The Sultanate of Bornu

Then addressing the assembled chiefs and notables from the various tribes, he advised them to turn a deaf ear to the artful designs of the courtiers and to obey him loyally. Then, at his order, the trumpets proclaimed the accession of the new Sultan. Ibram was clothed in the royal garments, and the procession set out for Birnin Kabela.

One of the first acts of sovereignty of the Sheikh was to permit the ex-sultan Nguéléroma, exiled to Yamia, to once more approach the capital. He installed him at Belangawa, north of Geidam on the River Wobe, where he died some time afterwards.

Lamino also busied himself in organizing his household, which hitherto had resembled the school of a famous ‘mallam’ rather than the dwelling of a chief. His disciples were always coming and going, and allowed any one who liked to penetrate into his presence. On his demand, forty officials of the court of the Sultans of Bornu were sent to him; they soon drove away the greater part of the students, and divided amongst themselves the dignities of the new court.

This court was soon more brilliant than that of the nominal sultan Ibram. The latter, in fact, only received annually from the Sheikh 1,000 dollars (about 5,000 francs), 1,000 gowns, 1,000 cloths, 100 camels, 100 horses, 100 oxen, 100 donkeys, 100 goats, and 100 sheep, whose total value was less than 50,000 francs, which was very little to cover the cost of maintaining his entourage. The courtiers therefore gradually deserted him and went to live at the court of the Sheikh.

It is said that the latter, in order to affirm his authority, went out one day from his apartments holding in each hand a gown, which he gave as insignia of office to two slaves who were watching at his gate. The one on the right was nominated Kachella of the Kubri Kanembu (the Sheikh’s own tribe), and the one on the left Kachella of the Sugurti, the best warriors of Bornu, who fought on foot, armed with the spear, the bow, and the shield of ‘ambach’ wood.

At the same time he rebuilt his palace at Kukawa, which had been pillaged and polluted by the Sultan of Baghirmi, and put himself in communication with the Fulani Sultan of Sokoto, Mohammed Bello, the Sarikin Mussulmi. To the latter he wrote as follows: ‘We profess the same religion, and it is not fitting that our subjects should make war on each other. Between our two kingdoms are the pagan Bedde tribes, on whom it is permissible to levy contributions; let us respect this limit; what lies to the west of their country shall be ours, what lies to the east shall be yours; as for Munio, Damagaram, and Daura, they will continue to be vassals of the Sultan of Bornu, who in return will surrender to you all his pretensions to Gober and Katsena.’

Mohammed Bello replied that he accepted Lamino’s propositions, but the two Mussulman chiefs would not, or could not, abide by their word, and the Fulani incursions into Bornu continued as before.

Expedition against Baghirmi

Sheikh Lamino never forgot a grievance and, when he could, repaid twofold any evil that had been done him. As soon, therefore, as he had reorganized and reinforced his army, his first expedition was directed against the Baghirmi in order to avenge the intervention of Burgu Manda against him some years before. So as to deceive the enemy, instead of marching to the south of the Lake, where the Shari constitutes a formidable obstacle, he marched round Chad to the north, and thus arrived in Kanem without alarming his adversaries. A rapid march brought him to Massenya before the Sultan of Baghirmi could assemble his contingents, and it was then Burgu Manda’s turn to take to flight. He fled for refuge to the Sara country, whilst Sheikh Lamino razed the ramparts of his capital and destroyed his palace, the site of which was, according to our informants, systematically polluted for a week by the Bornu army. Then Lamino, having gained considerable booty and seen his enemy fly before him, satisfied with his vengeance, crossed the Shari and re-entered Bornu.

Expedition against Kano

Every year in the autumn the Sheikh undertook some new expedition. Tempted by the hope of a rich booty, he directed his army against Kano, the wealthy commercial capital of the Central Sudan. Having arrived at Gorko, a little distance from the town, he learnt that a strong Fulani army, commanded by Yakubu, governor of Bauchi, was marching against him. Lamino immediately sounded the retreat, but was overtaken by Yakubu at Fake. Thanks to their fire-arms, the Kanuri repulsed the first attack of their adversaries, who were only armed with spears and bows; then in their turn they took the offensive, but without success. The two parties, having each gained a slight advantage, then returned each to their own country claiming for themselves a victory.

In the following autumn, Lamino renewed his attempt and was more fortunate, for, if he did not succeed in penetrating into Kano, he was able undisturbed to obtain possession of numerous villages, such as Kanawa, Rimi, &c. As booty and not glory was always his object, he returned to Bornu as soon as he considered his plunder sufficient.[493]

Expedition against Katagum

The following year it was the turn of Katagum to be disturbed; but the town, well defended, could not be taken in spite of a two months’ siege. The Bornu army had to content itself with sacking all the surrounding hamlets, and before retreating, it destroyed, out of spite, all the growing crops. A great dearth resulted for this little country.

Expedition against Hadeija

A year later Sheikh Lamino laid siege to Hadeija. He pitched his camp on the banks of the river, and summoned his vassals to aid him in his enterprise, for the town resisted vigorously. Munio, Damagaram, Machena, and Nguru obeyed; Tumbi dan Hawa, Sarikin Gummel, alone refused to join them. An envoy from the Sheikh was sent to press him, but he replied: ‘If the Sheikh and his army can do without water for two days, let them come here.’

Expedition against Gummel

Lamino accepted the challenge. He crossed the uninhabited and waterless zone, which for forty miles separated Hadeija from Malawa, to the east of Dungass, not without losing numerous men and horses from thirst. After resting three days, he sent a messenger to the Sultan of Gummel to announce his arrival. Dan Hawa, panic-stricken, tried to obtain pardon by sending him two ambassadors, Liman Bergoma[494] and Mallam Shetima Kinguimi, accompanied by twenty young virgins, twenty young boys, twenty camels loaded with presents, and 100 oxen. The Sheikh gave the embassy a very unfriendly reception. ‘You have given evil counsel to dan Hawa,’ said he; ‘you deserve to die, but I pardon you in memory of the father of Shetima Kinguimi, for as a young man I studied under his directions.’ Then, refusing the presents which they brought, he sent them back, saying: ‘Let your master come in person.’

Dan Hawa, little reassured by the reception accorded to his envoys, preferred to dispatch another ambassador to the Sheikh, one Shetima Allah Rhama, with much more valuable gifts.

Lamino then appeared to be softened, and accepted the presents on condition that the Sarikin Gummel came himself to ask his pardon. To give him confidence, he said in Hausa to the envoy: ‘En ka kawo shi, ka tashi da shi agaba nan,’ i.e. ‘if you bring him, you shall arise at the same time as he in my presence.’

Dan Hawa was then reassured, and accompanied by Shetima dan Allah, he repaired in person to the camp of the Sheikh. The latter made them sit down in front of him, and when the Sarikin Gummel had expressed his repentance, Lamino said to them: ‘Give each other your hands and get up.’ They obeyed. ‘Now sit down again.’ They did so. Then addressing Shetima, he said: ‘I promised you that if you brought me dan Hawa, you should arise with him in my presence; I have kept my promise.’

He then handed over the Sarikin Gummel to the Galadima of Nguru. Now the latter, who claimed hegemony over all the vassals of Bornu from the north to the west, had long hated dan Hawa, who had always defied him, so without delay he put him to death.

On learning of this summary execution, which had not been ordered by him, Lamino was, or pretended to be, violently angry, and inflicted on the Galadima a considerable fine.

He nominated as Sarikin Gummel, dan Tenoma, younger brother of dan Hawa, and at the request of the new chief, decided that he should not have to obey the Galadima of Nguru, but only Yerima Umar, his own son. He then returned to Bornu.

Expedition against Nguru

The Galadima of Nguru had been profoundly humiliated, and had sworn to revenge himself. He soon assumed an independent attitude towards the Sheikh, at the same time advising the other vassal states to imitate him, but only Kosso, ex-sultan of Munio, joined him with a strong force of Mangas.

It was therefore against Wari—a place which no longer exists, but which was situated about thirty miles north-east of Kachellari—the capital of Nguru, that Lamino directed his autumn expedition of the following year. It is asserted that he camped opposite this town for a year and a half without being able to take it, or even to secure any marked success against the bands of horsemen that from time to time sallied out from the walls. He then appealed to all his vassals, and when his troops were sufficiently numerous, completely surrounded the fortifications. The Galadima Umar, feeling that all was lost, made a desperate sortie, succeeded in penetrating the besiegers’ lines and fled to Hadeija. On the following day Kosso also made good his escape.

The inhabitants, thus deprived of their leaders, asked for peace. Lamino demanded from them 100 slaves, 100 horses, 100 camels, and 100 oxen, which were immediately delivered to him. He then ordered the destruction of the ramparts. The inhabitants refused to consent, and hostilities recommenced. After some time they made new proposals for peace, which was offered on the same conditions as before. When these were fulfilled, the Sheikh demanded the demolition of the fortifications. The inhabitants again refused. There were fresh hostilities and fresh successes on the part of the Sheikh. At last the inhabitants again asked for peace, paid the tribute imposed on them, and then scattered.

Wari was delivered up to pillage, and then Lamino marched on Hadeija, where the Galadima Umar had taken refuge. Thereupon the latter fled to Sokoto and was replaced as Galadima of Nguru by his younger brother Dunama.[495] The victorious Bornu army returned home and the Sheikh allowed it two years’ repose.

A little later, Lamino, always excessively prone to suspicion, took umbrage at the popularity acquired by a ‘Sufi’ mallam, whose school was much frequented and who lived at Yale, to the north-east of Dikoa. He repaired in person to Yale, where he learnt that the mallam was a Koiyam of the Kullumfardo family, and quite devoid of ambition. At this juncture the mallam became blind and the Sheikh, almost at the same time, was attacked by a malady of the ear, from which he was destined never to recover.

Almost at the same time Bohari, the Sultan of Hadeija, attacked Nguru and raided the district of Selleri (Zagarari). Lamino was ill and unable to take the field in person, but his son, Yerima Umar (later Shehu Umar), took command of a strong expedition with which he advanced rapidly into the invaded territory. Bohari had no alternative between a difficult retreat and immediate submission, and having collected considerable presents he repaired in person to Umar, did homage to him, and was allowed to return to Hadeija.

Sheikh Lamino died soon afterwards, in 1835, leaving Bornu flourishing, his family aggrandized, and the nominal sultan, Ibram, without the slightest power. His son, Yerima Umar, then took the title of Sheikh (or Shehu) and succeeded him without opposition as de facto sovereign of the kingdom.

First Reign of Shehu Umar (1835-53)

One of the first acts of the new Shehu was to cut down by half the meagre subsidy which his father had paid to the sultan Ibram. The latter protested, but in vain, for the following year the subsidy was still further reduced, and the third year he received almost nothing. Mallam Amadu Gonimi, relying on the friendship shown him by the late Sheikh, thrice made friendly representations to Umar, reminding him that it is the part of a good son to act in all circumstances as his father had acted, and requesting in consequence that he should allow Sultan Ibram the same subsidies as he had been accustomed to receive from Sheikh Lamino. Shehu Umar remained silent, but on the third occasion he replied: ‘A son inherits his father’s property, not his character.’

Then Ibram, spurred by necessity, wrote to the Sultan of Wadai, Sherif by name, begging him to come to his aid and rid Bornu of the Shehu and his family. The army of Wadai was set in motion, but unfortunately Ibram had confided the secret to one of his daughters, who in her turn communicated it to her lover, a young relative of the Shehu. As soon as he received the warning, the Sultan and seven of his advisers were seized and thrown into prison. The Shehu then departed with his army to arrest the invasion. The encounter took place on the banks of the Shari at Kusseri (1846) and the Bornu army was completely routed. Umar, much chagrined, returned in haste to Kukawa and had the Sultan and his advisers, who had summoned the enemy into Bornu, immediately executed. He then fled towards the north-west, taking refuge in the marshy country of Bera, near Zigagué, on the banks of the River Wobe.

Meanwhile, the Sultan of Wadai continued his march on Kukawa, and learning of the execution of Sultan Ibram, whom he had come to deliver, proposed to replace him by Ali, son of the latter, a boy of seventeen.

But a Wadai man, called Ibrahim, settled at Kukawa, pleaded the cause of Shehu Umar so well that the Sultan of Wadai dispatched the following message:

‘If you consent to pay me $1,000, I will return to Wadai with my whole army; otherwise I shall leave a strong guard with the young sultan to protect him.’

‘Where can I get $1,000?’ replied the Shehu, for at this period silver was rare in the country, and $1,000 constituted a very important sum.

But an Arab trader who happened to be in the country saw his opportunity to make a big profit. He brought $600 to the Shehu, on condition that he was repaid this sum in young girls, at the rate of $7 a head.[496] Then Umar, having collected all the ornaments of his harem, was able to make up the balance of $400, and sent the whole sum demanded. Sherif then returned to Wadai, leaving the young sultan, Ali, under the sole guard of the Kanembu and Sugurti.

Meanwhile, Durman (Abdurrahman, younger brother of the Shehu) happened to be with an army in the north-west of Bornu, marching towards Zinder. Ibrahim, sultan of this country, came to meet him with conciliatory intentions and peace was concluded. Durman, recalled by his brother with the idea of attacking the young sultan and regaining the reins of power, then returned towards the River Wobe. On his arrival, however, Umar, who was a bit of a poltroon, had changed his mind and suggested that they should fly to Fezzan, their mother’s country.[497]

The younger brother replied: ‘As you seem but a womanish creature, go to Fezzan if you like. I intend remaining in Bornu.’

Umar was thus shamed into fighting. The encounter took place at Minargué, on the banks of the River Wobe. Barth calls the place Minarem. Umar undertook to hold in check the cavalry of Ali, who were reputed to be not very brave and only moderate horsemen, whilst the more valiant Durman joined battle with the Kanembu and Sugurti infantry and put them to rout. The young sultan was killed and Shehu Umar was able to re-enter Kukawa as sole master henceforward of Bornu.

Two years later, desirous of strengthening his authority over his western vassals, he proceeded to Zinder, whose sultan, Ibrahim, had disregarded his orders. Ibrahim took to flight, but his brother Tenimu repaired to the Shehu and got himself enthroned by him as Sultan of Zinder. A mosque was built to commemorate this event and the Shehu returned to Kukawa.

Five years later grave dissensions arose between him and his brother Durman. The latter reproached him warmly with the affection which he showed for one of his counsellors, Haj Beshir, whom he consulted on every occasion and whose advice he followed in preference to that of his brother. Old men, who were living at the time and whose memories are still very clear, have informed us that the mutual affection of the Shehu and his counsellor was greater than that of two brothers and recalled that of husband and wife. Durman was much annoyed and told his brother one day in the course of a violent quarrel that he had ‘the spirit of a sheep’. He then fled.

Umar and his favourite, Haj Beshir, set off in pursuit, but when they had nearly overtaken him, some of the Shehu’s other brothers, who had followed the army, wrote to Durman in secret that they would not fight against him. Durman immediately faced about and by a bold stroke penetrated the camp and reached the very outskirts of the Shehu’s own tents, in front of which he himself discharged several shots.

Umar and his favourite, stricken with panic, leaped on their horses and, almost unaccompanied, fled to Kukawa without stopping. Haj Beshir immediately collected all the wealth that he could carry away and hastened to take refuge at Gulfei on the banks of the Shari, leaving the Shehu at Kukawa to await events.

Meanwhile, Durman had been proclaimed Shehu by the army of Umar and re-entered Kukawa at its head. Umar, relegated to the position of a simple prince of the blood, had to leave the palace and was installed in his brother’s private house.

Reign of Durman (Abdurrahman), 1853-4

Durman had hardly been installed, when he charged his brother, Abba Bukar Kura, to inform Haj Beshir, of whom he was a friend, that if he would return at once to Kukawa he would grant him a pardon. At the instance of his friend and after a long hesitation, Haj Beshir consented to return. But as soon as he arrived Durman had him imprisoned, and shortly afterwards, in spite of the prayers of his brother, incensed at his ill faith, had him impaled.[498] This did not prevent him swearing the same evening in the presence of all the courtiers that he had never given the order for the execution of the unhappy man, but only that he should be put in bonds.

Durman reigned a bare two years: his harsh character rendered him unpopular with the courtiers, whilst he alienated the army by an unsuccessful expedition against the Musgu, a people in the south of the empire who refused to pay tribute. The malcontents resolved to replace him as soon as he returned to Kukawa by Shehu Umar, whose accommodating temper appeared all the more attractive since the autocratic character of Durman kept constantly increasing.

But Durman was warned of the plot by one of his slaves, Mustapha Mutube. He immediately assembled the courtiers and said to them: ‘I know that you are plotting against me. If you want to replace me, do it at once; don’t wait till I have returned to my palace.’

The courtiers exclaimed: ‘It is false! you have been deceived!’

Durman called the slave: ‘Who told you that a plot was being hatched against me?’

‘It was Arri Fugumani, the chief of the slaves.’

Arri Fugumani, when questioned, said: ‘I was joking with Mustapha Mutube; the whole thing is nothing but a jest, for which I ask pardon.’

Durman pardoned him, saying: ‘From henceforward let no one else come and tell me lies.’

Two months passed, the army had returned to Kukawa, and the courtiers began to conspire afresh.

Arri Fugumani said to Mustapha Mutube: ‘Yesterday’s lie may become to-morrow’s truth. You would do well to inform the sultan.’ But Mustapha, fearing to be again contradicted, dared not say anything.

The next morning all the courtiers assembled in the western town (Bela Potebe) in front of Umar’s house, and the latter’s son, Yerima Bukar, brought him the sultan’s drum and standard, the emblems of power. Then forming in procession they advanced towards the eastern town (Bela Gedibe), where the palace of Durman was situated. The latter, hearing the sound of the trumpets and the cries of the mob, emerged in haste, and with a few faithful followers engaged his adversaries in unequal combat on the open space, called Gumsigine, between the eastern and the western towns. Durman had his horse killed under him. He was immediately brought the horse of one of his slaves, but he refused it, saying: ‘I cannot mount a slave’s horse.’

His brother, Abba Bashir, then gave him his own horse to enable him to fly; but he was unable to get far, and was soon afterwards captured and brought back to Kukawa. Shehu Umar solemnly declared that he would not harm him, and installed him in the house that he had himself just quitted.

Second Reign of Shehu Umar (1854-81)

Three months later, fearing doubtless lest Durman should dethrone him a second time, the Shehu assembled the principal mallams and asked them: ‘Is it better to kill one man than to allow ten to be killed? If one man may cause the death of several others, may one get rid of that one? Consult your own consciences and the Book and let me know your answer.’

All guessed that the Shehu alluded to a new civil war rendered possible by a new rebellion on the part of Durman, and they replied: ‘Certainly it is better to execute one man than to allow ten to be killed, especially if it is the one man who may cause the death of the others.’

Thereupon Shehu Umar gave orders to his head-slave to go and put his brother to death,[499] but to act discreetly so that his death should remain uncertain for some time. His orders were obeyed, and henceforward Shehu Umar enjoyed a peaceful tenure of power. But if the Shehu himself was of a pacific temper, the same was not true of his son, Yerima Bukar, a brave, bold and energetic prince, fond of war and booty.

Expedition against the Ngizims, 1855 (?)

Yerima Bukar’s first expedition was directed against the Ngizims, a pagan tribe, said to be descended from the Sos, and living to the south of the Bedde country. Having paid tribute to the Sultan of Sokoto, they naturally refused to pay a second time to the Sultan of Bornu. Moreover, they defended themselves courageously when Bukar entered their country. The campaign, which lasted five months, was a very arduous one for the Kanuri, but, on the other hand, they gained much booty, principally in slaves.

Expedition against the Musgu

The Shehu succeeded in restraining for five years the bellicose temper of his son; but the Musgu, against whom Durman had already had to take severe measures during his short reign, having again refused to pay tribute, Yerima Bukar had to direct four successive expeditions against them in order to obtain their submission (1861-5).

Expedition against Adamawa

It was next the turn of Adamawa, a very hilly country to the south of the Benue, to suffer invasion. The rich town of Balbaya was captured, but all the camels and the greater part of the horses of the army perished. The troops were soon in such a state of destitution that the Shehu had to send in haste both horses and clothes to enable his son to make an honourable entry into Kukawa (1866).

Against the Beddes

Two years of peace followed, and then Yerima Bukar had to subdue the Beddes, who had refused to pay tribute, and had driven away the Shehu’s envoys, 1869.

Against Fika and Bauchi

The following year he had to subdue Fika, an important group of towns, situated to the east of Gujba, whose inhabitants had driven away the Shehu’s representative, Kachella Abdullahi, son of Kachella Arri Marghi, who had been appointed to this district on the death of his father. Bukar destroyed the fortifications of the town,[500] imposed a heavy tribute on the inhabitants, and continued his march westwards on his way to attack the town of Misau, situated to the north of Bauchi and a tributary of the Fulani. But he was at once recalled by his father, who did not wish to involve himself in difficulties with the Sultan of Sokoto (1870).

Against the Beddes

Bukar was not at all anxious to return. He therefore ceased to attack the Fulani, but remained on the western frontier of Bornu raiding and plundering far and wide, and gradually approaching the Beddes, whose submission had been far from satisfactory. But the rainy season was approaching, and his lieutenants feared its effects on their cavalry. They therefore advised Al Haji, the Bedde chief, to pay a certain amount of tribute to Bukar, and at the same time begged Shehu Umar to give his son formal orders to return to Kukawa (1872).

Against Kusseri

Bukar had never forgotten the help which the inhabitants of Kusseri had given to the Sultan of Wadai, when, summoned by Ibram, he invaded Bornu and obliged his father to take to flight. It was they who had assisted the passage of the Wadai army by showing them a ford, and a number of them had joined the invaders of Bornu. Always on the look-out for somewhere to attack, Bukar obtained leave from his father to march against this town. The battle was just about to begin when an order arrived from Shehu Umar instructing him to make peace, as the inhabitants of Kusseri had hastily sent to Kukawa a tribute of 300 slaves. The army had to return to Bornu without fighting, but not without having partly ravaged the banks of the Logone and sacked the town of Ngurkum (1879).

Two years later Bukar asked leave from his father to go on an expedition, but this time without telling him whither. The Shehu, now an old man and not daring any longer to refuse him anything, allowed him to set out, and Bukar took advantage of this to renew his designs against Kusseri.

He had arrived in front of the town, when he received a message from his mother telling him that the Shehu was at his last gasp, and that, unless he returned within five days, the courtiers would nominate some one else as Shehu.

Bukar set out at once and arrived in Kukawa on the fourth day. The Shehu was still alive, but the principal eunuchs prevented Bukar from seeing him, fearing that before he died Umar would designate Bukar as his successor. Those eunuchs wished Bukar to owe the throne to themselves in order that they might make large profits. Three days afterwards, about two o’clock in the afternoon, the Shehu breathed his last without having seen his son (1881).

The chief eunuchs, Malla Kerim, Yiroma, and Mestrema, deliberated over the choice of a successor. They dreaded the accession of Bukar, whose firm and haughty character had, in his father’s lifetime, more than once disappointed their schemes. Malla Kerim, who of the three commanded the most warriors, made up his mind the first. Taking the ring, rosary, and cap of Shehu Umar, and leaving Mestrema to watch the corpse, he repaired in company with Yiroma to Bukar. Giving him the ring, &c., he said: ‘Your father is dead, here are the emblems of power.’

Bukar refused to accept them except in the presence of numerous witnesses, and summoned his son, Kiari, and his friends, Kassim, Bunu, Abana, Lamino, and his principal slaves. Having informed them of the death of his father he ordered them to assemble his troops. A procession of horse and foot was then formed, and they proceeded to the palace, whose four gates were guarded by the troops of Malla Kerim and could not be opened except in his presence. When they reached the corpse, the chief eunuch raised the shroud and said: ‘Behold, he is dead, we resign him to you for burial.’

He then put the dead man’s ring on Bukar’s finger, his rosary round his neck, and his cap on his head. Outside the drums beat and announced to the people by their slow and measured roll the death of the old Shehu and the proclamation of the new. The Liman, the Legari, and the Talba came to wash the dead, and having assembled all the mallams, celebrated the obsequies that same night.

Reign of Shehu Bukar (1881-4)

The next morning very early the crowd of courtiers and notables assembled at the palace. Shetima, descendant of the ancient Tubba sultans of Bornu, gave the investiture to Bukar by clothing him in the royal gown and turban, and according to custom asked him: ‘What province will you give me?’

‘I grant you the Kagaburi country,’ replied the new Shehu.

The Shehu’s relatives then came to swear fidelity to him, and the ceremony of investiture ended with a great noise of drums, trumpets, and other instruments of music.

For seven days Bukar only resided in the palace during the daytime, passing the night in his own house. On the seventh day he distributed alms in memory of his father, and installed himself definitely in the palace, leaving his own house and all that was in it, except his women, to his son Kiari.

His first thought was to restore order in the country. ‘Hitherto’, said he, ‘you have been plunderers of whom I was the chief. Henceforward, I shall tolerate no more plundering, and I shall punish without fail any one who disobeys me.’

During the second year of his reign he made an expedition against the Beddes, and captured the towns of Kadera, Aburraga, and Tagari.

The following year he had to repress a revolt of the people of Mulgue in the south of Bornu; but for this expedition he could only gather a few troops, for his subjects, tired of the constant wars in which he involved them, made but a poor response to his summons; some only sent a slave, others a son, others again no one at all.

The Shehu was much annoyed, and as soon as he returned to Kukawa he summoned a great meeting, where he announced that in order to punish his subjects for their half-hearted obedience he should inflict on all a fine equal to half their property. Soon afterwards long caravans of slaves and animals loaded with produce of all sorts might be seen entering the capital every day. Never before had such wealth been accumulated in the palace of the Shehu.

But the common people and the notables murmured loudly. Everywhere in all the villages was to be heard the same malediction: ‘May God cut him off and rid us of him.’

As it chanced the Shehu did die soon afterwards, long before he had seen paid in full the formidable fine which he had inflicted on his subjects, and every one agreed that God had heard the unanimous prayer of an oppressed nation (1884).

Reign of Ibrahim (1884-5)

On the death of Shehu Bukar the courtiers chose as his successor his uncle, Abba Mustapha, younger brother of Shehu Umar. But, as a result of intrigues, there was a sudden change, and the next morning the high dignitaries of the Court proclaimed Ibrahim, younger brother of Shehu Bukar.

Abba Mustapha, chagrined at thus being deceived, at first refused to take the oath of allegiance and sought refuge in flight. But he soon returned on a promise from his nephew that his life would be spared. Ibrahim, however, did not keep his promise, and Mustapha was soon afterwards assassinated.[501] He himself died after reigning one year without having been able to undertake any expedition.

Reign of Ashimi (1885-93)

His younger brother, Ashimi, third son of Shehu Umar, was chosen to succeed him. After a pacific reign of eight years he was obliged to take up arms to defend his kingdom against the invasion of Rabeh, advancing from Baghirmi.

To repulse the invader he sent to meet him an army of 30,000 men, under the orders of Mohammed Tar, son of Amadu Guimi. The encounter took place a little to the south of Ngala, at Ngamagué, in April 1893.

Rabeh, who could only muster 3,000 men, took care to camp on the border of a marsh, which served to protect him against a surprise by the enemy’s cavalry, who were much superior in number. Mohammed Tar, presumptuous and imprudent, got entangled in the marsh, the horses were mired, and those of their riders who could not succeed in disengaging themselves were massacred in great numbers by the enemy’s gun-men.

On hearing the news of the disaster Ashimi organized a second army more numerous than the first, put himself at their head and marched against Rabeh. In spite of the support of several heavy cannon, sent him by the Sultan of Zinder, his troops lacked confidence. The Bornu army fled at the first charge and the flight was soon changed into a rout. Ashimi returned in hot haste to Kukawa in order to dispatch his most precious possessions north-westwards, and to fly himself as soon as possible.

It is said that he left Kukawa one Saturday evening and that the conqueror entered the town on Sunday morning. Rabeh immediately launched a column commanded by Abba Bukar in pursuit of the fugitive Shehu. Ashimi was overtaken at Lumburem, on the River Wobe, east of Duchi, and had barely time to escape, leaving in the hands of the enemy all his baggage, his animals, his slaves, and even his women.

The scattered Kanuri then nominated as Shehu his nephew Kiari. The latter declared his intention of marching without delay against the invader, but his partisans, alarmed at such audacity, immediately abandoned him and rallied once more round Ashimi, whose defeats had made him prudent. Kiari then accused his uncle of compromising with the enemy and had him assassinated.

Reign of Kiari (1893)

Three months later Rabeh advanced in person against those of the Kanuri who still maintained their independence on the banks of the River Wobe. Kiari assembled his forces and marched against him. The encounter took place at Gashagar. The Bornu army fought valiantly, but when their chief was wounded they gave ground.[502] Kiari, who refused to fly, was captured and taken to Rabeh, who had him executed. Thus perished the last independent Sultan of Bornu.

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APPENDIX V

ACCOUNT OF RABEH

The following translation of a German account of Rabeh, written in 1899, is not without interest, though of course it is in several instances inaccurate. Herr Lippert’s chief informant appears to have been a man from Ghat. His Hausa is not always unexceptionable, and there is nothing to show that he was ever in Bornu or was actually an eyewitness of the events he describes. His account of Rabeh’s campaigns should be compared with that given in Decorse et Demombyne’s Rabah et les Arabes du Shari, and in Dujarric’s Vie de Rabah. Rabeh did not die of poison in 1897 but was killed in battle by the French in 1900.

Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen (Berlin) for 1899.

RABAH[503] by Julius Lippert

‘History is made by personalities.’ This maxim only holds good in a very limited sense for western states, but as regards the historical changes in the ‘Dark Continent’, and especially in the Sudan, it is absolutely true. The negro is entirely deficient in public spirit and other political virtues. In the same degree as the idea of the state is foreign to him,[504] he lacks also the sense of patriotism and loyalty to a dynasty. It remains a matter of indifference to him whom he serves, so long as he can do so with tolerable security for life and liberty. It is only by such considerations that the success is explicable of bold adventurers, who, relying on nothing but intelligence and energy above the average and the support of a handful of devoted adherents, were able to carve out mighty empires for themselves and overthrow ancient kingdoms, who owed their hundreds of years of existence solely to a political vis inertiae similar to their own on the part of the neighbouring states. Thus we see, to quote only two examples, how at the beginning of the nineteenth century Othman dan Fodio[505] with his numerically infinitely weaker Fulani conquered the various Hausa states and welded them into the kingdom of Sokoto. The Mahdi likewise in the ’eighties subdued the Egyptian Sudan for a time in spite of European administration. Now it may indeed be urged that both these men appeared also as religious reformers; and religious fanaticism is certainly always a mighty factor in favour of success. But in the case of Samory, whose capture the newspapers announced a few weeks ago, it was solely the power of personality, which enabled him after being expelled from one territory to conquer in a very short time a new dominion about as large as Germany, and since 1885 to oppose unaided with more or less success the superior military skill of the French.[506] It was personal ability also which enabled Rabeh, the brickmaker’s son, to raise himself to the position of king of the powerful state of Bornu, and would have let him accomplish even greater things, had not the assassin’s poison put a premature end to his career of conquest. Just in the last few weeks all kinds of accounts of this man have been current in the newspapers. These accounts, derived from a letter of the French traveller, Bonnel de Mezières,[507] specially concern us Germans, inasmuch as the scene of the events therein described is situated in the hinterland of our colony of the Kameruns; but it may also be of universal interest to find briefly described here the life and death of this personality.

My sources of information are chiefly the two documents printed with a translation in the appendix to this article.

1. A biography of Rabeh in Hausa, written down for me by Mohammed Beshir-al-Ghati, Reader in the Berlin School of Oriental Languages.

2. An Arabic letter to Mohammed Beshir from Abd-el-Kader ibn Al-Haji Isa Muzi from Ghadames, concerning the death of Rabeh.

In so far as I have made use of other sources of information, I have noted them in the proper places.

Rabeh (i.e. the victor) belonged, like Zobehr Pasha, to the Arab family of the Ja’alin, who have their domicile on the upper Nile round about Khartum, but who are distributed all over the Eastern Sudan, and even as far as Bornu,[508] as Jellaba (i.e. importers, petty traders). His father was a poor brickmaker, who gained an honest livelihood by the work of his hands. That Rabeh has sometimes been falsely described as a slave of Zobehr’s is to be attributed to the fact that he attached himself in early youth to that extraordinary man, who, prior to his appearance as a public official, carried on the business of slave-raiding. Rabeh early became a loyal friend and useful assistant in Zobehr’s undertakings. It is certain that he took an active part both in the subjugation of the Bahr-el-Ghazal Province and in the conquest of Darfur. After Zobehr had gone on a mission of complaint to the Khedive in Cairo and had been detained in custody there, his son Suleiman, whom he had left behind as his representative, was driven by intrigues into rebellion, and Rabeh became one of the most prominent sub-commanders in the rebel army. The fortune of war was not favourable to the insurgents. After being totally defeated on repeated occasions, they were summoned by Gessi, the commander of the Government troops, to cease further resistance as useless and to surrender to him under promise of amnesty. In the rebel council of war which met to discuss these propositions, Suleiman and the majority of his lieutenants showed themselves inclined to capitulate on these terms, but Rabeh spoke energetically against the proposal. His advice was, either, at the price of abandoning the territories hitherto connected with their rule, to push westward with their forces, still by no means inconsiderable, where it would be easy to conquer a new dominion; or, if they were quite tired of fighting, to surrender not to Gessi, but direct to the Government authorities in Khartum. If neither of these two proposals should find acceptance, he would find himself compelled to separate from his former comrades and act on his own account. Neither alternative of Rabeh’s extremely judicious counsel was attended to; Suleiman and the majority of his sub-commanders gave themselves up to Gessi,[509] but Rabeh, after an affecting leave-taking from his old comrades-in-arms, marched away with his own troops, and those who had joined him from other detachments, to his camp in the uncertain future, accompanied by the notes of the far-sounding war-horn.[510]

At this point it may be fitting to insert a few words as to the resources which, at the outset, Rabeh was able to dispose of. I do not think that his army was ever at any one time much over 3,000 strong. Moreover, it was certainly only the minority of these troops that consisted of Ja’alin and Arabs of other tribes, though they formed the cavalry of the army, while the greater part must have been supplied according to requirements from the ‘Basingers’, i.e. negro soldiers disciplined on European lines, selected from captured slaves. One may quite fittingly compare them with the Mamelukes of Egypt or the Turkish Janissaries. From what I have heard from eyewitnesses of Rabeh’s battles in Bornu, he must also have had artillery at his disposal. It is not only obvious but confirmed by the course of events, that these well-armed and well-disciplined troops, in spite of their numerical weakness, represented a formidable force when opposed to barbarous negro empires, to whom fire-arms were certainly no longer entirely unknown, but amongst whom they had not long been in exclusive use.[511]

II

With regard to the first decade (1880-90) of Rabeh’s adventurous career, only vague and scanty accounts are forthcoming to enable us to attain an assured knowledge of events. According to Mohammed’s information, he first of all invaded the country of the Dinkas (at the confluence of the Bahr-el-Ghazal and the Nile) and waged war with this tribe for three years. It is evident that this statement is based on a confusion with the before-mentioned conquest of the Bahr-el-Ghazal province by Zobehr. Ferryman states in his recently published work,[512] that Rabeh and his troops turned northwards, and after twice defeating the Sultan of Borku, received permission from him to establish themselves in the southern border districts of his empire. It must have been here that Rabeh, as well as the above-mentioned Sultan, received an invitation from the Mahdi, who had meanwhile seized possession of the whole Egyptian Sudan, to ally themselves with the new state, a course which they both declined with scorn. In the lengthy struggle that followed between the Mahdists and the border tribes belonging to the Sennusiya between Darfur and Wadai, Rabeh must have taken a vigorous part. So Ferryman says. I am able to refute this statement, which is offered without the slightest authority being quoted, as I consider it improbable from an impartial point of view. Borku is a small group of oases south-east of Tibesti, whose population Nachtigal asserts to be from 10,000 to 12,000.[513] To reach Borku from Gerra (in Southern Darfur), where Suleiman’s camp was situated at the time of his surrender, Rabeh would have to traverse either Darfur, occupied throughout its extent by the Egyptian troops, or else Northern Wadai, inhabited by wild hill-tribes, and make moreover a not inconsiderable desert march. Under these circumstances I cannot conceive what could have caused him to be attracted to this small and remote group of oases, where certainly much fighting but little booty was to be expected. Slatin Pasha states briefly that he was removed to ‘the remote districts of the south-west’.[514] This statement has very great probability on its side. Even Ferryman admits that he lived in the country of the Banda and Fertit before his attack on Bagirmi.[515] In the midst of these and other pagan Nyamnyam tribes south of Darfur and north of Upper Uele he found what he needed, viz. a suitable field for the capture of slaves, of whom he was in constant want as a medium of exchange for weapons and munitions. A full decade seems to have elapsed before the burning of towns and villages, necessarily consequent on his slave-raids, changed into a wilderness this formerly populous and flourishing district. It then became necessary to find a new field for this form of activity, which in Moslem eyes is by no means disgraceful, provided it is exercised at the expense of idolaters. He was prevented from penetrating farther south, where booty was easiest to be obtained, by considerations regarding the supply of munitions, which he procured from the north through the medium of his fellow-tribesmen, the Jellaba. For this reason he turned north-west and attempted to overrun the kingdom of Wadai. But here he must have met with energetic resistance, as was only to be expected from the close political organization of this coveted empire.[516] So after a short time he desisted from his attempts on Wadai, and made an incursion with his troops into Bagirmi, which lies to the south-west of the latter. Ferryman is aware[517] that during his stay in Dar-Banda and Dar-Fertit, Rabeh addressed a request to the Sultan of Bagirmi that he would promise a free passage from Kukawa, the capital of Bornu, through Bagirmi to his traders for the purpose of supplying him with munitions. Rabeh swore revenge against the Sultan for not complying with this request; he was at present, however, denied the opportunity of satisfying this feeling. The Sultan of Bagirmi sought in vain for assistance from the Courts of Wadai and Bornu. Refusing to acquiesce, yet not in a position to make head against his dreaded opponent in open battle, he threw himself into his fortified capital of Masseña, and surrendered the open country to the enemy. Rabeh quartered himself on the country in his usual fashion, collected a rich booty in slaves, and possessed himself of several of the larger towns, such as Gulfei and Logone. But he had no intention of establishing himself permanently in the country. He was inclined to this course by misleading reports that had reached him of the natural riches of Bornu and of its internal rottenness. He seems to have prepared long beforehand for an attack on this empire, whose prestige among the neighbouring peoples was still very great in spite of its rotten internal condition. He first sent secret emissaries charged to stir up the political differences, which, thanks to the weakness of the royal authority, consisted chiefly in the mutual rivalries of the court dignitaries, and at the same time to create a disposition favourable to himself. He then allied himself with the Fulani chieftain, Mallam[518] Hayatu, of Jamare, for the purpose of a joint invasion of Bornu. This prince, who, in contrast to the feeble successors on the throne of Sokoto of the great Othman dan Fodio, showed once more something of the warlike and statesmanlike ability of his ancestor, was at once ready for the undertaking against the hereditary enemy of the Fulani. Their united troops advanced into Bornu and pushed their way unopposed right up to the walls of Kukawa. The Sultan,[519] Abba Ashimi, here faced them for the first time, and thanks to superior forces succeeded in repulsing the assailants. Rabeh now spent several months in Bornu territory in a difficult position, during which the provisioning of his troops especially caused him great anxiety. It was just while he was at the height of his distress that the seed sown by his envoys reached maturity. Rabeh received an invitation from one of the chief Bornu court dignitaries to return to Kukawa, where he would assist him to obtain the mastery. He naturally did not wait to be asked twice, but immediately advanced again on the capital. Another battle was fought in front of the gates of the palace, and this time Rabeh was victorious, chiefly owing to his artillery, to which the enemy could oppose nothing similar. Abba Ashimi himself remained on the field.[520] In the campaign which followed and which led to the capture of the capital, his two nephews and successors, Abba Kiari and Abba Sanda[521] were slain. The conqueror entered Kukawa as the new Sultan.[522]

III

This event forms a turning-point in the history of Rabeh. Whilst he had hitherto been more or less a mere adventurer, he had now become at one blow the ruler of one of the most powerful Sultanates of the Sudan. Remembering the practical bent of his mind with its grasp of actualities, one might expect that he would at once be conscious of the problems and duties of his new position and that he would proceed energetically towards their accomplishment. Nor did he disappoint such expectations. He sought to revive the caravan-trade with Tripoli, which had been brought to a standstill owing to the unrest of recent years, by giving the traders assurance of the most perfect security, and by other concessions. His endeavours in this respect met with success.[523] He also entered into trade relations with the British ‘Niger Company’.[524] He removed his head-quarters from Kukawa, which is extremely unhealthy,[525] particularly in the rainy season, to the charmingly situated town of Dikoa,[526] on the Alo river south-east of Lake Chad. For the better protection of the frontier of his newly-won territory, he left strong garrisons in Gulfei on the Shari, and in Kusseri and Logone on the River Logone. In order to found a dynasty, whose legitimacy should be acknowledged even by the rulers of the neighbouring kingdoms, he married a daughter of his ally, Mallam Hayatu, who, on his side, took to wife a daughter of Rabeh’s.

His energetic never-resting nature caused this internal political activity to be accompanied by efforts to enlarge his territory. He first attempted to chastise the hill tribes of Mandara, dwelling to the south of Bornu, who had made themselves troublesome by occasional plundering expeditions into the southerly districts of the empire. The aged king of Mandara himself fell into the hands of a punitive expedition. But, while Rabeh resolved humanely enough to dismiss the old man unharmed to his home, the latter’s son and successor allowed a son of Rabeh’s, who had fallen into captivity, to be executed. Another expedition—to Bedde—was certainly not designed for the occupation of this country, but for the capture of numerous slaves, who were carried off as welcome booty to Bornu. A raid into Miga[527] country had the same successful result. On the other hand, an expedition against Katagum miscarried; the valiant stand made by the king of this country forced Rabeh to retreat hurriedly on Bornu. The King of Misau got wind beforehand of an undertaking that had been planned against his country, and hastened to conclude an offensive and defensive alliance with the neighbouring rulers of Shira and Gombe in order to meet the threatened danger. When united they felt themselves strong enough to advance and attack Rabeh. The opposing armies came into collision on the march. A battle resulted, and after a desperate struggle Rabeh’s superior military skill secured him the victory. The losses of the allies were extraordinarily heavy; the King of Gombe himself was among the fallen. But even for the victor the day must have been very costly; for he returned to Bornu without further results.

So long as Rabeh confined his attacks to the small tribes living between Bornu and Sokoto—buffer-states one would call them in modern parlance—everything went very smoothly. But it is obvious that the moment he attacked the territory of a large neighbouring kingdom, complications of immeasurable import were bound to ensue. Such complications took place when he invaded Adamawa,[528] the great south-eastern vassal state of Sokoto, whence he brought home vast booty, especially in slaves. The governors of the neighbouring Hausa states then recovered from the indolence, with which they had hitherto viewed the success of Rabeh, and entered on an energetic course of action. They had to be prepared for the fact that it might be themselves on whom he would next lay hands. Fright effected what political insight had been unable to accomplish; they formed themselves into a league for the purpose of common defence in case of an attack on one of the confederates. Especially serious for Rabeh was the fact that his father-in-law and former ally, Hayatu, joined the league. Although he had founded his kingdom of Jamare in political rivalry with the Court of Wurno,[529] he was Fulani enough at heart to feel that the interests of his fellow tribesmen were not different from his own, in so far as the to be or not to be depended on himself. At first he attempted to intervene diplomatically. But when Rabeh, fully conscious of his power, haughtily repulsed these attempts, Hayatu came forward as leader at the head of the league. It may be that Rabeh feared the military force of the league, or the power of England that stood behind it, or something else; at any rate it is certain that for a time he abstained from further attempts against Sokoto—though an expedition against Kano may have been contemplated—and turned his attention to a problem which awaited solution within the compass of his own empire, viz. the reconquest of the recalcitrant Governor of Zinder. Zinder was the most north-westerly province of Bornu, but its governor had frequently shown himself refractory even in Shehu Umar’s time,[530] and had taken advantage of the confusion of recent years to free himself of even nominal dependence, and had also annexed the province of Munio which lay to the east of his own territory. After careful preparation Rabeh set out about the beginning of 1897; he was destined never to return to his capital alive. Mallam Hayatu, who, following in the lines of Oriental despots, thought cunning the better part of valour, got poison administered to him on the way to Zinder by means of his daughter, who, as mentioned above, had been married to Rabeh. Thus perished, in the midst of his activity, the still vigorous warrior at the age of fifty-eight.[531]

In criticizing Rabeh we must be careful not to adopt the standpoint of Christian humanity; the character of his people and of his religion must be taken into consideration, which declare as permissible many things that are held by us to be abominably cruel. Thousands of unfortunates were enslaved by him and sold either in the Sudan itself or sent to North Africa. I have myself seen in Tunis and Tripoli quite a number of individuals who were recognizable as Rabeh’s slaves by the three oblique scars on each cheek. Any one who is acquainted with the conditions knows that for each of the slaves who reached their journey’s end, one must add at least five other individuals who perished either in the slave raids of the foregoing campaigns, on the journey, or through sickness following on a change of climate. This sum total of misery and destruction of family happiness constitutes a terrible indictment against their originator, but we must also again recollect that these slave raids were not for Rabeh an end in themselves, but only a means to an end, and that he not only understood how to destroy, but also how to build up. When we consider that, after becoming Sultan of Bornu, he endeavoured energetically to raise the condition of the country by a whole succession of peaceful measures, we can reconcile ourselves in some degree to his misdeeds; in fact, we may summarize our judgement of him by saying that he was—in the Shakespearian sense—a man. If one looks at the matter properly he may be described as the leaven of the Sudan; for Bornu, in particular, his mission was as much an historical necessity as the migration of nations was for the Roman Empire. As to whether his dynasty will have any permanence, who can tell? If it perishes with him, the fault lies not on him but adverse circumstances.

All that I have been able to discover as to the course of events after his death, is that one of his freedmen has undertaken the regency in the name of his son, who is still a minor, and that he has known how to guard up to the present the integrity of the empire. When M. Bonnel de Mezières,[532] and after him the newspapers, announce that Rabeh has banished Gaurang, King of Bagirmi, and occupied his capital, Masseña, it can only refer to this regent, even assuming that the news in this form proves right at all. At the same time it is not impossible that the conqueror is the King of Wadai, who certainly stands in the position of suzerain of Bagirmi.[533] Certainly once before, when the vassal chief, Abu Sikkin, showed himself recalcitrant, Masseña was occupied by King Ali of Wadai after a siege lasting several months.[534] In any case it is an exquisite irony of fate to see how the actors of the drama produced here are intermingled with one another, and behave themselves as if there was no world outside their own, whilst all the time the die has long been cast against them, and they have been divided up among the European Powers.