WeRead Powered by ReaderPub
The Sultanate of Bornu cover

The Sultanate of Bornu

Chapter 15: APPENDIX III
Open in WeRead

About This Book

A detailed monograph surveys the historical development, political institutions, and recorded explorations of the old Bornu realm, situating its past relations with neighbouring peoples and dynasties. It describes physical geography and climate, and provides systematic accounts of local flora and fauna including species lists and taxonomic corrections. Discussions of population, social organization, language use, and ruling lineages are accompanied by lists of kings and traditional offices. Economic conditions, trade routes, and commercial prospects are analyzed, while appendices collect documentary extracts and specialized lists to support the main text.

[487]Cf. p. 128 ff. of article by Aurivillius in Archiv för Zoologi, vol. ii, No. 12, Stockholm, 1905. [For plates of butterflies vid. Karl Kumm, From Hausaland to Egypt.]


APPENDIX II

LIST OF THE BORNU KINGS

Below will be found a list of the kings of Bornu given to me by one Mallam Kashim. This list was shown to the late Major McClintock, who ordered the mallam to keep it until I returned from leave.

It differs considerably from Mr. Vischer’s list[488]—printed opposite it—and it also differs from the list compiled by M. Landeroin and printed in the Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho, vol. ii, p. 348. Mallam Kashim asserts that the list he gave me was copied from an old manuscript, but I do not think it has any special authenticity or correctness.[489] It is interesting, however, for purposes of comparison. Mr. Vischer’s list was compiled when he was a political officer in Bornu in 1906, and is printed with his kind permission, and by that of the government of Northern Nigeria. It is printed in the Notes on certain Emirates and Tribes, edited by Major Burdon and published by the N.N. Government, where also appears a table of relationships of the Shehus, compiled by Mr. Vischer. Barth’s, Nachtigal’s, and Landeroin’s lists appear in parallel columns in vol. ii, p. 348 of Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho, and Mr. H. R. Palmer’s list in the Journal of the African Society for October, 1912.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE RULERS OF BORNU

From Saef Ben Dhu Yasan, fourth century A.D. to Sheich Abubakr Gerbai Ben Ibrahim Ben Omar, present day.

Source of information: Barth’s and Nachtigal’s tables of Bornu rulers; personal information. Compiled by Hanns Vischer, Geidam, December 12, 1907.

1. Saef Ben Dhu Yasan reigned 20 years
2. Ibrahim Ben Saef 16
3. Duku Ben Ibrahim 250
4. Fune Ben Duku 60
5. Aritso Ben Fune 50
6. Katori Ben Aritso 250
7. Adyoma Ben Katori 20
8. Bulu Ben Ayoma 16
9. Arki Ben Bulu 44
10. Shu Ben Arki 4
11. Abd El Djelil Ben Shu 4
12. Hume Ben Abd El Djelil from 1086-1097
13. Dunama Ben Hume 1098-1150
14. Biri Ben Dunama 1151-1176
15. Abd Allah Ben Bikoru 1177-1193
16. Abd el Djelil Ben Bikoru 1194-1220
17. Dunama Dibalami 1221-1259
18. Abd El Kedim Ben Dunama 1259-1288
19. Biri Ben Dunama 1288-1306
20. Nikale Ben Biri 1307-1326
21. Abd Allah Ben Kade 1326-1345
22. Selma Ben Abd Allah 1346-1349
23. Kure Gana Ben Abd Allah 1350
24. Kure Kura Ben Abd Allah 1351
25. Mohammed Ben Abd Allah 1352
26. Edris Ben Nikale 1353-1376
27. Daud Ben Nikale 1377-1386
28. Otman Ben Daud 1387-1390
29. Otman Ben Edris 1391-1392
30. Abubakr Liyatu Ben Daud 1392
31. Omar Ben Edris 1394-1398
32. Said 1399-1400
33. Kade Afno Ben Edris 1400-1432
35. Otman Kalnama Ben Daud 1432
36. Dunama ben Omar 1433-1434
37. Abd Allah Ben Omar 1435-1442
38. Ibrahim Ben Otman 1442-1450
39. Kade Ben Otman 1450-1451
40. Dunama Ben Biri 1451-1455
41. Mohammed 1455
42. Amer 1456
43. Mohammed Ben Kade ?
44. Rhadji 1456-1461
45. Otman Ben Kade 1461-1466
46. Omar Ben Abd Allah 1467-1471
47. Mohammed Ben Mohammed 1472-1504
49. Edris Ben Ali 1504-1526
50. Moh Ben Edris 1526-1545
51. Ali Ben Edris 1545
52. Dunama Ben Mohammed 1546-1563
53. Abd Allah Ben Dunama 1564-1570
54. Edris Ben Ali Aloma 1571-1603
55. Mohammed Ben Edris 1603-1618
56. Ibrahim Ben Edris 1618-1625
57. Hadj Omar Ben Edris 1625-1645
58. Ali Ben El Hadj Omar 1645-1685
59. Edris Ben Ali 1685-1704
60. Dunama Ben Ali 1704-1722
61. Hadj Hamdun Ben Dunama 1723-1736
62. Mohammed Ben El Hadj Hamdun 1737-1751
63. Dunama Gana Ben Mohammed 1752-1755
64. Ali Ben Hadj Dunama 1755-1793
65. Ahmed Ben Ali 1793-1810
66. Dunama Ben Ahmed 1810-1817
67. Ibrahim Ben Ahmed 1818-1846
68. Sheich Omar Ben El Kanemi 1846-1880
69. Abdurrahman Ben El Kanemi 1853-1854
70. Sheich Bukr Ben Omar 1880-1884
71. Sheich Ibrahim Ben Omar 1884-1885
72. Sheich Hashem Ben Omar 1885-1893
73. Sheich Kiari Ben Bukr 1893
74. Sheich Sanda Limanambe Ben Bukr 1893
75. Rhabe the Usurper 1893-1900
76. Sheich Sanda Kwori Ben Ibrahim 1900
77. Sheich Abubakr Gerbai Ben Ibrahim Ben Omar Ben El Kanemi

LIST OF BORNU KINGS

As given by Mallam Kashim (Maiduguri, October 12, 1912). N.B.—V. = Vischer.

1. Sebu Aisami Yamanma V. 1
2. Ibrahim Sebumi V. 2
3. Mai Duku Brem V. 3
4. Mai Fune Dukumi V. 4
5. Mai Archo Funemi V. 5
6. Mai Kaduri Archomi V. 6
7. Mai Boiyoma Kadurimi
8. Mai Boiyo Bulumi
9. Mai Arigi Bulumi V. 9
10. Mai Jil Shomi V. 11
11. Mai Jil Rigimi
12. Mai Ume Jilumi V. 12
13. Mai Dunama Umemi V. 13
14. Mai Daudu Nigalemi
15. Mai Dalla Bikorumi V. 15
16. Mai Tselim Bikorumi
17. Mai Dalla Dunamami
18. Mai Kadde Aujami
19. Mai Dalla Aujami
20. Mai Arri Gaji Zainami
21. Mai Kadde Madallami
22. Mai Usuman Kaddemi
23. Mai Momadi Kaddemi
24. Mai Iderisa Ashami
25. Mai Deril Arilwa
26. Mai Ume Aisa Gana
27. Mai Biri Aminami
28. Mai Kore Afuno Dalla
29. Mai Kore Goguwa
30. Mai Kore Gawua
31. Mai Kore Kura Kesa Ngilleru
32. Mai Jil Kellemi
33. Mai Momadu Baranbatama
34. Mai Momadi Jumarama Umar Iderisami
35. Mai Dagumoma Dalla Umarmi
36. Mai Kagu Umarmi
37. Mai Momadu Godimi
38. Mai Momadu Palagema
39. Mai Momadu Maza Iderisimi
40. Mai Daudu Niyalemi V. 27
41. Mai Usumanu Daudumi V. 28
42. Mai Sebu Gana
43. Mai Yusufu Sebumi
44. Mai Tselim Auwami
45. Mai Daudu Nigalemi
46. Mai Tolomaramma Kashim Biri Dunamami
47. Mai Dalla Bikurumi Birimi
48. Mai Dunama Arrimi
49. Mai Momodu Dunamami
50. Mai Duna Aminami
51. Mai Panami Umar
52. Mai Arri
53. Mai Dalla Dunamami
54. Mai Arri Gaji
55. Mai Aisa Keri Ngumaramma (F) (regent for nephew No. 56)
56. Mai Iderisi Arrimi Aloma (buried in Lake Alo) V. 54
57. Mai Momadi Panami Baranbatama V. 55
58. Mai Brem Gumsumi V. 56
59. Mai Umar Pusami Dusumami V. 57
60. Mai Arri Umarmi V. 58
61. Mai Tolomaramma Kashim Biri Umarmi (ancestor of Mallam Kashim, compiler of this list)
62. Mai Kime Mele Arrimi
63. Mai Dunama V. 60
64. Mai Aji Dunamami V. 61
65. Mai Momodu Ajimi V. 62
66. Mai Dunama V. 63
67. Mai Arri Dunamami V. 64
68. Mai Arri Panami
69. Mai Amadu Arrimi V. 65
70. Mai Dunama Lefiami (ancestor of Maina Gumsumi, present representative of old dynasty and now Ajia of Bussugua) V. 66
71. Mai Momadi Ngilleruma Gumsumi or Ngueleroma
72. Mai Ibram V. 67
73. Mai Arri Dalatumi (killed at Minarge by Shehu Umar)
74. Shehu Lamino
75. Shehu Umar
76. Shehu Abdurrahman
77. Shehu Umar
78. Shehu Bukar
79. Shehu Ibrahim
80. Shehu Ashimi
81. Shehu Kiari
82. Shehu Sanda Limannambe
83. Rabeh
84. Shehu Sanda Kura
85. Shehu Garbai

[488]Though sometimes only in giving a man’s matronymic, instead of his patronymic, e.g. No. 58 in Mallam Kashim’s list is described as ‘the son of Gumsu’ and corresponds to No. 56 in Mr. Vischer’s list ‘the son of Edris’.

[489]E.g. he introduces in No. 61 his own ancestor, who does not appear in any other list. On the other hand he includes No. 71, Nguéléroma, omitted in all other lists, except M. Landeroin’s, for reasons mentioned in Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho, vol. ii, p. 346; cf. Appendix IV of the present work.


APPENDIX III

THE TUBBAS (OR SEFS) AND THE SOS

According to the Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho, ii. 352, the dynasty of the Sefs are more generally known under the name of Tubbas. ‘A young chief whose name has not been preserved but who was later known as Tubba Lowel (the first who repented) left Hindi (India) at the head of an army and went to the country of Cham (Syria), whose inhabitants paid him tribute in order to avoid war. He then directed his march to Bougdari or Goudeber (Baghdad?) then to Masr (Egypt) and Medina, exacting tribute everywhere. From Medina he went to Yemen, where he established himself without resistance. From there he went to besiege Mecca, which had refused to submit to him. He was accompanied by 4,000 mallams (priests).’ To this legend M. l’officier interprète principal, Hamet Ismael, appends a note that this legend appears to be a somewhat garbled account of the history of the Tobbas or Shepherd Kings of Egypt (Hyksos): cf. L’Arabie, par Noël des Vergers, p. 50 ff. ‘One day the king reproached the mallams that their assistance did not enable him to capture Mecca. The principal mallam replied that he ought to be content with the empire of Persia, Bougdari, Egypt, Medina, and Yemen, and should not attack the sacred city of the Kaaba, which was destined one day to give birth to a prophet. The king then repented, abandoned the siege, and declared that on the appearance of this prophet he would become his first disciple. This repentance caused him to be called Tubba Lowel (the first who repented), from the Arabic verb “itoub” = he repents. Tubba Lowel returned to Yemen, and forty years later, when Mohammed was preaching Islam, he embraced the new religion.

After the reign of Hussein, the sixth Caliph, the Mussulman Empire was divided. One of the descendants of Tubba Lowel had the north and afterwards Stambul (Constantinople); another, named Seibu Aïsami, crossed the Nile and travelled towards the Sudan. This Seibu is perhaps Barth’s Sef. Later the descendants of Seibu came to Kanem, then occupied by the Bulala, and drove back the latter to Lake Fittri. Whether the Tubbas came in from the north via Fezzan or from the east via Kordofan is not known. Barth says they came from Borku, which is north-east of Kanem, and that they were descended from the Libyan tribe of the Berdoa, who, according to Nachtigal, occupied the oases of Kufra and Tou. Having thus conquered Kanem, the Tubbas or Seibuas established their capital at Birni Njime, thirty miles east of Mao, north-east of Chad. Towards the end of the fifteenth century the Tubbas left Kanem in order to instal themselves in Bornu. According to Barth and Nachtigal the Tubbas were driven out of Kanem by the Bulala; according to our informants they left there in order to conquer Bornu, a more fertile country than Kanem.’

There is also another version of the installation of the Tubbas in Bornu (Doc. sci., ii. 356). After having abandoned Kanem, about four hundred and fifty years ago, they came to Bornu, then occupied by the Sos, whose chief Guma Kandira or Dala Gumami [cf. Benton, Kanuri Readings, p. 27] (‘Kandira’ means in Kanuri ‘hunter, archer’) was living in straw huts at Gambaru on the River Yo. Having obtained leave to sit down near him, the Tubbas bought land in order to build their houses there. Amongst this land was a garden planted with ‘kumo’, which means in Kanuri ‘the calabash-gourd’. When their town or ‘birni’ was built, it was called Birni Zerku Kumo, i.e. the town of the calabash-garden, ‘zerku’ meaning in Kanuri ‘a garden’. [Probably the word spelt ‘zerkou’ by Landeroin should be ‘ze̥rge̥’ = a dry watercourse, a natural place for a market-garden.—P. A. B.] By inversion of syllables ‘zerku’ became ‘kuzer’, hence Kuzer Kumo. Another derivation is suggested by Landeroin. Nachtigal speaks of a group of three villages to the north of Mao, whose chief bore the title of ‘Kumo’. Perhaps the Tubba chiefs, who bore in Bornu the title of ‘Mai’ (= ‘king’ in Kanuri), may have formerly borne that of Kumo, hence Kasr Kumo = the palace of the Kumo. [‘Kasr’ is an Arabic word for a castle or citadel, sometimes used in Hausa, vid. Robinson’s Hausa Dictionary, under the form ‘kasru’ to mean ‘a palace’.][490] The Tubbas constructed their first capital at Gambaru, but finding that it was apt to be flooded by the river during the rains and was unsuited for the operations of their cavalry, they removed a few miles south to Kasr Kumo. Gambaru became the residence of the Queen Mother and her court.

In the course of time the So king got into debt to the Tubbas and finally fled to escape his creditors. The following legend is told to explain how the Tubbas got rid of the remaining Sos. The Tubbas were accustomed to stain their hands and nails with a tincture of henna. The Sos had tried to imitate them, but they were ignorant both of henna and how to use it. The Tubbas had jealously guarded their secret, but at last they agreed to reveal it on condition that all the Sos in the country were present. Accordingly on the appointed day they killed an ox and made the credulous Sos dip their hands in its blood. Their hands were then enveloped in green leaves, as the Tubbas were accustomed to do themselves, and the leaves bound round with thongs of raw hide. These thongs were not to be removed for three days. At the end of this period the thongs had shrunk so much that it was impossible to remove them without cutting them. The Tubbas then fell upon the unfortunate Sos, only one of whom escaped. This happened in the year 1452 of our era.

The Sos mentioned above were, according to the natives, the autochthonous inhabitants of Bornu. They lived chiefly by hunting and professed no religion. History has not preserved the names of their chiefs, but legend paints them as of gigantic stature and of such strength that when a So killed an elephant, he could carry it home on his shoulder [cf. Benton, Kanuri Readings, p. 9]; their bracelets would have been too big for our thighs and their axe-heads were as big as a man’s body of the present day. But nothing in the country recalls this extraordinary strength,—no weapon, utensil or dwelling which can justify their reputation. [Since these words were written by M. Landeroin some implements have been discovered bearing on this point. During the excavations for the wall of the Maiduguri leper-camp at the end of 1911 three implements were turned up, which the Shehu at once pronounced to be So arrow and spear-heads or hoes. They are shaped like a very blunt arrow-head, and the biggest measures 14 in. by 8 in. at its greatest length and breadth, and weighs 4 lb. 12 oz. They are perhaps So hoes, and are certainly infinitely heavier than those used at the present day. They have been deposited in the Zungeru museum. No other remains were found.—P. A. B.] Another argument against the Sos being giants is that their descendants the Beddes, Ngizims, Kotokos, &c., are no taller and no stronger than individuals of other races inhabiting the country. [But according to Miss Macleod, Chiefs and Cities of Central Africa, p. 196, few Kotokos are under 6 ft., and some are as tall as 6 ft. 7 in.]

[490]Whichever derivation is accepted, it is perhaps not too fanciful to quote as parallels the Biblical phrase ‘a lodge in a garden of cucumbers’, or again the first words of the famous passage describing the accession of Queen Victoria—‘In a palace in a garden . . .’ If this sounds too poetical, the alliterative translation ‘Castle Calabash’ is easily remembered.


APPENDIX IV

SHEHU LAMINO AND HIS SUCCESSORS

The following is a translation of pp. 358-76 of vol. ii of the Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho, published in 1911, which modify considerably Barth’s estimate of Shehu Lamino and his successors. The information was obtained orally by M. Landeroin, ‘officier interprète’ of the French Boundary Commission. He remarks on p. 346:

‘It is even probable that Barth, as well as Nachtigal, could not get impartial information regarding the period of the rise of Mohammed El Amin (more often called Sheikh Lamino), founder of the Kanemi dynasty. One may guess in fact that, owing to fear of the Sheikh, no one would have dared to say, even in a whisper, what they thought of their sovereign, for informers were held in much honour at the court of Bornu, and the gossips would soon have been denounced and executed. Barth and Nachtigal were generally escorted and guided by the spies of Shehu Umar, and they could hardly become intimate with anybody but his favourites and friends. All the information furnished to them was faithfully reported to the Shehu, who would not have failed to deal severely with those who dared to criticize his own acts or those of his father. This is doubtless why Barth was able to write, all in good faith, that Sheikh Mohammed El Amin was “a pious and God-fearing man”, whereas, on the contrary he was greedy and ambitious.

To-day the Kanemi dynasty exercise no more than the shadow of power; any one, therefore, can tell fearlessly what he knows and express an opinion on those who have held the reins of power. This is why the unpublished information which we have collected will show the reigns of the last Sultans of Bornu under a new light.’

The justice of M. Landeroin’s observations can hardly be disputed, and a knowledge of the present representatives of the Kanemi dynasty inclines one to accept his version of events rather than Barth’s. Nguéléroma does not appear in Barth’s and Nachtigal’s lists, or in that compiled by Mr. Vischer in 1906. The Bornu Provincial Office copy of the latter has a note inserted in pencil by M. Landeroin himself regarding Nguéléroma.

Translated from Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho (1911), vol. ii, pp. 358-76.[491]

Struggle against the Fulani

Mai Ali was succeeded by his son Ahmed (Mai Amadu). During the latter’s reign, Othman dan Fodio, who had just founded a Fulani empire in the Hausa states, sent one of his lieutenants, Goni Mukhtar, to attack Bornu. Mai Amadu, having become blind, had handed over the reins of power to his son, Mai Dunama. The latter was unable to repulse Goni Mukhtar, who captured Gazerregomo (Kazer Koumo) and installed himself there. Dunama fled to Maguié, one day’s march to the east of Gazerregomo, where he met Sheikh Lamino (Mohammed El Lamin El Kanemi), a native of Kanem. Mai Dunama gave him handsome presents and said to him: ‘You are a learned and pious “mallam”, pray to God for me that He may restore me my kingdom.’ This Sheikh Lamino was the son of Sheikh Langa of the Kanembu tribe and of an Arab woman from Zouïla in the Tripolitaine. After studying, like his father, with the Koiyams of Gazerregomo, he accompanied his father on a pilgrimage to Mecca. His father died at Medina, and Sheikh Lamino returned to Kanem. In answer to Mai Dunama’s request, Lamino wrote three letters to Goni Mukhtar pointing out to him that he was waging an unjust war against Mussulmans, and suggesting that he should abandon Gazerregomo. At the same time he begged the Sultan of Bornu’s vassals, among others the chiefs of Nguru, Wacha, and Miria, to come and join him. No reply having been received to the three letters, Sheikh Lamino said to Mai Dunama: ‘Return to your capital, God will restore it to you.’ Full of confidence, the Tubba Sultan marched against Goni Mukhtar and was victorious; the Fulani chief was killed in the battle inside the town itself, which he had occupied for forty days.

Mai Dunama reinstalled himself at Gazerregomo, but a year later was attacked by the Fulani chief Mallam Ali, surnamed Zaki (the lion), and again routed. Putting his faith in the invocations of Sheikh Lamino, Dunama hastened to recall him from Kanem, gave him 100 camels, 100 oxen, 100 slaves, 100 horses, 1,000 dollars, 1,000 goats, 1,000 sheep, and 1,000 gowns, and begged him to pray to God anew that his empire might be a second time restored to him.

Sheikh Lamino and his disciples prayed continuously for seven days, at the end of which Dunama marched against his enemies. Mallam Zaki, vanquished in his turn, had to fly and took refuge at Katagum, after having been master of Gazerregomo for six months. These events happened about 1808 or 1809.

At the advice of Sheikh Lamino, Mai Dunama abandoned his capital, polluted by the Fulani, and founded Birnin Kabela, five days’ march to the south-east.[492] To Sheikh Lamino he said: ‘Your prayers are always efficacious; each time that you have invoked God in my favour, He has heard you; I wish you therefore to remain near me in case the Fulani come again to attack me.’

The Sheikh agreed, but only on condition of being allowed to settle amongst the Kanembus who lived near Ngornu, eight or nine miles to the east of Birnin Kabela. The Sultan accordingly gave him authority over all the Kanembus of the district.

Intrigues of Sheikh Lamino

The Sheikh was intriguing and ambitious. Some time afterwards, in accord with the courtiers, he had Mai Dunama deposed and imprisoned at Dikoa, according to some, at Ngornu, according to others. He was replaced by his paternal uncle, Mohammed Nguéléroma, younger brother of the preceding Sultan, Mai Amadu the Blind.

Mohammed Nguéléroma reigned for three or four years, but he soon fell out with Sheikh Lamino, who did not find him sufficiently generous towards himself. New intrigues were then started to restore Dunama, still a prisoner, to power. The Sheikh, having gained over by his presents a certain number of Nguéléroma’s courtiers, had the ex-Sultan brought before him by them, and asked him: ‘What would you give me if I had the kingdom restored to you?’ Dunama replied: ‘If you have the power restored to me, you shall have half the revenues of the kingdom.’ Satisfied with this answer, Sheikh Lamino kept Dunama in his house, and the next day asked Nguéléroma to send him the principal officers of his court.

The Sultan sent them to him at once, accompanied by his son and his son-in-law. When they arrived at the gate of Lamino’s house, the latter had them introduced one after the other, with the exception of the son and the son-in-law, into a room in which had previously been placed a divan to serve as a throne and some garments of royalty. Then Dunama entered, took his place on the divan, and repeated before the assembled functionaries the promise which he had made the evening before. ‘If Lamino has the power restored to me, he shall have the half of the revenues of the kingdom’.

Those of the courtiers who had not been made privy to the plot were violently angry, but as they were in a minority, they had to restrain themselves. Already they were afraid of the Sheikh, who, supported by the Kanembu, was powerful enough to overawe them. Lamino immediately invested Dunama with the garments of royalty, and then had the son and son-in-law of Nguéléroma introduced into the chamber. At the same time he bade the trumpets sound to announce the accession, and gave orders for the public to be admitted. All could then see Mai Dunama seated on the throne, and Sheikh Lamino presented him to them as the new sovereign of Bornu.

On hearing the trumpets sound to announce the accession of Mai Dunama, the horse-boy of Nguéléroma’s son leaped on his master’s horse and galloped with loose rein to apprise the Sultan. He found the latter occupied in reading the Koran. Nguéléroma, having learnt the news, showed no signs of disturbance, but asked the horse-boy if the weather seemed overcast. The latter replied that there were no clouds. Then the Sultan shut his book, put it in a bag which he hung round his neck, and left the town on foot by the north gate.

Second Reign of Mai Dunama

Meanwhile Sheikh Lamino and the courtiers were bringing Mai Dunama to Birnin Kabela, which they entered by the south gate. Nguéléroma, hearing the trumpets, stopped in the bush. Mai Dunama had search made for him, and he was found without difficulty. Brought before his nephew, the latter, without reproaching him for having formerly dethroned him, assigned as a residence a village called Yamia, situated to the south of Munio, and allowed him to take with him his four legitimate wives and forty concubines. Nguéléroma only accepted the four wives, and escorted by forty faithful horsemen, soon reached his new residence.

For three years Mai Dunama and Lamino governed jointly and divided the revenues of the state. But Lamino’s authority kept increasing, and the Sultan in alarm sought in secret to get rid of him. With this view he summoned to his aid the Sultan of Baghirmi, Burgu Manda, who had been formerly the vassal of Bornu, but had profited by the embarrassments occasioned by the Fulani invasion to make himself independent of his suzerain. Glad of an opportunity of proving his power to the Kanuri, he assembled an army, crossed the Shari, and marched on Birnin Kabela.

Sheikh Lamino, informed almost immediately of the Baghirmi invasion, decided to move against the enemy with all the forces of Bornu. Mai Dunama could not avoid putting himself at the head of the army without unmasking his designs, but he wrote to Burgu Manda to explain to him the reasons of his apparent hostility. The Sultan of Baghirmi immediately replied that he approved his conduct, but suggested that in future, to avoid any misunderstanding, he and his adherents should always establish their camp to the south of that of Sheikh Lamino. The Baghirmi could thus be sure of concentrating their efforts on the army of the Sheikh and of destroying it.

But the courier who carried this letter made a mistake. Instead of giving it to Mai Dunama, he took it to Sheikh Lamino, who read it without showing any disturbance, put it in his pocket and sent the man away with a present.

Then, as the Baghirmi approached, the Sheikh’s camp was struck and re-pitched some distance in advance, at Ngala; here Lamino and his Kanembu established themselves to the south of Mai Dunama’s camp and waited.

Burgu Manda soon arrived. After viewing the dispositions made by the opposing army, he thought that the Sultan of Bornu had safely received his letter and had followed his advice. Accordingly he attacked the north camp with all his forces, and after a desperate battle cut to pieces the army of his friend, Mai Dunama. Before the latter could recover from his astonishment and put a stop to the misunderstanding, he was captured and slain by the Baghirmi troops (1817).

Meanwhile, Sheikh Lamino fled to Ngornu, hastily collected his most valuable possessions and sent them off northwards, and after burning the remainder, he fled towards Yo, on the River Wobe.

When Burgu Manda perceived his terrible mistake he was furious, and hastened in pursuit of Lamino. The latter, however, had a good start and the Sultan of Baghirmi could not overtake him. Burgu Manda was soon afterwards compelled to return to his own country, and after sacking Kukawa, where the Sheikh had another house, and ravaging everything as he passed, he returned to his kingdom laden with booty.

Sultan Ibram and Sheikh Lamino reign jointly

At Birnin Kabela the nearest relatives of Mai Dunama and Nguéléroma disputed among themselves as to who should succeed the Sultan thus killed by mistake. The Sheikh, reassured by the departure of the Baghirmi army, returned to Ngornu and again became master of the situation. Ibram (Ibrahim ben Ahmed), younger brother of Mai Dunama, wishing to assure himself of his protection, said to him: ‘My brother gave you half the power and half the revenues of the kingdom; I will let you have them all, if I can obtain the title of Mai.’

Lamino immediately accepted this offer. He called for the long silver trumpets which were used to announce the accession of a Sultan, and summoned to Ngornu the chiefs of the various tribes. In front of them Ibram solemnly repeated the promise which he had just made to the Sheikh, who immediately had a seal manufactured, on which was engraved in Arabic—