FOOTNOTES
[1] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Forsch. i. 168 and n. 1. Schrader, Reallex. 920 f., accepts this explanation as most probable, and connecting it with Skt. cakrá-, interprets it as referring to a wheel formation of the army. But Vaniček, Griech.-lat. etym. Wörterb. 1085 f., connects populari with spol-iu-m.
[2] Curtius, Griech. Etym. 260, English, 344; Corssen, Ausspr. i. 368, 422; Vaniček, Etym. Wörterb. d. lat. Spr. 90; Griech.-lat. etym. Wörterb. 506; Walde, Lat. etym. Wörterb. 480 f.; cf. Schrader, ibid.; Genz, Patr. Rom., 51 f.
[3] This interpretation would explain magister populi and populari. Plebs, on the other hand, denoted the multitude as distinguished from the leaders; hence it differed from populus, notwithstanding Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 98, n. 2.
[4] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 3.
[5] Livy xxi. 34. 1.
[6] Cic. Rep. i. 25. 39; Livy i. 8. 1; Isid. Etym. ix. 6. 5.
[7] Cf. Madvig, Röm. Staat. i. 34 ff.; Schiller, Röm. Alt. 612 ff.
[8] “Arma sumere, sacris adesse, concilium inire”; Tac. Germ. 6. 6; 13. 1. On the Indo-European relation of the army to the folk, see Schrader, Reallex. 349 f. For Rome, Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 3 f.
[9] Cic. Rep. ii. 8. 14; Dion. Hal. ii. 7. 2; Plut. Rom. 14, 20; Ovid, Fast. iii. 131; Dio Cass. Frag. 5. 8; Varro, L. L. v. 55; Colum. v. 1. 9.
[10] As Romulus was the eponymous hero of the Ramnes (or of all the Romans?) and Lucerus (Fest. ep. 119) of the Luceres.
[11] The original seat of the hero at Rome was on the Capitoline near the site of the later temple of Juno Moneta; Plut. Rom. 20. It was closely connected, therefore, with the auguraculum on the spot; Varro, L. L. v. 47; Cic. Off. iii. 16. 66; Fest. ep. 16. Perhaps his name has some etymological relation with titiare, “to chirp as a sparrow”; Varro, L. L. v. 85 (titiis avibus); Pais, Storia di Roma, I. i. 277 and n. 3; Forcellini, Lex. s. v. The Sodales Titii, who attended to his worship (cf. Dion. Hal. ii. 52. 5; Tac. Ann. i. 54; Hist. ii. 95) were accustomed to take a certain kind of auspices from birds; Varro, ibid. His tomb was in a place called Lauretum on the Aventine (Pais, ibid. 279), confused probably with Laurentum, where he is said to have been killed. All these circumstances indicate that Titus Tatius was an indigenous Roman, or at most a Latin hero, and that his connection with the Sabines is an ill-founded, relatively late idea. The primary origin of the word Titienses is Etruscan; Schulze, Lat. Eigennam. 218.
[12] Possibly because the rites of the Titian sodales seemed to be Sabine (cf. Tac. Ann. i. 54); but even if they were, this circumstance would not make the Titian tribe Sabine.
[13] Varro, however, placed them on the Aventine. A Sabine settlement on the Quirinal has not been proved; cf. Lécrivain, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. ii. 1514.
[14] In Dion. Hal. ii. 47. 4; cf. 7. 2; Plut. Rom. 13.
[15] L. L. v. 46, 55; Serv. in Aen. v. 560.
[16] P. 2, n. 6, and n. 1 above.
[17] Serv. ibid.
[18] Cf. Hülsen, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1273.
[19] Proposed by Niebuhr, Röm. Gesch. i. 311 ff., English, i. 153 ff. In his opinion the three tribes were of different nationalities. His view, with or without the theory of national syncretism, has been accepted by many scholars, including Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. i. 480 ff., 497-514; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 82 ff.; Peter, Gesch. Roms. i. 60; Madvig, Röm. Staat. i. 97 f.; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 23 f. (with some reserve); Schiller, Röm. Alt. 621; Ihering, Geist des röm. Rechts, i. 309, 313; Genz, Patr. Rom, 89 ff.; Bernhöft, Röm. Königsz. 79; Puchta, Curs. d. Inst. i. 73; Soltau, Röm. Volksversamml. 46 f.; Kubitschek, Rom. trib. or. 4; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 96 f.; Willems, Sén. Rom. i. 7; Schrader, Reallex. 801; Nissen, Templum, 145 f.; Ital. Landesk. ii. 496.
[20] Against the view that the three tribes were once independent communities are Volquardsen, in Rhein. Mus. xxxiii. 542 ff.; Meyer, Gesch. d. Alt. ii. 510; Lécrivain, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. ii. 1514 a; Holzapfel, in Beitr. z. alt. Gesch. i. 241, 249 ff.; Platner, Top. and Mon. of Anc. Rome, 33. Ihne, Hist. of Rome, i. 114, thinks they probably had reference only to the army. The double nature of many Roman institutions—a phenomenon on which scholars chiefly rely for their theory of a once existent two-tribe state—may better be explained by the union of the Sabines with the Romans after the institution of the three tribes; as this relatively later date would at the same time explain the six-fold character of various institutions. That the union took place at the beginning of the fifth century B.C. is believed by Pais, Storia di Roma, I. i. 277. Or the stated increase in the number of members of the vestals, augurs, pontiffs, and more particularly of senators, may be due to an ancient theory, dimly hinted at in the sources, of an admission of the second and third tribes successively to representation in these bodies; cf. Niebuhr, Röm. Gesch. i. 320 f., English, i. 157; Bloch, Orig. d. sén. 32 ff.
[21] Bormann, in Eran. Vind. 345-58, following a hint offered by Niese, Röm. Gesch. (1st ed. 1886) 585, has gone so far as to deny their existence, setting them down as an invention of Varro; but Holzapfel, in Beitr. z. alt. Gesch. i. 230 ff., proves that Cicero and other sources did not draw from Varro their information regarding the tribes. Against Bormann, see also Pais, ibid. I. i. 279, n. 1.
[22] That the primitive Roman tribes were in character substantially identical with the primitive Greek phylae cannot be doubted. Apparently the four Ionic phylae in Attica offered no resistance to dissolution at the hands of Cleisthenes; cf. Hdt. v. 66; Arist. Ath. Pol. 21. (For the best treatment of the Greek phylae, see Szanto, E., Ausgewählte Abhandlungen, 216-88, who maintains that the institution was artificial.) In like manner the three Roman tribes disappeared, leaving but scant traces; p. 7.
[23] Mantua, till late an Etruscan city, had three tribes; Serv. in Aen. x. 202. In this connection it is significant that Volnius, an Etruscan poet, declared the primitive tribal names to be Etruscan; Varro, L. L. v. 55. The information suggests the possibility that some Etruscan cities had these same tribes; cf. Fest. 285. 25; CIL. ix. 4204 (locality unknown). In fact these names can be ultimately traced to Etruscan gentilicia; Schulze, Lat. Eigennam. 218, 581. The triplet champions of Alba point to a division of this community into three tribes; Niebuhr, Röm. Gesch. i. 386; Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. i. 502. The story that T. Tatius was killed at Lavinium indicates the existence of a tomb of the hero in that place—a clear sign of a tribe of Tities there; Livy i. 14. 2; Dion. Hal. ii. 52; cf. Varro, L. L. v. 152. A trace of Ramnes is found at Ardea; Serv. in Aen. ix. 358. There were Ramnennii in Ostia (CIL. xiv. 1542) and Ramnii in Capua; ibid. x. 3772; Schulze, Lat. Eigennam. 218. The existence of a tribe of Luceres in Ardea is vouched for by Lucerus, its eponymous hero, king of that city; Fest. ep. 119; Pais, Storia di Roma, I. i. 279. The word in various forms occurs in certain Etruscan towns; Schulze, ibid. 182. These facts make it probable that some at least of the Latin as well as Etruscan cities had the same three tribes.
[24] The Etruscans had twelve cities in each of their three districts; Strabo v. 4. 3; Livy v. 33. Each city had three consecrated gates and three temples to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva; Serv. in Aen. i. 422. The Umbrians had three hundred cities in the Po valley, destroyed by the Etruscans; Pliny, N. H. iii. 14. 113. The Bruttians were organized in a confederation of twelve cities; Livy xxv. 1. 2. The Iapygians were divided into three branches (Polyb. iii. 88. 4), each of which comprised twelve smaller groups; Bloch, Orig. d. sén. 9 f.; Holzapfel, in Beitr. z. alt. Gesch. i. 245 ff., 252 f. The tripartite division also existed in many pagi which continued to historical time; Kornemann, in Klio, v. 83.
[25] These facts are too well known to need illustration; cf. Nissen, Templum, 144; Bloch, Orig. d. sén. 1 ff.
[26] Varro, L. L. v. 55. Tribus = tri-bu-s: bu- is related to φυ- “to grow,” Skt. bhū-; tribus, corresponding to φυ-λή, would then signify “three-branch;” Corssen, Ausspr. i. 163; Pott, Etym. Forsch. i. 111, 217; ii. 441; Vaniček, Etym. Wörterb. d. lat. Spr. 69; Griech.-lat. etym. Wörterb. 636; Bloch, ibid. 9. Schlossman, in Archiv f. lat. Lexicog. xiv (1905). 25-40, connecting tribus with tres, interprets it not as a third but as an indefinite part, cf. entzweien with the meaning to divide in several parts. Schrader, Reallex. 801, is doubtful as to the etymology; cf. Walde, Lat. etym. Wörterb. 636. The connection of the word with tres is denied by Madvig, Röm. Staat. i. 96; Nissen, Ital. Landesk. ii. 8, n. 5. Christ, in Sitzb. d. bayer. Akad. 1906. 204, prefers to connect it with Celt *trebo- (Old Irish treb), “house,” Goth. thaúrp, “village.” Oscan trebo- also means “house.”
[27] The existence of four Ionic tribes in all Ionic cities cannot be maintained; cf. Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, in Sitzb. d. Berl. Akad. 1906. 71.
[28] The tribus Sapinia was the territory of the Sapinian community (Livy xxxi. 2. 6; xxxiii. 37. 1), just as the trifu Tarinate was the territory of the community (tuta, tota, Osc. touto; Tab. Bant. 2) Tadinum; Tab. Iguv. vi. b. 54; cf. iii. 24; Buck, Grammar of Oscan and Umbrian, 278 f., 298; Bücheler, Umbrica, see index, s. Tref, Trefiper; Kornemann, in Klio, v. 87.
[29] Christ, in Sitzb. d. bayer. Akad. 1906. 207.
[30] Livy i. 55. 3 f.; CIL. ix. 1618, 5565; Nissen, Ital. Landesk. ii. 8 ff.; Kornemann, in Klio, v. 80.
[31] Dion. Hal. iv. 15; Nissen, Ital. Landesk. ii. 9-15. Doubtless oppidum applied primarily to the enclosing wall, thence to the space enclosed; Caes. B. G. v. 21; Varro, L. L. v. 153. From the beginning it must have been the chief or central settlement of the pagus, though the organization was not urban but territorial-tribal; cf. Pöhlmann, Anfänge Roms, 40 ff.
[32] Livy ix. 41. 6; x. 18. 8; CIL. i. 199; Isid. Etym. xv. 2. 11: “Vici et castella et pagi sunt quae nulla dignitate civitatis ornantur, sed vulgari hominum conventu incoluntur et propter parvitatem sui maioribus civitatibus attribuuntur;” Fest. ep. 72; Nissen, ibid. 11.
[33] Thus the three tribes of Cyrene were made up each of a nationality or group of nationalities (Hdt. iv. 161), and the ten tribes of Thurii were named after the nationalities of which they were respectively composed; Diod. xii. 11. 3.
[34] The Romans founded their colonies according to Etruscan rites, and they believed their city to have been established in the same way; Varro, L. L. v. 143; Cato, in Serv. in Aen. v. 755; Fest. 237. 18; Kornemann, in Klio, v. 88. The word Roma is now declared to be Etruscan; Schultze, Lat. Eigennam. 579 ff.; Schmidt, Karl Fr. W., in Berl. Philol. Woch. 1906. 1656.
[35] Richter, Top. d. Stadt Rom, 30 ff., still believes that the earliest settlement was on the Palatine. His view is controverted by Degering, H., in Berl. Philol. Woch. xxiii (1903). 1645 f., who prefers the Quirinal; cf. also Carter, J. B., in Am. Journ. of Archaeol. xii (1908). 172-83.
[36] Cf. Richter, ibid. 38; Meyer, E., in Hermes, xxx. 13.
[37] Cf. Nissen, Ital. Landesk. ii. 504.
[38] Cf. Varro, L. L. v. 55; Verrius Flaccus, in Gell. xviii. 7. 5. The idea of Isidorus, Etym. ix. 6. 7, is of course absurd.
[39] This subject will be considered in connection with the Servian tribes; p. 48 f.
[40] Dion. Hal. iv. 14. 2.
[41] P. 74.
[42] Like the Attic phylobasileis they continued through historical time to perform sacerdotal functions; Dion. Hal. ii. 64. 3; Fast. Praen. Mar. 19, in CIL. i². p. 234: “(Sali) faciunt in comitio saltu (adstantibus po)ntificibus et trib. celer;” Holzapfel, in Beitr. z. alt. Gesch. i. 242.
[43] Verg. Aen. v. 553 ff.; Serv. in Aen. v. 560; Holzapfel, ibid. 243.
[44] P. 2, n. 6.
[45] Fest. 285. 25; cf. Serv. in Aen. x. 202.
[46] There were curiae in Lanuvium, an old Latin town; CIL. xiv. 2120. Juno Curis, Cur(r)itis, Quiritis, goddess of the curiae, was worshipped in Tibur (Serv. in Aen. i. 17), and in Falerii (Tertul. Apol. 24; CIL. xi. 3100, 3125, 3126; cf. Holzapfel, Beitr. z. alt. Gesch. i. 247; Roscher, Lex. d. griech. u. röm. Myth. II. i. 596 f.). A connection between Cūris and cūria is not clear; Deecke, Falisker, 86.
[47] Aristotle, Politics, 1329, b 8, considers Italus, king of the Oenotrians, to have been author of the mess-associations (συσσίτια), adding that the institution was derived from the country of the Opici and the Chaonians. With the Opici he includes Latins as well as Ausonians; Dion. Hal. i. 72. 3. On the relation of these peoples to one another, see especially Pais, Anc. Italy, ch. i. Greek writers identify the curia with the phratry (Dion. Hal. ii. 7. 3 f.; Dio Cass. Frag. 4. 8), the ἑταιρεία, and the syssition (Dion. Hal. ii. 23. 3; Dio Cass. ibid.). Although the institutions designated by these four names show considerable variety of form and function, they are similar in general character and may have a common origin; Meyer, Gesch. d. Alt. ii. 514.
The myth which names the curiae after the Sabine women suggests that some of the curial names, and perhaps the curiae themselves, might be found among the Sabines. On Rapta and Titia however see p. 11, n. 7.
[48] Dion. Hal. ii. 7. 2; Dio Cass. Frag. 5. 8; Plut. Rom. 20; Fest. 174. 8; ep. 49; (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. ii. 12; Serv. in Aen. viii. 638; Pomponius, in Dig. i. 2. 2. 2.
Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 47 f., entertains the peculiar idea that the curiae, invented to counteract the independent tendencies of the tribes, were not divisions of the tribes, the members of each curia being drawn from all three tribes. His view is contradicted by the sources and he admits that he cannot prove it.
St. Augustine, Enarr. in Psalm. 121. 7 (iv. 2. 1624 ed. Migne), and still later Paulus, the epitomator of Festus, 54, suppose that there were thirty-five curiae. Notwithstanding Hoffmann, Patr. u. pleb. Cur. 44 ff., the opinion of these late writers doubtless arose from an identification of the curiae with the tribes; cf. Kübler, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1818.
[49] P. 11 f.
[50] The word is derived from *co-viria, “a dwelling together,” “an assembly,” by Pott, Etym. Forsch. ii. 373 f. (cf. Vaniček, Etym. Wörterb. d. lat. Spr. 160; Walde, Lat. etym. Wörterb. 161), who is followed by Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. i. 496, n. 8, 610, n. 4; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 96. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 5, 90 and notes, gives the word the meaning “an association of citizens,” deriving it from quiris (cf. Abriss, 11), which he connects with κῦρος, κῦριος, as did Lange in 1853 (Kleine Schriften, i. 147). Afterward—Röm. Alt. i. (1876) 91—Lange expressed some doubt as to this connection. But the fact that curia applies to the house not only of the curiales, but also of the senate and of the Salii, as well as to various other buildings, seems to indicate that the meaning “house” is primary for the Latin language if not ultimately original. Corssen, who accepts this meaning, derives cu- from sku-, “to cover,” “to protect” (Ausspr. i. 353 f.; Vaniček, Griech.-lat. etym. Wörterb. 1116), cf. Old High Germ. hū-t, hū-s, Eng. “house.” Although Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 90, n. 2, protests against this explanation, it is accepted by Meyer, Gesch. d. Alt. ii. 511, Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 52, and others. Far less probable is a connection with cura, curare, assumed by most ancient writers; cf. Varro, L. L. v. 155; vi. 46; Vit. pop. rom. in Non. Marc. 57; Fest. ep. 49; Pomponius, in Dig. i. 2. 2. 2; Dio Cass. Frag. 5. 8; Isid. Etym. xv. 2. 28. These sources have misled Genz, Patr. Rom, 32, into fruitless speculation on the functions of the curia.
[51] Tac. Ann. xii. 24.
[52] Fest. 174. 6; Jordan, Top. d. Stadt Rom, I. i. 165 f.; iii. 43 f.; Gilbert, Gesch. u. Top. d. Stadt Rom, i. 102 f.; 195 ff.; Richter, Top. d. Stadt Rom, 33, 340; Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, map opp. 58; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 99.
[53] P. 8, n. 5; Dion. Hal. ii. 50. 3; Fest. 254. 25; ep. 64; cf. Roscher, Lex. II. i. 596.
[54] Worshipped in the Fordicidia; Ovid, Fast. iv. 634; Lyd. De Mens. iv. 49; Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult. d. Röm. 159.
[55] On the curial worship, see Varro, L. L. vi. 13; Fest. 254. 25; 317. 12; Dion. Hal. ii. 23. 1-3; 50. 3; 65. 4; Ovid, Fast. ii. 527 ff.; iv. 629 ff.; Plut. Q. R. 89; cf. Fowler, Roman Festivals, 71-2, 302-6. On the stultorum feriae, see Wissowa, ibid. 142; Fowler, ibid. 304 ff.
[56] Dion. Hal. ii. 23. 1; Fest. 245. 28.
[57] Varro, L. L. v. 83; vi. 46; Dion. Hal. 64. 1; 65. 4; Fest. ep. 49, 62; Lyd. De Mag. i. 9.
[58] Dion. Hal. ii. 22. 1.
[59] CIL. vi. 1892; xiv. 296; Gell. xv. 27. 2; cf. Cic. Leg. Agr. ii. 12. 31.
[60] Fest. ep. 64: “Curiales flamines curiarum sacerdotes.” For the flamen of the Curia Iovis of Simitthus, see CIL. viii. 14683; cf. 2596 and 11008. The statement of Festus, 154. 26, that there were but fifteen flamines must be modified. But there may have been fewer than thirty curial flamines; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 390. Of the two curial officials mentioned by Dionysius, ii. 21. 2, therefore, one was the curio and the other a lictor (Mommsen, ibid. 309, n. 5; Genz, Patr. Rom., 47) or a flamen (Holzapfel, in Beitr. z. alt. Gesch. i. 242).
[61] Cf. Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult. d. Röm. 338, n. 3, 413, n. 2.
[62] Livy iii. 7. 7; xxvii. 8. 1; Fest. ep. 126. This official was probably instituted after the curiones had become mere priests; Genz, ibid. 48.
[63] P. 157. The comitium was a place of assembly adjoining the Forum.
[64] II. 7. 2 f.; 23. 3.
[65] Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 52, 65, following J. J. Müller, in Philol. xxxiv (1874), 96-136, refuses to credit a military character to the curiae because it is mentioned by no other writer and because we can find no trace of it in historical time. His reasoning is not cogent. The curia may have lost its earlier military function, as did the phratry (Il. ii. 362 f.).
[66] That the antiquarians had some evidence as to the military character of the curiae is suggested by Fest. ep. 54: “Centuriata comitia item curiata dicebantur, quia populus Romanus per cetenas turmas divisus erat.”
[67] Il. ii. 362 f.
[68] Tac. Germ. 7. 3.
[69] Schrader, Reallex. 349 f.
[70] All adult male citizens had a right to attend this assembly, all who were physically qualified and of military age were liable to service when called to it; but probably on no occasion were those present in the assembly identical with the military levy of the year; cf. p. 203.
[71] P. 7.
[72] II. 7. 4. The curiales must have been neighbors in order to use a common drying oven; n. 8 below.
[73] Fest. 174. 12. The first is evidently named after the Forum, the second after the Velia; cf. Plut. Rom. 20, who states that many were named after places. Of the other five Velitia (Fest. ibid.), Titia (ibid. ep. 366), Faucia (Livy ix. 38. 15), and Acculeia (Varro, L. L. vi. 23) have gentile endings. We should not imagine these four to be named after gentes, which were of later origin; Botsford, in Pol. Sci. Quart. xxi. (1907). 685 ff. It would be safer to assume that they, like gentilicia, are derived from the names of persons real or imaginary. Rapta (Fest. 174. 12) and Titia possibly suggested to the ancients the derivation of the curial names from those of the captive Sabine women; cf. p. 8, n. 6.
[74] Dion. Hal. iv. 12. 2. This statement is confirmed by the nature of the Fornacalia, the chief festival of the curiae; it was celebrated in connection with the drying of the far in ovens; Pliny N. H. xviii. 2. 8; Fest. ep. 83, 93. Evidently the members of a curia were those who had a common drying oven; Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult. d. Röm. 142.
[75] Διῄρηνται δὲ καὶ εἰς δεκάδας αἰ φράτραι, πρὸς αὑτοῦ, καὶ ἡγεμὼν ἐκὰστην ἐκόσμει δεκάδα, δεκουρίων κατὰ τὴν ἐπιχώριον, γλῶτταν προσαγομευόμενος.
[76] Polyb. vi. 25. 1; cf. 20. 9.
[77] L. L. v. 91.
[78] There is no need of assuming, with Bloch, Origines du sénat Romain, 102-5, that the decuriae mentioned by Dionysius are “purely imaginary.”
[79] Röm. Gesch. i. 334 f.; Eng. 163; cf. also Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. i. 612 f. The antiquated view is still held by Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 96, and by Lécrivain, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. ii. 1504. Though Ihne, History of Rome, i. 113, n. 3, believes that the curiae were composed of gentes, he is doubtful as to the number.
[80] “Cum ex generibus hominum suffragium feratur, curiata comitia esse; cum ex censu et aetate, centuriata; cum ex regionibus et locis, tributa.”
[81] Mommsen, too, supposes that genera here means gentes but is used so as to include also the plebeian stirpes; nevertheless he knows that the voting in the curiate assembly was by heads rather than by gentes; Röm. Staatsr. iii. 9, n. 2; 90, n. 5.
[82] Livy i. 43. 10: “Viritim suffragium ... omnibus datum est” (i.e. in the curiate assembly). This statement of the lack of relation between the gens and the curia is repeated from Pol. Sci. Quart. xxi. 511 f.
[83] It is in the main a reproduction of my article on the subject in Pol. Sci. Quart. xxi (1906). 498-526.
[84] P. 25 ff.
[85] Rep. ii. 8. 14; 12. 23: “Senatus, qui constabat ex optimatibus, quibus ipse rex tantum tribuisset, ut eos patres vellet nominari patriciosque eorum liberos.”
[86] In the expression “omnibus patriciis, omnibus antiquissimis civibus,” Cicero (Caec. 35. 101) intends no more than to include the patricians among the oldest citizens, whom he is contrasting with the newly-admitted municipes. Only the most superficial examination of the passage (cf. Willems, Sén. Rom. i. 7) could make “omnibus patriciis” equivalent to “omnibus antiquissimis civibus.”
[87] I. 8. 7.
[88] Ibid.: “Consilium deinde viribus parat: centum creat senatores.”
[89] Livy iv. 4. 7: “Nobilitatem istam vestram quam plerique oriundi ex Albanis et Sabinis non genere nec sanguine sed per coöptationem in patres habetis, aut ab regibus lecti aut post reges exactos iussu populi.”
[90] Livy i. 34. 6: “In novo populo, ubi omnis repentina atque ex virtute nobilitas sit.”
[91] II. 8. 1-3. In 12. 1, he shifts his point of view: Romulus chose the hundred original senators from the patricians.
[92] Rom. 13; cf. Q. R. 58.
[93] Cf. further Ovid, Fast. iii. 127; Vell. i. 8. 6; Fest. 246. 23; 339. 11.
[94] There is no inconsistency, however, in the fact that some noble gentes claimed descent from Aeneas or from deities (cf. Seeley, Livy, 57) or from Alban or Sabine ancestors (cf. Livy i. 30. 2; iv. 4. 7; Dion. Hal. ii. 46. 3; iii. 29. 7); they were nobles in their original homes before the founding of Rome, but became patricians by an act only of the Roman government.
Although after the creation of the first hundred patres, the ancients do not distinctly state that each newly-made senator was the founder of a new patrician family, they do represent the enlargement of the senate and of the patriciate as going hand in hand; in this way they continue to make the patriciate depend upon membership in the senate; cf. Livy i. 30. 2; 35. 6; Dion. Hal. ii. 47. 1; iii. 67. 1; Madvig, Röm. Staat. i. 75.
[95] Rep., ii. 8. 14; cf. (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. ii. 11.
[96] Cat. 6. 6; cf. Isid. Etym. ix. 6. 10: “Nam sicut patres suos, ita illi rem publicam habebant” (or “alebant”).
[97] I. 8. 7.
[98] 339. 11.
[99] 247.
[100] ii. 8. 1.
[101] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Forsch. i. 227.
[102] From the root pa, to protect, preserve, conservare; Pott, Wurzel-Wörterb. d. Indog. Spr. (2d ed.), 221; Corssen, Ausspr. i. 424; Schrader, Sprachvergl. u. Urgesch. 538; Lécrivain, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. ii. 1507.
[103] Dig. 1. 16. 195. 2: “Pater familias appellatur qui in domo dominium habet.” In like manner patronus is protector of clients, pater patriae protector of his country; Pott, ibid. 227.
[104] Ulpian, in Dig., ibid.: “Pater autem familias recte hoc nomine appellatur, quamvis filium non habeat; non enim solam personam eius, sed et ius demonstramus: denique et pupillum patrem familias appellamus.”
[105] Livy i. 32. 10 (from a fetial formula).
[106] Rubino, Röm. Verfassung und Geschichte, 186; Mommsen, Röm. Forsch. i. 228, n. 16.
[107] In the same way reges is made to include the whole family of the rex; Livy i. 39. 2. For other illustrations of the same principle, see Rubino, ibid. 188, n. 1.
[108] The Twelve Tables seem to apply it to all patricians, not to senators alone: Cicero, Rep. ii. 37. 63: “Conubia ... ut ne plebei cum patribus essent;” Livy iv. 4. 5: “Ne conubium patribus cum plebe esset.” These passages, however, do not afford absolute proof; for Gaius, bk. vi ad legem Duodecim Tabularum (Dig. 1. 16. 238: “Plebs est ceteri cives sine senatoribus”), probably commenting on the very law quoted by Cicero and Livy, seems to understand patres as senators; cf. the prohibition of intermarriage between senators and their agnatic descendants on the one hand and freed persons on the other; Dig. xxii. 2. 44; Roby, Rom. Priv. Law, i. 130; Vassis, in Athena, xii. 57 f. In some instances, however, as in the expression “a patribus transire ad plebem” (Vell. ii. 45. 1) patres is certainly equivalent to patricii.
[109] Cf. gentilicius from gentilis; tribunicius from tribunus, Pott, ibid. 227. Patricius is an adjective signifying paternal, ancestral, belonging to parents or progenitors; Corssen, ibid. i. 53.
[110] In his work on the Comitia, quoted by Fest. 241. 21: “Patricios eos appellari solitos qui nunc ingenui vocentur.”
[111] X. 8. 10: “En umquam fando audistis patricios primo esse factos non de caelo demissos, sed qui patrem ciere possent, id est nihil ultra quam ingenuos...?”