Sunday party on their way to Lebanon. (See Part I., Chapter I.) The officers and others concerned in this proceeding appear to have been members of the Norwich church, from which, as has been seen, were wont to issue pursuers of the Rogerenes.^[143]

The following from the “Hempstead Diary” shows an imprisonment of one or more Rogerenes at this period, and, in consequence, a Rogerene attendance in Congregational church. The speaking appears to have been so timid as not to disturb the services.

The offenses for which the Rogerenes are most liable to magisterial punishment at this time appear to be travelling upon Sunday, when they have occasion to attend a distant meeting, and performing sufficient observable labor upon that day to assure their opponents that they continue to deny its sanctity; although they take a suitable portion of it for religious services. From them are regularly collected fines for not training. These fines being demanded by Cæsar (the purely civil government) are probably paid without protest.^[144] The church rates they never pay, no matter how many fold more than the amount due is collected by execution on their property, and still, as heretofore, they never appeal to the court on account of the surplus retained.

A considerable number of Rogerenes are located in the northeastern part of Groton, among whom John Waterhouse and John Culver are leaders. This is a sparsely populated district, where the nonconformists are less exposed to such molestation and extortions as assail those of New London. These Groton Rogerenes have Baptists for their nearest neighbors, a sect agreeing with them in certain particulars, but equally with the ruling order holding to the observance of a “holy Sabbath.” It is certain that the Groton Rogerenes have, sooner or later, some grievance against these Baptists, evidently in connection with the question of Sunday sanctity.

In 1728, John Bolles issues his “Application to the General Court of Connecticut,” “in all the honor and submissive obedience that God requires me to show to you,”—in which he states that he discovers in the “Confession of Faith” which this court has established, “principles that seem not to be proven by the Scriptures there quoted,” and that he has drawn up some objections thereto which he desires to be considered and “reply to be returned,” also that he has “taken a journey for no other end but to deliver these objections to one of the elders in each county in the colony.” As he afterwards expresses it, “they disregarded my request.” In this pamphlet he mentions various instances of cruel persecution to which he and his friends have been subjected, and ends with these words:—

That the religious standard of some of the principal members of the Congregational church has not advanced since the time of Governor Saltonstall is indicated by the following, from the “Hempstead Diary”:—

It is not surprising that an aristocracy so autocratic as to contend with near relatives for supremacy of this kind should be bitterly antagonistic to the Rogerenes, who not only shun worldly position for themselves but refuse to be subject to its rule in all matters pertaining to the Christian religion. Youth of the Congregational church, who are to grow up under influences of the above description, are destined, thirty years from this date, to be church members themselves and to take part with their elders, as advocates of a “holy Sabbath,” in a movement against the Rogerenes which is to result in the great countermove of 1764-66, and the retaliatory measures adopted in that contest.

We find in the “Hempstead Diary”:—“July 17, 1743, Hannah Plumb,^[148] a young woman, was baptized in ye river at ye town beach by Samuel son of John Rogers.” This not only shows Samuel Rogers (son of John, 2d) to be a leading Rogerene, but is one of the proofs that some of the Plumb family, the elder members of which are prominent in the town and Congregational church, are of Rogerene persuasion; also that the Rogerenes have got beyond the Mill Cove for baptisms.

About 1735, John Culver and wife, with their sons and families, together with other Rogerenes of Groton, emigrated to New Jersey, where they founded a Rogerene settlement. (The cause of this removal is unknown. The theory that it was to escape persecution is weakened, not only by proof that the Culvers had proven themselves of heroic mould in this struggle, but by the fact that there was a cessation of virulent persecution at this time.) In the course of a few years, they are found, with quite a following, at Waretown^[149] (in the southern part of what is now Ocean County), holding their meetings in a schoolhouse. A man by the name of Weair, the founder of Waretown, is one of their Society; an enterprising business man, who is described as a most worthy Christian.^[150]

The location of this little Rogerene community is about one hundred and forty miles from Ephrata, Pa., where is a Society of Dunkers, among whom are certain brethren who dwell apart from the secular portion of the community, in a cloister. This Society observe the seventh day as a Sabbath, and hold closely to New Testament teaching and example, not discarding healing by faith and prayer and the anointing with oil. The brethren of the cloister appear to believe in direct enlightenment being accorded to such as lead devout lives. They have acquired the name and fame of “holy men.” John Culver has visited these brethren of the cloister, and a mutual friendship and interest have resulted.

In 1744, a number of these Ephrata brethren, being on a pilgrimage in the vicinity of the New Jersey Rogerenes, pay them a visit. The reputation of these “holy men,” in regard to healing by prayer, and also the fidelity of the Rogerenes to this scriptural mode, is shown by the fact, recorded by the Pilgrims, that the New Jersey Rogerenes brought their sick to them, in the hope that they might be restored to health.^[151]

The Culvers urge the Pilgrims to visit the Rogerenes of New London, and with such effect that the brethren embark for Connecticut. They land at Blackpoint, where they are received by a Rogerene of that vicinity, who later escorts them to Bolles Hill, where they make their headquarters at the house of John Bolles. They speak, in their journal, of the Rogerenes as leading “a quiet life apart,” in the country, and state that they had with them a “most peaceful visit.” From the country they are escorted into the town, where they are entertained at the house of Ebenezer Bolles (son of John), whom they describe in their journal as “a blessed virtuous man.” They advise him not to marry, not knowing that he is engaged to Mary, the seventeen-year-old daughter of John Rogers, 2d, and has made his house ready for the bride who is very shortly to occupy it.

Notwithstanding the fact that the town, by description of the tourists, is in a state of agitation and excitement, on account of rumors of war with Spain and the religious differences and public disputes occasioned by the presence and preaching of the New Light evangelists, the citizens vie with the Rogerenes in kindly and interested attentions to the strangers, who speak highly of the hospitality of the people and describe New London as “a fruitful garden of God.” When the day for their departure arrives, the Rogerenes provide passage for them to New York, to which “gifts” of some kind are added, by reason of which the Pilgrims state that they took away with them more than they brought. There is mention of these strangers in the “Hempstead Diary,” under date of October 10, 1744, where they are described as men with beards eight or nine inches long, without hats and dressed in white. By their own description, a crowd followed them in New London wherever they went.

No mention is made by the Pilgrims of any unpleasantness between the Rogerenes and their neighbors, unless the “quiet life apart” of the former can be thus construed. That the Rogerenes sympathize with the New Lights to a considerable degree is more than probable; yet they seem to go their own way, undisturbed and unexcited by the surrounding ferment.^[152]

New ecclesiastical laws have recently been enacted, largely on account of the advent of the New Lights, and old laws are to be more strictly enforced. The rulers are tightening the reins, and the Rogerenes with other nonconformists are likely to receive a cut of the lash. In 1745, Joshua Hempstead writes in his Diary:—

No clew is given to the cause of this move. A phalanx of Rogerenes passing, on Sunday, slowly along the principal street of the town in a cart drawn by oxen, each one of these non-combatants calmly and cheerfully prepared to pay for their spectacular move by seizure, imprisonment and fines, is fully as comical as it is tragic. Though some of the spectators are in a rage, others must be overcome with laughter, while sympathizers too politic to laugh outright smile in their sleeves. The after-appearance, at or in the neighborhood of the meeting-house, of four Rogerene women, fluent in Gospel “testimony” regarding the unchristian proceedings of the “authority,” is a fitting climax to this non-resistant menace.

No wonder that for nine years to come the entries in the “Hempstead Diary” will contain no hint of any collision with the Rogerenes.

The generally tolerant spirit towards the Rogerenes during the last twenty years is largely to be attributed to the conciliatory character of the Rev. Mr. Adams, who, although he may not have felt himself in a position to oppose the autocratic policy of Governor Saltonstall, appears never to have instigated any attack upon the nonconformists or taken an observable part in any such move. Nor, on the other hand, do we find indication of any hard feeling towards this minister on the part of the Rogerenes.

Who, it may be asked, are the Rogerenes of this period? Foremost among the leaders on the New London side are John Rogers, 2d, and John Bolles. There is a considerable following of families and individuals in the town and vicinity, in no way allied to these by relationship. The region about Mamacock and districts farther north have, within the century, become largely occupied by families from Rhode Island, who, being of Quaker and Baptist sympathies, are well fitted for affiliation with the Rogerenes. It is not unlikely that many of them have been attracted hither by that sect. Among these are descendants of some who, having been persecuted by the ruling church of Massachusetts, had retreated to Rhode Island for security. Such would be nothing loath to aid in the bold stand so well instituted in Connecticut. There are Rogerenes in Groton, Montville, Colchester, Lebanon and Saybrook.^[153] How many more converts are at this date “scattered throughout New England” none could tell so well as John Bolles, who has travelled extensively over the country selling Rogerene books and expounding Rogerene doctrines. But the solid nucleus of this Society is in the neighborhood of Mamacock and just north of there, where the John Rogers and John Bolles families and their neighboring followers are as a phalanx. They are, in the main, a people of broad acres and ample means, industrious and energetic; their young women are sought in marriage by promising youth of other denominations, and their young men, evidently with full parental consent, improve opportunities to take wives from some of the best families in New London of wholly different persuasions from their own. James, son of John Rogers, 2d, a young Rogerene of great business ability, marries a daughter of Mr. Joseph Harris, and permits his wife to have her child baptized in the Congregational church,^[154] of which she is a member. Evidently, the New London Rogerenes agree with St. Paul in this regard. 1 Cor. vii, 14. About 1740, Capt. Benjamin Greene, of Rhode Island—a younger brother of Gov. William Greene—established a home farm near Mamacock, at the point called “Scotch Cap.” He is not only a shipmaster but the owner of several vessels and their cargoes. His brother, the governor, is a frequent visitor at Scotch Cap. The wife of Captain Greene is of the Angell family of Rhode Island. Delight, daughter of Capt. Benjamin Greene, marries John, son of John Rogers, 2d. The Greenes are of both Quaker and Baptist sympathies. Samuel Rogers, son of John, 2d, marries a daughter of Stephen Gardner, from Rhode Island, whose family are of Quaker origin. The other marriageable son of this date weds a daughter of Mr. John Savol (or Saville), a prominent member of the Congregational church, afterwards of Norwich. One daughter of John Rogers, 2d, marries a son of John Bolles; another marries a young man of Groton whose father is an enterprising business man from Rhode Island; the other four daughters marry sons of members of the Congregational church (New London and elsewhere), of high standing and ample means.

The sons of John Bolles have not all taken wives from among the Rogerenes, but are less allied to those of Congregational persuasion; outside of their own sect they have most favored Baptist women. The second wife of John Rogers, 2d, appears not to have been a Rogerene before marriage, and the same may be said of the second wife of John Bolles. If such facts are true of the chief leaders and their children, we may easily judge of the alliances of their followers with persons of other denominations, in this comparatively quiet interval.

The above particulars are important as showing the social status of the leading New London Rogerenes in the middle of the eighteenth century, and proving that, although holding strictly to their own opinions and customs, they are not only accounted honorable and esteemed members of the community, but are so liberally inclined as to be in a large degree connected with liberal members of other sects. John Rogers, 2d, has said: “I abhor the abusing of any sect.”—Answer to Peter Pratt. It appears likely that he also abhors the isolation of any sect, believing men and women can differ on certain religious points, and yet be friends and even partners for life.

This ready association of the New London Rogerenes with friendly people of other denominations, is but one of many evidences that the chief contention of these people has not been regarding minor matters of church government and customs, nor even so much in regard to baptism and hireling ministers; but that the great struggle, from first to last, has been for religious liberty; in asserting which liberty they must oppose those who institute, enforce or uphold laws inimical to free expression of religious belief, or individual liberty in the form of worship. Having the high ground of apostolic doctrines and usages upon which to found a strong opposition to ecclesiastical tyranny, they have fought the good fight upon that sacred foundation.

The indications are strong that by the middle of the eighteenth century there is not so much friction between the Rogerenes and the authorities in regard to the gathering of rates for the Congregational ministry, but that the old, exorbitant methods of seizure have declined to less grievous proportions. Nor does there appear to be serious interference with Sunday labor or travelling, which argues that the Rogerenes are not driven, by close watch and frequent arrests, to any extraordinary demonstrations of their disapproval of governmental meddling in matters of conscience. It appears to be the policy at this period to let them alone on these sensitive points, in consequence of which toleration they do not consider it necessary to make their differences of belief so distinctly prominent. Evidently, a large measure of the freedom for which this sect has contended is already accorded; certain ecclesiastical laws, not yet erased from the statute book, are becoming, in the neighborhood of the Rogerenes at least, of the dead letter order, which is the case with many other laws still upon that book.

In June, 1753, occurs the death of John Rogers, 2d, in his eightieth year. He has made a long and heroic stand, since at the age of seventeen years he joined his father in this contest. To him is largely due the size and strength of a sect that has called for the bravest of the brave—and found them.

Fifteen children gather at Mamacock, to follow the remains of this honored and beloved father to the grave, eight sons and seven daughters, of the average age of thirty-four years, the eldest (son) being fifty-two and the youngest (son) fourteen years of age. Besides these, with their families, and the widow in her prime, is the large gathering of Bolleses and other friends and followers in the locality, also those of Groton and doubtless many from other places.

They lay the form of this patriarch beside his father, his wife Bathsheba and the children gone before, in the ground he has set apart, in the southeast corner of his farm, as a perpetual burial place for his descendants, close by the beautiful river that washes Mamacock. They mark his grave, like the others in this new ground, by two rough stones, from nature’s wealth of granite in this locality, whose only tracery shall be the lichen’s mossy green or tender mould.^[155]

John Rogers, 2d, was a man of remarkable thrift and enterprise as well as of high moral and religious character.^[156] His inventory is the largest of his time in New London and vicinity, and double that of many accounted rich, consisting mainly of a number of valuable farms on both sides of the Norwich road, including the enlarged Mamacock farm, the central part of which (Mamacock proper), his home farm, is shown by the inventory to be under a high state of cultivation and richly stocked with horses, cattle and sheep. His children had received liberal gifts from him in his lifetime.

Four of the eight sons of John Rogers, 2d, are now in the prime of life, and not only landed proprietors but men of excellent business ability. John, the youngest of the four, now in his thirtieth year, is appointed administrator of his father’s estate and guardian of his two minor brothers. James, the eldest, is a very enterprising business man. That his coopering establishment is a large plant is shown by the fact that he is, immediately after the death of his father, the richest man in New London, his estate being nearly equal to that left by his father.^[157] The preamble of his will proved in 1754, shows him to have been a Christian of no ordinary stamp. Thus soon, after the death of John Rogers, 2d, this worthy and capable son, who must have been a man of large influence in the Society, is removed. For some time previous to his death, he occupied, as a home farm, the southern third of the enlarged Mamacock^[158]—which fell to him later by his father’s will—upon which was a “mansion house” said to have been built of materials brought from Europe. His brother Samuel has inherited the northern third of the enlarged Mamacock, upon which he resided for some time previous to the death of his father. His brother John has inherited the central part, or Mamacock proper, which his father reserved for his own use.

All the sons of John Rogers have been well educated; John has marked literary talent; his brother Alexander appears to be a schoolmaster of uncommon ability, although farmer and shoemaker as well.^[159]

The eight sons of John Bolles are among the wealthiest and most enterprising citizens of New London; several own valuable lands in the very heart of the town, as well as farms outside; they are business men as well as farmers. Ebenezer Bolles is one of the richest merchants in New London. The moral character of these sons of John Rogers and John Bolles is without reproach. They are professing Christians of the most evangelical stamp. Their sisters are wives of thrifty and upright men.

These people and their adherents are not only a strong business element in this community, but they are a strong moral and religious element. If the present policy of non-enforcement in regard to this sect of the ecclesiastical laws which they are bound to resist should be continued, there is every reason to expect that in another generation they will mingle with the rest of the community in so friendly a manner as to be willing to compromise regarding such minor differences as the observance or non-observance of days.

In 1754, John Bolles issued in pamphlet form “A Message to the General Court in Boston,” in behalf of the principles of religious liberty. In a volume in which this pamphlet was republished are two other publications of this author, one of which (apparently written about this time) is the tract entitled “True Liberty of Conscience is in Bondage to no Flesh.” In this tract, among accounts of persecution inflicted on the Rogerenes, is the following (also noted in Part I.):—