The Sultanate of Bornu

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APPENDIX XIV a

DERIVATION OF SHUWA AND KANURI

According to M. Carbou

Some writers, especially d’Escayrac de Lauture and Vivien de Saint-Martin, assumed that the Shuwas were descended from the Koreishites, pagan Arabs driven from Arabia by Mahomet. M. René Basset, however, declares that the Koreishites were not driven out but became converted, and pertinently asks, if they were driven out as pagans, at what period were they converted? There is no record or tradition of the Shuwa Arabs ever having been anything but Mussulmans. Cf. Carbou, La Région du Tchad et du Ouadaï, vol. ii, p. 11.

M. René Basset and MM. Hartmann and Becker incline to derive ‘Shuwa’ from the Arab word shaua = sheep, and to make it signify nomad shepherds as opposed to a sedentary people. Vid. Carbou, La Région du Tchad et du Ouadaï vol. ii, p. 20.

‘The Arabs of Bornu and of the “Territoire Militaire du Tchad” belong to the religious order of the Tojani. This brotherhood, which preaches toleration, is the one which counts most adherents throughout this region: the Senussi are not found, except in Wadai and the northern countries (Borku, &c.). A very simple way of recognizing the Senussi is that they pray with the arms crossed, instead of keeping them parallel with the body, as all the other Maliki sects do.’ Carbou, La Région du Tchad et du Ouadaï, vol. ii, p. 18. Cf. note [458] of the present work.

H. Carbou, vol. ii, p. 36 ff., enumerates the tribes of the Kwalme Shuwas as follows (cf. p. 328 supra):

 (1) Oulad Mehareb [my No. 7].

 (2) Oulad Serrar [my No. 1].

 (3) Oulad Salem, Oulad ’Amer [my Nos. 2 and 10].

 (4) Assalé [my No. 8]. They are the descendants of Ali el Esselé (Ali the Bald).

 (5) Dagana [my No. 6], said to be descended from Othman Abou Diguen (i.e. the long-bearded). They are mentioned both by Nachtigal and Matteucci.

 (6) Oulad el ’Aouan [not mentioned in my list, but apparently a subdivision of the Dagana].

 (7) Oulad Mansour [not in my list].

 (8) Oulad Amiré, Oulad Ghanem, El Haouarti, Oulad Saïl, Oulad Mehoï [not in my list].

 (9) Beni Ouaïl [my No. 11].

(10) Oulad Abou Issé [my No. 14].

(11) Oulad abou Ghader [not in my list].

Carbou classifies the Wulad Himet [my No. 3], Salamat [No. 9], Badder [No. 5], and Beni Hassan under the Djoheïna Arabs, not the Kwalme.

Two derivations are given of Salamat. One, that their ancestor was named Salam. Another, that they are descended from a pagan slave, who, when reproached for not fulfilling his religious duties, replied ‘nadem salla mat’ (praying is killing work); hence he was nicknamed Sallamat. As M. Carbou remarks, p. 56, this explanation is a little far fetched.

M. Carbou, vol. i, p. 4, says:

‘Kanem is a corruption of Keunoum or Konoum. This latter word has been explained by means of the Tubu term “eunoum” or “onoum” which means south, and of the letter “K” which serves to form the substantive. But the Kanembu use the same word to signify the south, and it is especially in their language that “K” serves to form the substantive.’

For all practical purposes the Kanuri and Kanembu dialects are the same. ‘Anum’ or ‘Ane̥m’ is the Kanuri for south, but I know of no use of ‘K’ for forming the substantive, unless one assumes it is an abbreviation of the Kanuri ‘Kam’ meaning a man. Kanem-bu would then mean ‘the southerners’. Cf. p. 314 of the present work.

M. Carbou, vol. i, p. 20:

‘This name, Kanuri, is explained in different ways. Some say that it is composed of the Arab word “nur” (light) and the letter “K” which serves to form the substantive. Kanuri would then mean “the people of the light”, and this name would have been given to the inhabitants of Bornu because they were the propagators of Islam in the country. Others say that Kanuri is from the Kanuri “kannu” = (fire), and means “the people of the fire”, a nickname given them by the Fulani, who as fanatical Mussulmans considered the inhabitants of Bornu as destined to the flames of hell as a reward for their sins.’

M. Carbou himself says that the Arab derivation has little value. The Fulani one has less still: if the Fulani or any other foreigners wished to nickname the Kanuri, would they not use their own language to do so? Cf. p. 314 of the present work.

M. Carbou, vol. i, p. 21, has an elaborate argument to prove that the word Bornu is derived from ‘birni’ meaning in Kanuri ‘a capital town’. The Sef dynasty were driven out of their capital Njime by the rival dynasty of the Bulala and went and founded another capital at Gazerregomo. M. Carbou states that M. René Basset considers this etymology of Bornu from ‘birni’ as very probable. In spite of this high authority, the etymology is not convincing. ‘Birni’ or ‘Be̥rni’ might be corrupted in Arabic writing into ‘Bornu’, or ‘Burnu’, but it is important to remember that the natives never write ‘Bornu’ always ‘Barnu’. The Arabic vowel signs which we represent by i, e̥, and o or u, are often interchangeable in Kanuri writing, e.g. I have seen the word for ‘horse’ spelt ‘fir’, ‘fe̥r’, and less commonly ‘fur’, it could not conceivably be spelt ‘far’. Cf. p. 311 of the present work.

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APPENDIX XV

SELECTIONS FROM UNPUBLISHED CORRESPONDENCE

Regarding Oudney, Denham, and Clapperton’s Mission to Bornu in 1821-4

The following extracts are taken from the Tripoli Consular Correspondence, now in the Record Office, and from papers in the archives of the Royal Geographical Society. The latter are distinguished by the letters [R. G. S.].

The following ‘précis’ from the accounts given of the travellers in the Dictionary of National Biography and in Nelson (vid. List of Authorities) will help to elucidate the extracts.[556]

Walter Oudney (1790-1824), born of humble parents in Edinburgh, where he picked up sufficient knowledge of medicine to become a surgeon’s mate on board a man-of-war. 1814 promoted surgeon. At the Peace he returned to Edinburgh, graduated M.D., when his inaugural dissertation was ‘de Dysenteria Orientali’, and set up in private practice. Studied Chemistry and Natural History, and had hopes of being appointed University lecturer on Botany. He contributed a paper to the Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal for July, 1820, entitled ‘Cases of “Ileus” from a twist of the Colon’. Appointed to the African Mission 1821, died at Murmur near Katagum on January 12, 1824. Mrs. Larymore, in A Resident’s Wife in Nigeria, p. 97, states that his grave is still pointed out by the natives. Nelson says that Oudney asked Clapperton to hand his papers to Barrow, i.e. Sir John Barrow, Secretary to the Admiralty, who edited the account of Clapperton’s Second Expedition. In the Introduction to the account of the First Expedition, however, Denham states that Oudney practically left no papers. Nelson fears they may have been lost, but remembering Oudney’s constant ill health, I think it is quite possible that there were none beyond the few rough notes, half illegible and of little interest, which are now among the Denham papers in the R. G. S. Oudney is described as of middle stature and slight build, with a pale, grave face, pleasing manners, and possessed of much enterprise and perseverance. He was never married. In a letter to a friend from Mourzouk, quoted by Nelson, Clapperton says that ‘Oudney is much admired by the local ladies for the blackness of his beard, and myself for the strength of my moustachoes’. Oudney, in a postscript on the same sheet, says, ‘Clapperton is a strange-looking figure with his long sandy-coloured beard and moustachoes’.

Dixon Denham (1786-1828), educated at Merchant Taylors School. Articled to a solicitor, but in 1811 joined the army in the Peninsula as a volunteer with the 23rd Royal Welsh Fusiliers. In May, 1812, was appointed a Second Lieutenant in that corps; promoted to First Lieutenant in 1813. Distinguished himself at the battle of Toulouse by carrying Sir James Douglas, commanding a Portuguese brigade, out of fire when that officer had lost his leg. The following copy of a letter from General Douglas to Col. Arbuthnot is among the Denham papers in the R. G. S.:

Transferred to the 54th Foot,[560] who were in reserve at Huy during the battle of Waterloo. In 1819 he entered the senior department of the Royal Military College. In Oct. 1821 he purchased a company in the 3rd Buffs. In Nov. 1821 he was put on half-pay, given the local rank of Major in Africa, and sent to join the African Mission. Amongst other things, he explored part of the shores of Lake Chad, which he named Lake Waterloo. He returned to England in June, 1825, and was promoted to a majority in the 17th Foot.[561] In Nov. 1826 he was given an unattached lieutenant-colonelcy, and sent to Sierra Leone as superintendent of liberated Africans[562] on the West Coast. In 1828 he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the colony of Sierra Leone, but died there of fever in May of the same year.

It is perhaps of some interest to note that Denham appears to have been very modern in his ideas of the proper way of keeping in health in the tropics. In letters to his brother [R. G. S.], written before they left Mourzouk, he mentions that he always rises before sunrise, takes horse-exercise, is very careful about where he gets his drinking and even his bathing water from, and also says that he has a daily shower-bath, made by pouring water through a wooden box with holes bored in it.

Hugh Clapperton (1788-1827), born at Annan in Dumfriesshire, son of George Clapperton, surgeon.[563] At thirteen he was apprenticed as a cabin-boy in a ship trading between Liverpool and America. He showed his spirit by refusing to black the captain’s shoes. He was charged with a petty act of smuggling at Liverpool, and sent on board the naval tender, which carried him to Plymouth, where he was made cook’s mate. Eventually, through the interest of his uncle in the Marines,[564] he was made a midshipman, and served off the coast of Spain and in the East Indies. On his way out to the East Indies he was ordered to take charge of a boat which was sent to the relief of a ship in distress. The boat was capsized and all the occupants drowned, except Clapperton and one other. As he was being hoisted on board again, ‘he had his feelings strongly excited, on hearing the wives of the Scottish soldiers on board exclaiming, “Thank Heaven, it is na our ain kintryman, the bonny muckle midshipman that’s drownded after a’!—”’

In the East Indies he joined the Clorinde, one of whose officers was Mr. Mackenzie, youngest son of Lord Seaforth. Clapperton formed a great friendship with this young man and nursed him through a dangerous illness. Mackenzie eventually went home and died, but particularly asked his mother, Lady Seaforth, to treat Clapperton as her own son. She did all in her power to help Clapperton when he returned to England, but, according to Nelson, Clapperton was too proud and touchy to accept much. He had been deeply wounded by an insinuation of his messmates that he was a tuft-hunter.

At the storming of Port Louis, Isle of France, in Nov. 1810, he was the first in the breach and hauled down the French colours. He was next sent to Canada and was cast away off the coast of Labrador, and lost the use of the first joint of his left thumb from frost-bite; the thumb became crooked and Clapperton got the nickname of ‘Hooky’. This is Nelson’s account, but in the memoir by Clapperton’s uncle prefixed to the account of his second expedition, it is stated that he lost his thumb when trying to carry a boy during a retreat across the Canadian Lakes over the ice.

At one time Clapperton thought of marrying an Indian princess and settling in Canada. He used to give great feasts to the Indians, and indeed this led to a deficiency in his accounts to the victualling department. This deficiency was afterwards deducted from his half-pay and involved him in financial difficulties, from which he was not altogether relieved until his return from his first African expedition.

Whilst serving on the Canadian Lakes he used to have a hole broken in the ice for him to bathe every morning, but could not persuade any of his companions to join him.

He used to decorate his log-book with sketches of the sails carried by his ship day by day, together with sketches of the coast, harbours, &c. The officers who examined him for his promotion to lieutenant were so struck with this log-book that they sent it to the Admiralty, where it still remains.[565] He was promoted lieutenant in 1816.

In 1817 he returned to England on half-pay and became acquainted with Dr. Oudney. Nelson tells an amusing story of how Clapperton was taken in by a swindler. This gentleman, who represented himself to be a minister of religion anxious to pay his tailor’s bill, borrowed £10 from Clapperton, and in return asked him to dinner at Barclay’s Hotel in Edinburgh.

‘An excellent dinner was set upon the table and discussed. Madeira, champaign and other expensive wines were called for, and the two got cheerful, joyous, happy, glorious. At length the swindler made a pretence for going out a little, and Clapperton found he had to pay £2 or £3 for the dinner as well as the original loan, which he never saw again.

He was appointed to the African Mission in 1821, returned to England in June, 1825, and was promoted Commander. In the same year he was sent out on a second expedition, whose object was to reach Sokoto from the West Coast. Clapperton reached Sokoto, but died at Chungary or Jungavie, near Sokoto, in April, 1827.[566] The account of his expedition was published by his servant, Richard Lander. Clapperton had a noble figure; he was six feet high and broad-chested.[567] He never married.

It will probably have been fairly obvious to any one who reads between the lines of Denham and Clapperton’s account of their travels, that their relations were not altogether harmonious. That they were not so is abundantly clear from the Tripoli Consular Correspondence and the Denham papers in the R. G. S., in fact, for a great part of the time they seem hardly to have been on speaking terms. Doubtless there were faults on both sides, though on the whole the correspondence leads one to side with Denham. Clapperton himself admits in his journal on the road to Sokoto during his second expedition that he was not a mild-tempered man.[568] Oudney, his bosom friend, calls him ‘a rough diamond’, and he appears to have been clearly in the wrong in refusing to obey Denham’s orders, though the latter was very likely not tactful. It was not unnatural, though it may sound snobbish, that the ex-A.D.C. to one of Wellington’s brigadiers should find himself little in sympathy with the ex-cabin-boy[569] and the self-taught surgeon’s mate, both of them Scotchmen, a fact little likely to prejudice an Englishman of those days in their favour. In a private letter to his brother Charles, now in the R. G. S., Denham remarks of Oudney: ‘Neither had his professional or pleasurable pursuits ever placed him in any other situations than the gun-room of a man-of-war and his rooms in Edinburgh, twice on a horse in his life, and except by water I think he had never travelled 30 miles from Edinburgh.’

In another private letter to his brother Charles he calls him ‘Dominie Sampson with more cunning’. In another, apropos of Clapperton, he laments that a ‘gentleman’ had not been chosen as his assistant.

On Feb. 1, 1822, before they left Tripoli, Denham proposed to his companions in writing that Europeans—except Dr. Oudney, who would be busy with scientific work—should take it in turn to be ‘on guard’, or, as we might say, ‘officer of the day’, for twenty-four hours. Duties—to see sentries posted, stores issued, &c., &c. Dr. Oudney objected and the scheme was not adopted. Oudney and Clapperton considered the proposal of too ‘martial a nature’, and seem to have thought Denham was trying to ‘boss’ them.

Denham was, indeed, far from conciliatory, and there is a most offensive letter from him to Clapperton, written some time after their arrival at Kuka, in which he plainly states that he considers Clapperton’s conduct throughout to have been unworthy of an officer and a gentleman, and suggests that he shall mend his ways. The breach was very much widened when Clapperton discovered that Denham had not informed him of a charge of the grossest immorality that had been made against him by some of the Arabs of the caravan. This is the charge referred to in the Sheikh’s[570] letter to Clapperton printed on p. 430 of vol. ii of the Travels. Denham afterwards wrote a formal statement disclaiming any belief whatever in the charge, and explaining that the strained relations existing between them had made him unwilling to mention the subject.

The real fault of the matter lay with the Home Government, who had not made the powers and position of the various members of the expedition sufficiently clear; hence the jealousy and distrust, without which the materials brought back by the Mission would probably have been more ample than was actually the case. Denham and Clapperton were both fine specimens of their respective Services, and deserve equal honour and credit. The extracts from correspondence will now be intelligible.

The travelling names of the various members of the Mission were as follows:

Major Denham.	Rais Khaleel.
Dr. Oudney.	Tibeeb.
Clapperton.	Abdulla.
Toole.	Rais Ali.
Tyrwhitt.	Taïr.
Hillman.	Ali.

(a) Disagreements

Extract from official letter of Colonel Hanmer Warrington, British Consul-General at Tripoli, to Robert Wilmot, Esq., M.P., Under Secretary of State for the Colonies, dated Tripoli, July 4, 1822.

. . . . . . . . . .

PS.—Much difficulty has already arisen and much undoubtedly will arise unless one Gentleman is appointed as the Head of the Expedition, as opinions, Interest, and private Feeling will always clash and prove detrimental to the Public Service. Pray excuse the observation.

H. W.

Extract from letter of Capt. Clapperton to Consul Warrington, dated Morzuk, September 10, 1822.

. . . A word for the Major, he has gone[571] without ever having communicated to us his intentions directly or indirectly, and left me without any instructions. I shall be silent upon his Conduct any further than his loss will be a gain to his country. . . .

Extract from letter of Major Denham to Consul Warrington, dated Sockna, October 11, 1822.

. . . Dr. Oudney’s natural disposition leads him prematurely to suspect a want of good Faith in those around him; the feeling may be pardonable while it continues to be an unexpressed one, and the Slight disagreements that have existed between us, I say slight because on my part I am sure there was nothing personal in our differences, hardly deserve such insinuations as are thrown in the letter he writes to you.

It is a feeling however that has been rankling in his Breast ever since the day of his appointment, when they wrote him from the Colonial Office to say that Clapperton might accompany the Expedition as my assistant, while he was to consider himself as Consul at Bornou.[572]

This feeling is anything but in unison with the mildness of the D^r. exterior, and unjust towards me, as I was not the framer of my own Instructions. . . .

On our joining the party at Memoon I found that Clapperton had commenced Sketching the route, and from delicacy to him I abstained from interfering in any way, as by so doing I must have taken some of the Credit which I was willing exclusively should attach to himself.

I have differed in opinion from Dr. Oudney and do so still on some points, but this arises, I may say entirely, from my taking the Instructions of Lord Bathurst as the Basis upon which I act, and his, to use his own expression, endeavouring to forget that he ever received any. . . .

Extract from letter of Dr. Oudney to Consul Warrington, dated Mourzouk, October 12, 1822.

. . . My worthy friend Clapperton is quite disgusted with his [i.e. Denham’s] returning and threatens to return, but I hope I will be able to prevail. . . . Clapperton’s loss would be that of a rough diamond which could not be found in a country such as this. . . .

Letter from Consul Warrington to Robert Wilmot, Esq.

Extract from letter of Consul Warrington to Robert Wilmot, Esq., dated Tripoli, December 31, 1822.

. . . In Quarrels Blame may attach to each Party, and I think that it is the case in the Present Instance. The Great Bone of Contention appears to me a jealousy as to whom the Mission is confided to. I think the Orders and Instructions speak for themselves, which clearly show that Oudney and Denham are distinct and separate, it being the duty of the Former from his Official appointment to afford every facility and to give every assistance to the latter. . . .

Extract from letter of Dr. Oudney to Consul Warrington, dated Bilma, January 14, 1823.

. . . My worthy friend Clapperton and the Major have had a little quarrel on the subject of duty. The latter was pleased to issue orders, rather too much of the field, directing Clapperton to give him from time to time, when he might require, the Latitude of the different places and the different courses. He refused to obey, and here the matter rests. He (C.) came out as his companion, not to be subjected to the whim of any man. He had been abandoned in Mourzouk, but notwithstanding that and the martial tenor of the orders, he in his spirited reply told him he would assist when he called upon him, but would in no respect perform what it was the other’s to execute. I allowed my friend to settle the business himself, and I am well pleased with the manner he has conducted the affair. . . .

Extract from letter of Capt. Clapperton to Consul Warrington, dated Bilma, January 14, 1823.

. . . The Major has taken upon himself a very extraordinary authority in writing to me on service to give up to him copies of my courses and obs^ns since we left Morzuk which I have very politely refused to do . . . I allowed him to copy all my obs^ns up to Morzuk before he left that place for Tripoli, as he is not able to take any himself. After the cruel and un-Englishlike abandonment of me at that place without leaving me his instructions, writing to say he was gone, or how I was to act, can this man expect that I will allow him to take the credit of what I do? No, I engaged to come out as his companion and assistant, not to do the whole of the duty for which he was sent out to do, and which he would claim as his own. Were I to do myself and my country so much injustice as to give him a copy—he has been educated at his country’s expense, let them see what he can do, and I will let them see what I can do who never cost them sixpence for my education[573] and am anxious to let the world know who that Lt. Clapperton is whom he mentioned in the papers along with his own as if by accident . . . I cannot say when you will see me again, for though the Major may and will return, as his zeal is all wind, I shall do or die if they will let us into the country. . . .

Extract from letter of Major Denham to Consul Warrington, dated Bilma, January 14, 1823.

. . . Mr. Clapperton by that consequential stupidity, for I know not what else to call it, made himself so unpopular that Boo Khaloom[574] has long since ceased to notice him even by a common salute, and the Arab Sheikh scarcely speaks to him; except with the lowest Arabs and the servants of the Kaflé he converses with no one. He has thrown off all controul and refused to act under my orders by Letters which I shall send you copies of the first opportunity. I told him for his own sake I hoped he would alter his determination, that for me it was a matter of little importance, he nevertheless persisted and the consequences must fall on his own head. The Doctor, who says but little since his illness, took no part in the business—before the curtain—but I verily believe they both thought I should be sadly distressed at this declaration of my assistant. . . .

Extract from letter of Consul Warrington to Robert Wilmot, Esq., dated Tripoli, March 31, 1823.

I have just received Letters from the Travellers which are generally speaking of a very satisfactory nature, altho’ that Hostile Feeling between Major Denham and Lt. Clapperton appears so much to have increased that I feel myself fully authorized to avail myself of the Conditional Power Invested in me, in your Dispatch of the 12th Janry. last.

I send copies of the Letters I have received with my answers. . . .

Extract from letter of Consul Warrington to Dr. Oudney, dated Tripoli, March 31, 1823.

. . . With regret I perceive it is hopeless to anticipate a favourable termination to the misunderstanding between Major Denham and Lt. Clapperton. It is not for me to give my opinion of right or wrong, but it is my duty to endeavour to prevent the public service suffering, and rendering abortive the views of His Majesty’s Government, and the most effectual way I conceive to be to remove Lt. Clapperton from Major Denham and exclusively attach him to you. He will therefore consider himself justified in acting with you independent of Major Denham, and I hereby attach the whole responsibility on myself by the assumption of such power, and I feel persuaded that the Earl Bathurst will approve of the decision. . . .

I shall write both Major Denham and Lt. Clapperton on the subject of the latter being removed from the former, and to prevent mistakes you will be pleased to consider this as official. I think you acted wisely not to become a party in the embroil. . . .

Extract from letter of Consul Warrington to Major Denham, dated Tripoli, March 31, 1823.

. . . It will afford you infinite pleasure to learn that the Bone of Contention is removed, His Majesty’s Govt. having most handsomely accommodated matters by placing Lieut. Clapperton under the exclusive orders of Dr. Oudney, and I am commissioned by Earl Bathurst to signify that His Lordship deems it advisable on Public Grounds at the same time that Mr. Tyrwhitt is authorized to join you in the place of Mr. Clapperton.

Extract from letter of Major Denham to Consul Warrington, dated ‘Kouka in the Kingdom of Bornou, 4 April 1823, Therm^r 104 in the Hut’.

Mr. Clapperton has made great havock amongst the Gazelles, but it is meat I love not, neither do I the sport, for you are obliged to lay about for hours under the trees in order to catch these poor animals asleep, when you get a shot; this appears to me not giving the animal a fair chance. I have hit but one and he gave me such a look with his soft black eye—which has a wonderful brilliancy—that I vowed to sin no more in that way at least. . . .

Extract from letter of Consul Warrington to Major Denham, dated Tripoli, July 11, 1823.

. . . I trust in God the very circumstance of Clapperton being removed to Dr. Oudney will be the means of restoring Friendship and good will. I am ordered to convey to you both the Displeasure and animadversion of His Majesty’s Govt. and you may both depend if this Hostile disposition still continues it will be fatal to the future Prospect of you both, and there is a handsome delicacy in making me the medium of conveying this Disapprobation, probably not wishing to wound your feelings, in such a remote situation. Let me beg and entreat you will meet each other halfway and accommodate this affair. . . .

. . . . . . . . . .

PS.—Probably my expressions not being sufficiently strong as alluding to the misunderstanding between you and Lt. Clapperton, I beg leave to intimate to you both the strong sense which is entertained of the Impropriety of your Conduct by His Majesty’s Government.

[A letter in similar terms was sent by Warrington to Clapperton.]

Extract from letter of Consul Warrington to Dr. Oudney, dated Tripoli, August 1, 1823.

Three days since I received your Despatch of the 15th May. . . .

I trust Denham and Clapperton are reconciled, as I do not see any symptoms of hostility in this communication. . . .

Extract from letter of Consul Warrington to Dr. Oudney, dated August 25, 1823.

Sir,

This letter will be delivered into your Hands by Ensign Toole of the 80th Regiment, a most Gentlemanly Young Man and agreeable Companion. . . . He is expressly sent as an assistant to Major Denham instead of Lt. Clapperton, who is attached to you. . . .

I send Major Denham 350$ by Mr. Toole as it must be unpleasant to Him to apply to you on every trifling occasion, and I have given Mr. Toole 139$ for the same purpose. . . .

Extract from letter of Clapperton to Warrington, dated Kuka, Dec. 10, 1823.

. . . I had the pleasure of receiving your Letter when I was laid up, which added much to my Recovery, and Denham’s civilities to me when sick has made matters as well as they can be in this country. . . .

Extract from letter of Major Denham to Consul Warrington, dated Mourzouk, Nov. 25, 1824.

. . . It would be the extreme of Injustice were I not now to state that after the recovery of Mr. Clapperton from his very severe sickness until his departure for Soudan, so great an improvement took place in the understanding between us, that our Evenings were passed in front of poor Dr. Oudney’s hut, who was unable to sit in the Air, with a degree of sociability which had not existed since my return to Fezzan with Bookhaloom.[575] Subsequent to Mr. Clapperton’s return from Soudan the same cordiality has been preserved, he has indeed been uniformly attentive and willing to afford me every assistance during the tedious and fatiguing journey we have made together. . . .

(b) Tyrwhitt and Toole

The following extracts concern the two young men who were sent up at a later date to strengthen the Mission.

Letter from Dr. Oudney to Consul Warrington.

Letter from Consul Warrington to Earl Bathurst.

[The appointment of a Vice-Consul at Mourzouk was negatived by a letter from the Treasury to the Colonial Office dated January 17, 1822, on the ground that the probable advantages would not justify the grant of the salary.]

The next extract—though of a previous date—shows who Mr. John Tyrwhitt was.

Extract from letter of Mr. Tyrwhitt, Senr., to Consul Warrington, dated Cook’s, April 12, 1818.