The sacred dance

I

The ritual encircling dance, whether in procession with measured tread or in the form of a dance-step—and both are varieties of what is essentially the same thing—is perhaps the commonest kind of sacred dance. Its occurrence is world-wide. The object around which it takes place was in most cases, at any rate originally, a sacred one: an idol, an altar, a sacrificial victim, a holy tree, or a well. The encirclement was also performed round other things; but in these cases the dance is of another type to which attention will be drawn later.

Of sacred trees[133] and wells[134] among the Israelites we have abundant witness in the Old Testament; there is also plenty of evidence of their existence among other Semitic peoples, see, for example, Baudissin, Studien zur Semitischen Religionsgeschichte, II. 154 ff. (1876); Robertson Smith, The Religion of the Semites, Lecture V. (1894); Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, pp. 158 ff., 162 ff. (1903), to mention but three of the foremost authorities. The Old Testament nowhere mentions any details of the cult in connexion with these sacred objects, for reasons which have been pointed out[135], and therefore there is no allusion to the dance around them; but as we know from so many sources that wherever sacred trees and springs existed (which has been all the world over) part of the ritual in connexion with them consisted of the sacred dance, we need not gather from the silence of the Old Testament that it did not take place.

An interesting instance may be given of the way in which we are able to supplement an Old Testament record from other sources. In Num. xxi. 17, 18, occurs this song to the well:

Here we have a song to the well, though no mention is made of the sacred dance; but in a striking parallel, recorded by Nilus, we are told that when the nomadic Arabs found a well they danced by it and sang songs to it[136]. Both song and dance were sacred, for, as Robertson Smith says:

Kazwini[138] relates that “when the water [of the wells of Ilabistan] failed, a feast was held at the source, with music and dancing, to induce it to flow again.”

One thinks of the “Well of Fair Dances” at Eleusis; though not offering a parallel to what has just been said, it is in so far an analogy in that it was a spring at which sacred dancing took place, in this case by women in honour of Demeter[139].

We have mention of sacred dancing, again, in another connexion, viz. around the Golden Calf. The passage is Exod. xxxii. 5, 6, 19:

This definite mention of the sacred dance here justifies the assumption that it was also performed in honour of a similar idol set up in other sanctuaries, such as those in Dan and Bethel (1 Kings xii. 28, 29, 2 Kings x. 29; cp. Hos. x. 5), in Samaria (Hos. viii. 5, 6), and possibly in Gilgal (Hos. xii. 11 [12], Am. v. 4, 5)[141].

Again, there are several passages in which the encirclement of the altar is mentioned; these merit a little attention. In 1 Sam. xvi. 11, where there is, however, a little uncertainty about the reading, there is some justification in translating the Hebrew thus: “And Samuel said ... we will not go round, i.e. the altar, till he come.” The Revised Version follows the Septuagint and the Vulgate in rendering: “We will not sit down, i.e. to the feast, till he come”; but this use of the word is otherwise unknown in the Old Testament[142]. Taking it in its natural sense the word would here refer to the ceremonial encircling of the altar which is mentioned elsewhere in the Old Testament, and was a recognized part of the ritual in offering sacrifices among other peoples. In Ps. xxvi. 6 it is said: “I will wash mine hands in innocency and will go round thy altar, Jahwe”; this points clearly to the ritual encircling of the altar, and the incidental mention of it without further comment seems to imply that it formed part of the ordinary ritual[143]. A procession on a larger scale may well be in the mind of the writer of Ps. xlviii. 13 [12 in R.V.]: “Encompass ye Zion, and go round about her”; the context points to the reference being to some act of ritual worship; and that it is a literal, and not a figurative, encirclement that is meant is clear both from the use of sābab, as well as of nāqaph, which refers often to the surrounding of cities.

An interesting passage is Ps. cxviii. 27, though there is some uncertainty again about the text. The R.V. reads: “Bind the sacrifice with cords, even unto the horns of the altar.” The word ḥag is here translated “sacrifice”; but this is not justified (in spite of Mal. ii. 3), for, as Briggs rightly points out, the procedure “would not be in accord with sacrificial laws and usage[144].” On the other hand, to translate it by “sacred dance” would be to give the word, as we have seen, its essential meaning[145]. Then, further, the word rendered “bind” (ʾasar) can equally well mean “join”; cp. this meaning of the word in 1 Kings xx. 14, “Who will join battle?” The same use is found in 2 Chron. xiii. 3, “And Abijah joined battle”; in each case this root (ʾasar) is used. So that our passage could be rendered quite correctly: “Join the sacred dance.” As to the word translated “cords,” or “ropes,” this would be used quite appropriately in connexion with dancing; it is the same idea as that connected with ḥebel (“chain,” or “band”), used of prophets going about in single file (see further below, p. 108). In Hos. xi. 4 the two words are used as parallels. So that the reference in the psalm may well be to strings of worshippers being called upon to join in the sacred dance. Briggs’ objection to an explanation of this kind on the ground that this usage of ḥag is rare and early, “not to be thought of in so late a psalm,” is not valid when one remembers the tenacity with which religious customs and expressions are clung to. It is well to remember that this psalm belongs to the “Hallel” (Pss. cxiii.-cxviii.), the most important of the festival psalms; the “Hallel” was sung at all the great feasts. We shall see presently that very clear evidence exists for the performance of the encircling of the altar during the singing of this psalm in later days, as well as other dancing during the great festivals. It may be taken for granted that both kinds of dance were not innovations belonging to subsequent ages, but the continuance of what had been handed down for ages.

Further, one must take into consideration the idea that underlies the ritual of the encirclement of a city, such as we read of in Josh. vi., where the same root as that for the ritual encompassing of the altar is used (sābab). Through the whole account the religious element in the undertaking comes strongly to the fore; the encircling procession is a sacred act: the sounding of the rams’ horns by the priests, seven in number, the presence of the ark, the sevenfold encirclement on the seventh day, all emphasize its religious character which receives its highest stamp in the words which proclaim the presence of Jahwe Himself in the procession: “And it was so, that when Joshua had spoken unto the people, the seven priests bearing the seven trumpets of rams’ horns before Jahwe passed on, and blew with the trumpets: and the ark of the covenant of Jahwe followed them.” The God of the nation is conceived as being either identified with, or present in, the ark. The meaning and object of the encirclement is clear from the words in vi. 17: “And the city shall be devoted, even it and all that is therein, to Jahwe.” It is, as it were, a magic circle, described around the thing “devoted” in order that nothing shall escape; by the encirclement it becomes “consecrated”; though, of course, in a different sense from that in which the encirclement of the altar consecrates the sacrifice on it.

Before drawing attention to some instances of this type of dance among other peoples, mention may be made of one among the Jews of post-biblical times. At the Feast of Tabernacles, after the sacrifices had been offered, the priests went in procession round the altar singing Ps. cxviii. 25 on each of the seven days during which the feast lasted. On the seventh day a sevenfold circuit was made round the altar[146]. A ceremony of this kind, as will be readily understood, would not have been an innovation introduced in post-biblical times; we may confidently take for granted that the usage, in one form or another, had been handed down from time immemorial.

II

We have already drawn attention to the fact that the central and most important part of the cultus of the ancient Arabs was the circuit round the sanctuary, or, when this was offered, round the sacrifice; and that it was from this fact that the Ḥagg, which really means the “sacred dance,” got its name. This sacred dance was performed not only round the Kaaba, but in every sanctuary round the sacred object. The holy stone is itself called Davar, “the object of encirclement,” because of the custom of performing the sacred dance round it[147].

Another illustration of this type of sacred dance is given by Nilus. In speaking of the Arabs of the Sinaitic Peninsula, he says that they did not worship any god or image of a god, but sacrificed to the morning star at its rising. Then he goes on to describe how they took for their sacrifice a white camel which they forced into a kneeling posture and “went circling round it in a circuitous fashion,” the reference being clearly to some form of processional dance, which is not, however, further described; but he mentions singing which went on at the same time, a very usual accompaniment to the sacred dance. When the third circuit had been made, and while the singing was still going on, the leader in the procession slaughtered the camel[148]. According to Jeremias this ritual perambulation (ṭawâf) round the altar or a sacrificial victim among the idolatrous Semites may be explained as having been a symbolic representation of the movement of the heavenly bodies, in which case, as he maintains, the ritual dance would be proved to be a product of the ancient oriental world-concept[149]. But the rite is susceptible of a different explanation as we have seen[150].

Another instructive example among the Semites, in which it is evident that the perambulation is not a symbolic representation of the movement of the heavenly bodies, is that which takes place at the festival of the Pyre at Heliopolis. Lucian describes this as follows:

This encircling procession of the gods will be referred to again when we review the instances of this type of sacred dance which have been gathered.

The suspending of the animals on trees reminds us—but the object is different—of the Dhāt anwāt, or “tree to hang things on”; the spirit of a departed saint is supposed to take up his abode in the tree at certain times, and his worshippers hang rags and ribbons on its branches as “pledges of attachment[152]”; this is still very common at the present day[153]. Dancing is, however, never mentioned in connexion with this. But in the case of the holy tree spoken of by the ancient Arabian historian, Tabari, it is very probable that dancing was performed round it, even though it is not specifically mentioned. He tells of a lofty date-palm in Nĕgrān which the inhabitants worshipped, and in honour of which a festival was celebrated annually; on these occasions they bedecked the tree with as many beautiful women’s garments as could be procured, and during a whole day divine honours were paid to it[154].

Once more, to take a modern example which may well reflect traditional usage; among the Noṣairis, a Semitic tribe inhabiting the mountainous country to the south of the Orontes, and among whom many ancient customs are preserved, a festival called the feast of St Barbe is observed. At this feast the young men and women, after candles have been lighted, dance round the festival board, which is covered with food of various kinds, singing and shouting[155]. Apparently there is little religious significance in this now; but it is safe to say that at some time of its history this dance constituted an act of honour to the saint, or a predecessor.

We have been unable to find any further instances of this type of sacred dance among Semitic peoples, nor yet among the Egyptians.

III

Among the Greeks the dance round a sacred object must have been very usual, judging from representations of it which have been found in Cyprus. Thus, a votive offering made of clay, found near the villages of Katydata-Linu and now in the Cyprus Museum, is a very interesting example; it consists of three bearded men dancing round another, who is also bearded and who accompanies the dance on a Pan’s-pipe. Aphrodite was the chief goddess worshipped in the locality. The workmanship is very rough and belongs, according to Ohnefalsch-Richter, to the 6th century B.C. One of the dancing figures is lost, but the three were originally clearly represented as dancing round the one in the centre with hands joined. “It shows a dance-group such as was so often formed at festivals of the gods by Aryans and Semites, Greeks and Hebrews[156].” Somewhat similar to this is another group (cxxxv. 6) of three women holding hands and dancing round another who is playing a Pan’s-pipe. Another represents, as Ohnefalsch-Richter says, an Olympian dance (cxxxii. 3); in this case seven women are dancing round in a circle; the arms of each clasp the neighbour on either side round the waist. An example of the sexes dancing together is cxxxv. 6; this is of terra-cotta from Leukosia[157]; six figures are dancing in a semi-circle, two are playing the tympanum; they are alternately men and women (cp. the quotation from the Iliad given above: “Young men and comely damsels were dancing, that clasped each other by the wrist”). Again, a vessel of stone, which Ohnefalsch-Richter believes to have been a vessel for incense, forms a group of three women dancing in a circle with joined hands. It resembles many similar vessels found in the Artemis-Kybele temenos at Achna, in Cyprus, as well as in Artemis-Kybele groves; they are not found elsewhere; all represent three women, roughly formed in the “Egyptian style,” and seem to have been a common cult-object in the worship of Artemis-Kybele[158].

Two examples representing a dance round a sacred tree may be mentioned. One is very roughly made of clay; three women holding hands are dancing round it (cxxxv. 4). In this case the representation is formed on a golden ring, from Mycenae; it is evidently intended to be a dance round a sacred tree. This kind of sacred dance, says Ohnefalsch-Richter, often occurs on Graeco-Phoenician bronze vases[159].

Finally, just a word may be said of the ceremony called the ἀμφιδρόμια, “the running round”; this was a purificatory rite for new-born infants[160]. The child was carried at a running pace round the domestic hearth, the idea being, presumably, that the proximity of the fire acted as a lustration; this does not, however, explain the running round for which there must have been some special reason; is it possible that the idea here was that the current of air, produced by the quick running round, which played upon the child, also had a purifying effect? Air was one of the means of lustration; the combination of fire and air would have afforded all that could be desired[161].

While this rite cannot be described as magical, it is not, strictly speaking, religious; it seems to be in a sphere between the two; at the same time, judging from certain Roman rites to which we turn now, the ἀμφιδρόμια at any rate approaches the border-line of religion.

IV

The type of sacred dance which we are considering does not seem to have been in vogue among the Romans excepting in the form of the circumambulatory procession; and although the word “dance” can only in an extended sense be applied to a procession, yet, as we have seen (pp. 5 f.), this is justified. The Romans worshipped their gods with sacrifice and prayer; the two, so far as is known, were invariably combined. But

The object of this rite was, according to Wissowa[163], the purification of all that was within the circle formed by the procession; and as the sacred victims intended for sacrifice were taken round, the effect was to keep away all evil influences outside the circuit made.

A striking example of this circumambulatory procession was its performance by the Fratres Arvales at the festival of the Ambarvalia, to which reference is made below (p. 149). Another is that of the course of the Luperci round the Palatine Hill at the Lupercalia (see further, p. 150); this, too, had as its object purification whereby fruitfulness was imparted to the fruits of the field, and to the flocks.

As among the Greeks, so, too, the Romans had a purificatory rite for their new-born infants on the dies lustricus, i.e. on the ninth day after birth for boys, on the eighth for girls. Marquardt thinks that perhaps the Romans took over the rite from the Greeks[164].

V

Among uncultured races the sacred dance in a circle, or round some sacred object, is widely spread; many illustrations of it could be given, but it will suffice if quite a few examples are offered because, as there is a great family likeness between them, a few will answer the same purpose as a large number.

Schoolcraft tells us that among the Dakotahs a feast is held every now and then at which a special dance is performed in honour of their god Ha-o-Kah. He is a giant god, but subordinate to the Great Spirit. This dance

An illustration is given of the worshippers hopping round the fire[165].

Again, the Timagani Indians have a “Bear Dance” which is performed in the form of a circle led by the chief playing a drum and singing the “Bear Dance” song; the circle goes round counter-clockwise.

The performers in this dance do not encircle any object; it is simply a dance in the form of a circle; they do not hold hands, but go round in a follow-my-leader style. Although the dancing in honour of the bear reminds one of the Ἀρκτεία performed in honour of Artemis, it differs from this in that only men take part in it; and the Ἀρκτεία, in which the performers are only young girls is, as we have seen, an initiation ceremony. A closer parallel of the dance of the Timagani Indians is the “Bear Dance” among the Sioux Indians mentioned by Réville[167].

At the New Year festival of the Kayans of Sarāwak, to come to another part of the world, there is a great sacrifice of pigs, whose “spiritual essence is appropriately offered to the spirits, while their material substance is consumed by the worshippers.”

This encirclement of the sacrificial victims seems to be a kind of consecrating act prior to the sacrifice similar to the rite of the heathen Arabs in encircling their white camel destined for sacrifice to the morning star. The same is probably the case among the Bagobos of Mindanao, one of the Philippine islands, who

But the more usual rite for making the crops grow is the sacred dance round a tree; the propitiation of the tree-spirit is believed to be a potent means for securing this end[170]. Thus the Gallas dance in couples round sacred trees, praying for a good harvest. Every couple consists of a man and a woman, who are linked together by a stick, of which each holds one end. Under their arms they carry green corn or grass[171]. This is the underlying idea of the dances of a quasi-religious character round the May-pole, and round the “Corn-Mother[172],” of which there are such numberless instances. It is also supposed to make the cattle thrive; one instance of numbers may be given; the Wends used to attach an iron cock to an oak; they danced round this and then drove their cattle round it in the belief that by this means their cattle would increase[173].

We refrain from offering further examples, for everyone knows how common this custom was, and still is.

SUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS

The objects around which dances were performed were various. In the Old Testament dancing is not mentioned around trees and wells, but as these were often sacred and as, in consequence, the dance around them was very common among many peoples, it is a reasonable assumption that the Israelites did the same. The song to the well in Num. xxi. 17, 18 strengthens this assumption, especially in view of the two parallels given. The definite mention of dancing in connexion with the Golden Calf (it is not specifically stated that the dancing was round it, but this would have been the most obvious form for it to take) suggests the probability that similar idols in other sanctuaries were similarly honoured.

The ceremonial encirclement of the altar, whatever the form of the encircling procession, is sufficiently attested in the Old Testament, though the text is uncertain in three of the passages cited. The usage in later days among the Jews must be regarded as the continuance of ancient custom. The analogy of the encirclement of a city is appropriate in this connexion. The object of the encircling procession round a city seems to be that of “devoting” all that is within it, which thereby becomes taboo. The encirclement of the altar is an act of consecration, i.e. of the sacrifice upon it. This explanation of the rite is suggested by the analogous custom among the Arabs of encircling a sacrificial victim. The contention that the encircling procession was a symbolic representation of the movement of the heavenly bodies does not explain why it should take place round a sacrificial victim. The rite seems more likely to have had the object of consecration; and this receives confirmation from the instance recorded by Lucian among the Syrians who perambulated their gods round the sacrificial victims; this can scarcely have had any other meaning than that of sanctifying all within the divine circle traced by the gods.

The dance round a sacred object must have been very common among the Greeks, judging by the large number of representations of it which have come down to us; the Cyprus “finds” are full of interest. Those which represent the dance round a person who accompanies it on a Pan’s-pipe probably portrays the kind of dancing which took place at festivals when numbers of such groups were formed. Such dances must often have degenerated into mere “fun”; but that they originally had a serious side and were performed with the single purpose of doing something pleasing in the sight of a god or goddess, does not admit of doubt. The representations may well reflect one form of dancing at Israelite festivals. Among the Greeks we have direct evidence of these “ring” dances being performed by men and women together; and it is known that this led at times to unseemly licence. What little evidence we have on the subject so far as the Israelites were concerned points to the fact that the sexes danced separately; whether this was always so must be left undetermined. The examples of the dance round the sacred tree are instructive; it was undoubtedly practised by all peoples among whom trees were objects of worship, and therefore in all probability among the Israelites. The ἀμφιδρόμια, or purificatory rite of running round new-born infants, practised by the Greeks and Romans, had no parallel among the Israelites, so far as we know. But the ritual lustratio of the Romans may well throw light on the Israelite ritual of encircling the altar, referred to above.

The dance of the Dakotahs round the flesh-pot was performed purely in honour of the god; it partakes in some sense of an act of faith, for the believers persuade themselves that their god will not permit his worshippers to be scalded by the boiling water; whether their faith ever reached the height of neutralizing sensation is not recorded. The Bear Dance of the Timagani Indians and of the Sioux North American Indians must have a point of attachment somewhere with the Ἀρκτεία danced in honour of Artemis. The dance of the Kayans, as well as the Bagobos, around sacrificial victims appears to serve a consecrating purpose.

One of the original objects of the dance round the sacred tree is seen from the practice among the Gallas to be to make the crops grow; the tree-spirit who looks after these things is propitiated by the dance in his honour. It is difficult to resist the surmise that at one time the Israelites did the same thing. Tree-spirits, it is true, have not necessarily anything to do with the crops, and we may be certain that in many cases there was no connexion between sacred trees and the growth of the crops among the Israelites; but they were an agricultural people, and the belief in the influence of tree-spirits upon the growth of the crops is so widespread that the probability of its existence among the Israelites must be reckoned with.