Again, take a factory, such as a cotton mill. The one firm, before marketing its product, will have employed in its preparation and final disposal till it reaches the consumer, groups engaged in very different occupations, spinners, weavers, porters, stenographers, salesmen, and so on. The industry which furnished employment to one, or at most, to two groups, has been cut up into a hundred subdivisions, but the workers have still many interests in common, and they need to cling together or suffer from all the disadvantages of unorganized or semi-organized occupations.
The first unions were naturally craft unions. The men working in the same shop, and at the same processes got together, and said: "We who do this work must get to know the fellows in the other shops; we must just stick together, make common demands and support one another."
As industry became more highly specialized, there slipped in, especially during the last fifty years or so, a disintegrating tendency. The workers in what had been one occupation, found themselves now practicing but a small fraction of what had been their trade. They were performing new processes, handling novel tools and machinery unheard of before. The organizations became divided up into what were nominally craft unions, in reality only process unions. Or if a new organization was formed, it was but a mere clipping off the whole body of operatives. And these unions, too, would probably have their international organization, to which they could turn to come in touch with brother workers, similarly qualified and employed. There is necessarily involved an element of weakness in any organization, however extensive, built up upon so limited a foundation, unless the membership has other local and occupational affiliations as well. So, to meet this defect, there have been formed all sorts of loose aggregations of unions, and almost every day sees fresh combinations formed to meet new needs as these arise. Within the wide bounds of the American Federation itself exist the state federations, also city federations, which may include the unions in adjoining cities, even though these are in different states, such as the Tri-City Federation, covering Davenport, Iowa, and Moline and Rock Island, Illinois. The district councils, again, are formed from representatives of allied trades or from widely different branches of the same trade, such as the councils of the building trades, and the allied printing trades. There are the international unions (more properly styled continental) covering the United States and the Dominion of Canada. With these are affiliated the local unions of a trade or of a whole industry, sometimes, from all over the continent of North America. Among these the most catholic in membership are such broadly organized occupations as the united mine-workers, the garment-workers, the ladies' garment-workers, the iron, steel and tin-plate workers. An international union composed of separate unions of the one trade, or a state or a city federation of local unions of many trades, bears the same relation to the component single unions as does the union itself to the individual workers; so we find that all these various and often changing expressions of the trade-union principle are accepted and approved of today.
Even more significant are other groupings which may be observed forming among the rank and file of the union men and women themselves.
Sometimes these groups combine with the full approval of the union leaders, local and international. Sometimes they are more in the nature of an insurgent body, either desiring greater liberty of self-government for themselves, or questioning the methods of the organization's leaders, and desiring to introduce freer, more democratic and more modern methods into the management of the parent organization. This may take the form of a district council, and in at least one noteworthy instance, the employés of one large corporation send their representatives to a joint board, for purposes of collective bargaining.
The railway unions within the American Federation of Labor, one of the largest and most powerful bodies of union men in the United States feel the need of some method of grouping which shall link together the men's locals and the internationals into which the locals are combined. This is seen in the demand made by the men for the acknowledgment by the railways of the "system federation." The reason some of the more radical men were not found supporting the proposal was not that they objected to a broader form of organization, but because they considered the particular plan outlined as too complicated to be effective.
There is one problem pressing for decisive solution before very long, and it concerns equally organized labor, governments and public bodies and the community as a whole. That is, the relations that are to exist between governing bodies in their function as employer, and the workers employed by them. So far all parties to this momentous bargain are content to drift, instead of thinking out the principles upon which a peaceful and permanent solution can be found for a condition of affairs, new with this generation, and planning in concert such arrangements as shall insure even-handed justice to all three parties.
It is true that governments have always been employers of servants, ever since the days when they ceased to be masters of slaves, but till now only on a limited scale. But even on this limited scale no entirely satisfactory scheme of civil-service administration has anywhere been worked out. Of late years more and more have the autocratic powers of public bodies as employers been considerably clipped, but on the other hand, the ironclad rules which make change of occupation, whether for promotion or otherwise, necessary discipline and even deserved dismissal, so difficult to bring about, have prejudiced the outside community whom they serve against the just claims of an industrious and faithful body of men and women. And the very last of these just claims, which either governing bodies or communities are willing to grant, is liberty to give collective expression to their common desires.
The question cannot be burked much longer. Every year sees public bodies, in the United States as everywhere else, entering upon new fields of activity. In this country, municipal bodies, state governments, and even the Federal Government, are in this way perpetually increasing the number of those directly in their employ. The establishment of the parcel post alone must have added considerably to the total of the employés in the Postal Department. It cannot be very many years before some of the leading monopolies, such as the telegraph and the telephone, will pass over to national management, with again an enormous increase in the number of employés. Schools are already under public control, and one city after another is taking up, if not manufacture or production, at least distribution as in the case of water, lighting, ice, milk or coal.
This is no theoretical question as to whether governmental bodies, large and small, local and national, should or should not take over these additional functions of supplying community demands. The fact is before us now. They are doing it, and in the main, doing it successfully. But what they are not doing, what these very employés are not doing, what organized labor is not doing, what the community is not doing, is to plan intelligently some proper method of representation, by which the claims, the wishes and the suggestions of employés may receive consideration, and through which, on the other hand, the governing body as board of management, and the public, as in the long last the real employer, shall also have their respective fights defined and upheld.
The present position is exactly as if a sovereign power had conquered a territory, and proposed to govern it, not temporarily, but permanently, as a subject province. We know that this is not the modern ideal in politics, and it ought not to be assumed as the right ideal when the territory acquired is not a geographical district, but a new function. In this connection, moreover, the criticisms of our candid friends the syndicalists are not to be slighted. Their solution of the problem, that the workers should come into actual, literal possession and management of the industries, whether publicly or privately owned, may appear to us hopelessly foolish and impractical, but their misgivings regarding an ever-increasing bureaucratic control over a large proportion of the workers, who are thus made economically dependent upon an employer, because that employer chances also to hold the reins of government, have already ample justification. The people have the vote, you will say? At least the men have. Proposals to deprive public employés of the vote have been innumerable, and in not a few instances have been enacted into law. There are whole bodies of public employés in many countries today who have no vote.
The late Colonel Waring was far-sighted beyond his day and generation. When he took over the Street Cleaning Department of New York, which was in an utterly demoralized condition, he saw that reasonable self-government among his army of employés was going to help and not to hinder his great plans, and it was not only with his full consent, but at his suggestion and under his direction, that an organization was formed among them, which gave to the dissatisfied a channel of expression, and to the constructive minds opportunity to improve the work of the department, as well as continually to raise the status of the employé.
All such organizations to be successful permanently and to be placed on a solid basis must join their fortunes with the labor movement, and this is the last pill that either a conservative governing body or the public themselves are willing to swallow. They use exactly the same argument that private employers used universally at one time, but which we hear less of today—the right of the employer to run his own business in his own way.
Very many people, who see nothing wicked in a strike against a private employer, consider that no despotic conduct on the part of superiors, no unfairness, no possible combination of circumstances, can ever justify a strike of workers who are paid out of the public purse. Much also is made of the fact that most of such functions which governments have hitherto undertaken are directly associated with pressing needs, such as street-car and railroad service, water and lighting supplies, and the same line of reasoning will apply, perhaps in even a higher degree, to future publicly owned and controlled enterprises. This helps yet further to strengthen the idea that rebellion, however sorely provoked, is on the part of public employés a sort of high treason, the reasons for which neither deserve nor admit of discussion. The greatest confusion of thought prevails, and no distinction is drawn between the government as the expression and embodiment of the forces of law, order and protection to all, as truly the voice of the people, and the government, through its departments, whether legislative, judicial or administrative, as just a plain common employer, needing checks and control like all other employers.
The problem of the public ownership of industries in relation to employés might well be regarded in a far different light. It holds indeed a proud and honorable position in social evolution. It is the latest and most complex development of industry, and as such the heads of such enterprises should be eager to study the development of the earlier and simpler forms of industry in relation to the labor problem, and to study them just as conscientiously and gladly as they study and adopt scientific and mechanical improvements in their various departments.
But no. We are all of us just drifting. Every now and then the question comes before us, unfortunately rarely as a matter for cool and sane discussion, but usually arising out of some dispute. Both sides are then in an embittered mood. There may be a strike on. The employés may be in the wrong, but any points on which they may yield are merely concessions wrung from them by force of superior strength, for the employing body unfailingly assumes rights and privileges beyond those of the ordinary employer. In particular, discontented employés are invariably charged with disloyalty, and lectured upon their duty to the public. As if the public owed nothing to them!
More democratic methods of expressing the popular will, giving us legislation, and in consequence administration more in harmony with the interests of the workers as a whole, and therefore in the end reacting for the advantage of the community at large, will assuredly do much to remove some of these difficulties. This is one reason why direct legislation and such "effective voting" as proportional representation should be earnestly advocated and supported by organized labor on all possible occasions. But that we may make full and wise use of such additional powers of democratic expression in placing public employment upon a sounder footing, it is necessary that we should give the subject the closest attention and consideration both in its general principles, and in details as they present themselves. If not, satisfaction in the growth of publicly controlled industry may be marred through the sense that the public are being served at an unfair cost to an important section of the workers.
All of these problems touch women as well as men; and if they are to be solved on a just as well as a broad basis women must do their share towards the solving. Needless to say, women in industry suffer as much or more than their brothers from whatever makes for reaction in the labor movement. It is therefore fortunate for the increasing numbers of wage-earning women that progressive forces are at work, too. From one angle, the very activity of Women's Trade Union Leagues in the cities where they are established is to be regarded as one expression of the widespread and growing tendency towards such complete organization of the workers as shall correspond to modern industrial conditions.
Mrs. Gilman is never tired of reiterating that we live in a man-made world, and that the feminine side in either man or woman will never have a chance for development until this is a human-made world. And before this can come about woman must be free from the economic handicap that shackles her today.
The organization of labor is one of the most important means to achieve this result. It is not only in facing the world outside, and in relation to the employer and the consumer that woman organized is stronger and in every way more effective than woman unorganized. The relation in which she stands to her brother worker is very different, when she has behind her the protection and with her the united strength of her union, and the better a union man he is himself the more readily and cheerfully will he appreciate this, even if he has occasionally to make sacrifices to maintain unbroken a bargain in which both are gainers.
But at first, in the same way as the average workingman is apt to have an uncomfortable feeling about the woman entering his trade, even apart from the most important reason of all, that she is wont to be a wage-cutter, the average trade-union man retains a somewhat uneasy apprehension when he finds women entering the union. As they become active, women introduce a new element. They may not say very much, but it is gradually discovered that they do not enjoy meeting over saloons, at the head of two or three flights of grimy backstairs, or where the street has earned a bad name.
Woman makes demands. Leaders that even the decenter sort of men would passively accept, because they are put forward, since they are such smart fellows, or have pull in trade-union politics, she will have none of, and will quietly work against them. The women leaders have an uncomfortable knack of reminding the union that women are on the map, as it were.
It is at a psychological moment that she is making herself felt in the councils of organized labor. Just as the labor movement is itself being reorganized, with the modern development of the union and of union activity; just as woman herself is coming into her own; just as we are passing through the transition period from one form of society to another; and just as we catch a glimpse of a distant future in which the world will become, for the first time, one.
From the very fact that they are women, women trade unionists have their own distinct contribution to make to the movement. The feminine, and especially the maternal qualities that man appreciates so in the home, he is learning (some men have learnt already) to appreciate in the larger home of the union.
In speaking thus, I freely, if regretfully, admit that the rartk and file of both sexes are far indeed from playing their full part. We have still to depend more largely than is quite fitting or democratic upon the leaders as standard-bearers. It is also true that there are women who are willing to accept low ideals in unionism as in everything else. Their influence is bound to pass. If women are to make their own peculiar contribution to the labor movement, it will be by working in glad coöperation with the higher idealism of the men leaders.
And when the day comes (may its coming be hastened!) that women are even only as extensively organized as men are today, the organization of men will indeed proceed by leaps and bounds. It will not be by arithmetical, but by geometrical progression, that the union will count their increases, for it is the masses of unskilled, unorganized, ill-paid women and girl workers today, who in so many trades today increase the difficulties of the men tenfold. That dead weight removed, they could make better terms for themselves and enroll far more men into their ranks. What increase of power, what new and untried forces women may bring with them into the common store, just what these may be, and the manner of their working out, it is too early to say.
But the future was never so full of hope as today, not because conditions are not cruelly hard, and problems not baffling, but, because, over against these conditions, and helping-to solve these problems, are ranged the great forces of evolution, ever on the side of the workers, slowly building up the democracy of the future.
APPENDIX I
This document, which is the contract under which a union waitress works, is typical.
AGREEMENT
Between the Hotel and Restaurant Employés' International Alliance
Affiliated with the American and the Chicago Federation of Labor.
This contract made and entered into this 10th day of April, 1914, by and between the H.R.E.I.A. affiliated with the American and Chicago Federation of Labor of the City of Chicago, County of Cook and State of Illinois, party of the first part, and:
Chicago,
Illinois, party of the second part.
Party of the first part agrees to furnish good, competent and honest craftsmen, and does hereby agree to stand responsible for all loss incurred by any act of their respective members in good standing while in line of duty.
The Business Agents of the allied crafts shall have the privilege of visiting and interviewing the employés while on duty, their visits to be timed to such hours when employés are not overly busy.
The second party agrees to employ only members in good standing in their respective unions, of cooks, and waitresses, except when the unions are unable to furnish help to the satisfaction of the … which choice shall be at the discretion of the above company. Then the employer may employ any one he desires, provided the employé makes application to become a member of the union within three days after employment.
Chefs, and Head Waitresses must be members of their respective craft organizations.
WAITRESSES
RESTAURANTS
Steady Waitresses, 6 days, 60 hours $8.00 per week
Lunch and Supper Waitresses, 7 days, 42
hours or less 6.50 per week
Dinner Waitresses, 6 days, 3 hours 4.00 per week
Extra Supper Waitresses, 6 days, 3 hours 4.00 per week
Night Waitresses, 6 days, 60 hours 9.00 per week
Extra Girls, 10 hours a day 1.50 per day
Extra Girls, Sundays and Holidays 2.00 per day
Head Waitresses, 6 days, 60 hours 10.00 per week
Ushers, 6 days, 60 hours or less 9.00 per week
Ushers, dinner, 6 days, 6 hours or less 5.00 per week
Dog watch Waitresses, 6 days, 60 hours 9.00 per week
BANQUETS
Three (3) hours or less, $1.50.
Any waitress working extra after midnight serving a banquet, dinner, etc., shall receive 50 cents per hour or fraction of an hour, except the steady night and dog watch waitresses.
Waitresses shall do no porter work.
Overtime shall be charged at the rate of 25 cents per hour or fraction of an hour.
Waitresses shall not be reprimanded in the presence of guests.
Waitresses walking out during meals shall be fined $1.00.
Waitresses after being hired and failing to report for duty shall be fined $1.00.
Employés shall be furnished with proper quarters to change their clothing and there shall be no charge for same.
No profane language shall be used to employés.
There shall be only one split in a ten-hour watch in restaurants.
If employers desire special uniforms they must furnish same free of charge.
Employer shall pay for the laundry of all working linen and furnish same for waitresses.
No member shall be permitted to leave the place of employment during working hours except in case of sickness when a substitute shall be furnished at the earliest possible moment.
Employés shall report for duty at least 15 minutes before the hour called for. They shall be furnished with good, wholesome food.
All hours shall be the maximum.
Head Waitresses and Head Waiters are required to give business agent a list of employés the first week of each month.
Members must wear their working buttons. There shall be no charge for breakage unless breaking is wilful or gross carelessness.
It is agreed that waitresses shall clean silverware once a day.
THIS CONTRACT shall remain in effect until May 1, 1916, unless there is a violation of trade union principles.
ARBITRATION
During the term of this contract, should any differences arise between parties of the first and second part of any causes which cannot be adjusted between them, it shall be submitted to an Arbitration Committee of five, two selected by the party of the first part and two by the party of the second part, and the fifth by the four members of said committee, and while this matter is pending before said committee for adjustment, there shall be no lockout or strike, and the decision of the committee on adjustment shall be final and shall supplement or modify the agreement. This CONTRACT shall remain in effect until May 1, 1916.
—SIGNED—
PARTY OF THE FIRST PART … PARTY OF THE SECOND PART
[NOTE. The dog watch waitress has part day and part night work. She is on duty usually from 11 a.m. till 2 p.m., and again from 5 p.m. till midnight, in some non-union restaurants till one o'clock in the morning. The above agreement calls for not more than one split in a ten-hour watch, otherwise a waitress might be at call practically all day long and yet be only ten hours at work. A.H.]
APPENDIX II
THE HART, SCHAFFNER AND MARX LABOR AGREEMENTS
[The following brief abstract covers the essential points in the successive agreements between Hart, Schaffner and Marx, clothing manufacturers, of Chicago, and their employés, and is taken from the pamphlet compiled by Earl Dean Howard, chief deputy for the firm, and Sidney Hillman, chief deputy for the garment workers.]
The conditions upon which the strikers returned to work, as defined in the agreement dated January 14, 1911, summed up, were:
1. All former employés to be taken back within ten days.
2. No discrimination of any kind because of being members, or not being members, of the United Garment Workers of America.
3. An Arbitration Committee of three members to be appointed; one from each side to be chosen within three days; these two then to select the third.
4. Subject to the provisions of this agreement, said Arbitration Committee to take up, consider and adjust grievances, if any, and to fix a method for settlement of grievances (if any) in the future. The finding of the said Committee, or a majority thereof, to be binding upon both parties.
The Arbitration Committee, or Board, consisted of Mr. Carl Meyer, representing the firm, and Clarence Darrow, representing the employés. The office of chairman was not filled until December, 1912, when Mr. J.E. Williams was chosen. The Board settled the questions around which the dispute had arisen, and an agreement for two years between the firm and the workers was signed. For some time the Board continued to handle fresh complaints, but it gradually became apparent that the Board, composed of busy men, could not hear all the minor grievances. The result of a conference was the organization of a permanent body, the Trade Board, to deal with all such matters, as these arose, or before they arose, reserving to both parties the right of appeal to the Arbitration Board. The plan can be judged from the following clauses in the constitution of the Trade Board:
TRADE BOARD
The Trade Board shall consist of eleven members who shall, if possible, be practical men in the trade; all of whom, excepting the chairman, shall be employés of said corporation; five members thereof shall be appointed by the corporation, and five members by the employés. The members appointed by the corporation shall be certified in writing by the corporation to the chairman of the board, and the members appointed by the employés shall be likewise certified in writing by the joint board of garment workers of Hart Schaffner & Marx to said chairman. Any of said members of said board, except the chairman, may be removed and replaced by the power appointing him, such new appointee to be certified to the chairman in the same manner as above provided for.
DEPUTIES
The representatives of each of the parties of the Trade Board shall have the power to appoint deputies for each branch of the trade, that is to say, for cutters, coat makers, trouser makers and vest makers.
APPEAL TO ARBITRATION BOARD
In case either party should desire to appeal from any decision of the Trade Board, or from any change of these rules by the Trade Board, to the Board of Arbitration, they shall have the right to do so upon filing a notice in writing with the Trade Board of such intention within thirty days from the date of the decision, and the said Trade Board shall then certify said matter to the Board of Arbitration, where the same shall be given an early hearing by a full Board of three members.
The Trade Board was accordingly organized, with Mr. James Mullenbach,
Acting Superintendent of the United Charities of Chicago, as chairman.
When the time approached for the renewal of the agreement, the closed or open shop was the point around which all discussions turned. Eventually, neither was established, but instead the system of preference to unionists was adopted. It was thus expressed:
1. That the firm agrees to this principle of preference, namely, that they will agree to prefer union men in the hiring of new employés, subject to reasonable restrictions, and also to prefer union men in dismissal on account of slack work, subject to a reasonable preference to older employés, to be arranged by the Board of Arbitration, it being understood that all who have worked for the firm six months shall be considered old employés.
2. All other matters shall be deliberated on and discussed by the parties in interest, and if they are unable to reach an agreement, the matter in dispute shall be submitted to the Arbitration Board for its final decision.
Until an agreement can be reached by negotiation by the parties in interest, or in case of their failure to agree, and a decision is announced by the Arbitration Board, the old agreement shall be considered as being in full force and effect.
This came in force May 1, 1913.
The chairman of the Arbitration Board, making a statement, three months later, in August, 1913, after defining the principle to be "such preference as will make an efficient organization for the workers, also an efficient, productive administration for the company," went on:
In handing down the foregoing decisions relating to preference which grew out of a three months' consideration of the subject, and after hearing it discussed at great length and from every angle, the Board is acutely conscious that it is still largely an experiment, and that the test of actual practice may reveal imperfections, foreseen and unforeseen, which cannot be otherwise demonstrated than by test.
It therefore regards them as tentative and subject to revision whenever the test of experiment shall make it seem advisable.
The Board also feels that unless both parties coöperate in good faith and in the right spirit to make the experiment a success, no mechanism of preferential organization, however cunningly contrived, will survive the jar and clash of hostile feeling or warring interests. It hands down and publishes these decisions therefore in the hope that with the needed coöperation they may help to give the workers a strong, loyal, constructive organization, and the Company a period of peaceful, harmonious and efficient administration and production which will compensate for any disadvantage which the preferential experiment may impose.
The published pamphlet, under date January 28, 1914, concludes:
There have been no cases appealed from the Trade Board to the Board of Arbitration since January, 1913. During the last six months of 1913 there were not more than a dozen Trade Board Cases. So many principles have been laid down, and precedents established by both of these bodies, that the chief deputies are in all cases able to reach an agreement without appeal to a higher authority. A gradual change has taken place in the method of dealing with questions which present new principles, or which represent questions never before decided. The Board of Arbitration has appointed Mr. Williams as a committee to investigate and report, with the understanding that if an agreement can be reached by both parties without arbitrators, or, if the parties are willing to accept the decision of the Chairman, then no further meeting of the Board of Arbitration will be required. This method has proved to be exceedingly satisfactory to both sides and has resulted in a form of government which has gradually taken the place of formal arbitration. In most cases, the Chairman is able by thorough sifting of the evidence on each side, to suggest a method of conciliation which is acceptable to both parties.
A further experience of the System up till July, 1915, only confirms the above statement.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
LIST OF BOOKS AND REPORTS AND PERIODICAL LITERATURE SUGGESTED FOR READING AND REFERENCE
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ADAMS, T.H., and SUMNER, H.L. Labor Problems. New York, 1909.
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BOWEN, LOUISE DE KOVEN. Safeguards for City Youth at Work and at Play.
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—— and GOLDMARK, JOSEPHINE. Brief and Arguments for appellants in the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois. National Consumers' League, New York, 1909.
BRECKINRIDGE, SOPHONISBA P. Legislative Control of Women's Work. Journal of Political Economy. XIV. 107-109.
BROOKS, JOHN GRAHAM. The Social Unrest. New York, 1903.
BROWN, ROME G. The Minimum Wage. Minneapolis, 1914.
BUSBEY. Women's Trade Union Movement in Great Britain. U.S. Department of Labor. Bul. No. 83.
BUTLER, ELIZABETH B. Saleswomen in Mercantile Stores. New York, 1913.
—— Women in the Trades. New York, 1909.
CANADA. Department of Labor. Report of Royal Commission on Strike of
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CLARK, SUE AINSLIE, and WYATT, EDITH. Making Both Ends Meet. New York, 1911.
CLARK, VICTOR S. The Labor Movement in Australia. New York, 1907.
COMMONS, JOHN R. Races and Immigrants in America. New York, 1907.
—— ANDREWS, JOHN B., SUMNER, HELEN L., and OTHERS. Documentary
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—— and OTHERS. Trade Unionism and Labor Problems. Boston, 1905.
COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA. Legislative Regulation of Wages. Year Book,
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COOLEY, E.G. See publications of Commercial Club of Chicago on vocational education.
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—— The School and Society.
DORR, RHETA CHILDE. What Eight Million Women Want. Boston, 1910.
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—— Women and Economics. New York, 1905.
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HILLMAN, SIDNEY, and HOWARD, EARL DEAN. Hart, Schaffner and Marx Labor
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—— Problems of Poverty, London, 1906.
HOURWICH, ISAAC A. Immigration and Labor. New York, 1912.
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ILLINOIS STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR. Report of Committee on Vocational
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JACOBI, ABRAHAM. Physical Cost of Women's Work. New York, 1907.
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—— Some Ethical Gains Through Legislation. New York, 1906.
KELLOR, FRANCES A. Out of Work. New York, 1915 ed.
KERCHENSTEINER, G.M.A. Idea of the Industrial School (Trans.). New
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KIRKUP, THOMAS. History of Socialism. London, 1906.
LAGERLÖF, SELMA. Home and the State (Trans.). New York, 1912.
LEAVITT, FRANK M. Examples of Industrial Education. Boston, 1912.
LEVINE, Louis. Syndicalism in France. New York, 1914.
MACLEAN, ANNIE MARION. Wage Earning Women. New York, 1910.
MAROT, HELEN. American Labor Unions. New York, 1914.
MASON, OTIS T. Woman's Share in Primitive Culture. 1894.
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NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS. Preliminary report on the
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ROGERS, J.E. THOROLD. Six Centuries of Work and Wages.
ROMAN, F.W. Industrial and Commercial Schools of the United States and
Germany. New York, 1915.
ROSS, EDWARD ALSWORTH. Sin and Society. Boston, 1907.
RUSSELL, CHARLES EDWARD. Why I Am a Socialist. New York, 1910.
RYAN, JOHN A. A Living Wage in Its Ethical and Economic Aspects. New
York, 1906.
SALMON, LUCY M. Progress in the Household. Boston, 1906.
SCHREINER, OLIVE. Woman and Labour. London and New York, 1911.
SIMONS, A.M. Social Forces in American History.
SNEDDEN, DAVID M. Problems of Educational Readjustment. New York, 1913.
—— The Problem of Vocational Education. Boston, 1910.
SNOWDEN, PHILIP. The Living Wage. London and New York, 1912.
SOMBART, WERNER. Socialism and the Social Movement (Trans.). New York, 1909.
SPARGO, JOHN. Socialism. New York, 1909. Syndicalism, Industrial
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—— and ARNER, G.B.L. Elements of Socialism. New York, 1912.
SPENCER, ANNA GARLIN. Woman and Social Culture. New York, 1913.
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THOMAS, W.I. Sex and Society. University of Chicago Press, 1907.
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VAN VORST, BESSIE and MARIE. The Woman Who Toils. New York, 1903.
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WEBB, SIDNEY. Economic Theory of a Legal Minimum Wage. Journal of
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—— and BEATRICE. History of Trade Unionism. London, 1907.
WELLS, H.G. New Worlds for Old. New York, 1909.
WEYL, WALTER E. The New Democracy. New York, 1910.
WILLETT, M.H. Employment of Women in the Clothing Trades. Columbia
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WILSON, JENNIE L. Legal and Political Status of Women in the United
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Periodicals and Reports
American Federationist, A.F. of L. Newsletter, and other publications of the American Federation of Labor. Washington, D.C.
American Legislation Review and other publications of the American Association for Labor Legislation. New York.
Annals of the American Academy of Political Science. Philadelphia.
Child Labor Bulletin, The (National), and other publications of the National Child Labor Committee, New York.
Commercial Club of Chicago. Publications on Vocational Training.
Crisis, The. New York.
Economic Review.
Forerunner, The. New York.
Immigrant in America Review, The. New York.
Journal of Political Economy, The. University of Chicago Press.
Journal of Sociology, The. University of Chicago Press.
Labour Leader, The. Manchester, England.
Labour Woman, The, and other publications of the National Women's Labour League. London.
Life and Labor, and other publications of the National Women's Trade Union League of America. Chicago; and of the local leagues in Boston, Chicago, New York and elsewhere.
Masses, The. New York.
National Consumers' League, Publications of. New York.
National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education,
Publications of. New York.
New Republic, The. New York.
New York State Factory Investigation Commission, Reports. New York.
New York Sunday Call, The. New York.
Political Science Quarterly. Columbia University.
Public, The. Chicago.
Quarterly Journal of Economics. Harvard University.
Survey, The. New York.
Union Labor Advocate. Woman's Department, up to Dec., 1910.
United States Bureau of Education. Bulletins on vocational education.
—— Census of 1910. Occupational statistics.
—— Children's Bureau. Bulletins.
—— Department of Agriculture. Bulletins for Women on the Farm.
—— Department of Labor, Bulletins.
—— Industrial Relations Commission Reports.
—— Women and Child Wage Earners, Report on Conditions of. 19
Volumes.
Woman's Industrial News, The. London.
Woman's Journal, The. Boston.
INDEX
Abbé, Mrs. Robert
Abbott, Grace
Abolition movement
Addams, Jane
American Federation of Labor
Anderson, Mary
Andrews, John B.
Anthony, Susan B.
Ayres, Leonard P., quoted
Bagley, Sarah G.
Barry, Leonora
Bean, Alice
Bergson, Henri
Biddle, Mrs. George
Bliss, W.P.D., quoted
Bondfield, Margaret
Borden, Hannah
Boston Courier
Brandeis, Louis D.
Brown, Corinne
Burke, Mrs. Mary
Calhoun, William J.
Canada
Capital and labor organization compared
Carey, Matthew
Casey, Josephine
Chinese
Cohn, Fannie
Collective bargaining
Collective grievances
Colored workers
Coman, Katharine
Commercial Bulletin
Condon, Maggie
Conservation movement
Consumers' League
Conventions, labor
Coöperative efforts
Cost of living
Daley, Mollie
Dana, Charles A.
Davies, Anna
Democracy, and education
and public ownership
evolution of
Dewey, John, quoted
Dickenson, Fannie
Direct legislation
Domestic science profession
Donnelly, Michael
Donovan, Mary
Dorchester, Mass., early schools of
Dreier, Mary E.
Economic basis of trade union Economic status of women Education, according to grade percentage early, of girls Glynn, Frank L., on, quoted in labor questions of the immigrant poverty the chief check to See also Vocational education "Effective voting" Efficiency and expectance Elmira College Employers' associations Equal pay Evans, Mrs. Glendower
Fitzgerald, Anna
Fitzpatrick, John
Flood, Emmet
Franklin, Stella
General Federation of Women's Clubs
Gillespie, Mabel
Goldmark, Josephine
Gompers, Samuel
quoted
Graham, Mr.
Grant, Annie
Greeley, Horace
Gutteridge, Helena
Hamilton, Cicely, quoted Hannafin, Mary Harriman, Mrs. J. Borden Harvard University Health and shorter hours Henderson, Rose Home industries, development of Home-work, and child labor and Italians as social anachronism Hours See also Limitation of hours Huge Strikes agreements in Citizens' Committee in Huge Strikes, close of immigrants in Joint Strike Conference Board in picketing in results of Triangle Shirt Waist Co. United Garment Workers Women's Trade Union League in Hull House Huntingdon, Arria
Immigrants, Americanization of
discrimination against
domestic policy regarding
education of
employment of
exploitation of
federal and state care of
handicaps of
haphazard distribution of
Juvenile Protective League, quoted, regarding
Immigrants, League for the
Protection of Immigrants
Polish girls as, peculiarly exploited
Immigrants in America Review
Immigration, probable causes of
Industrial Relations, Federal Commission on
Industrial rivalry between men and women
Industrial struggle, new forms of the
Industrial Workers of the World
Industry, children and
degraded
machine-controlled
public ownership the latest development of
standards in
Investigations, by City Club, Chicago
by Federal Commission on Industrial Relations
by Knights of Labor
by New York State Factory Investigating Commission
Federal (Women and Child Wage Earners)
first governmental
I.W.W.
Japanese laundry workers
Kavanagh, Fannie
Kehew, Mary Morton
Kelley, Florence
Kellogg, Paul
Kellor, Frances A., quoted
Kenney, Mary E.
Kerchensteiner, Georg, quoted
Kingsley, Charles
Knefler, Mrs. D.W.
Knights of Labor
Labor legislation, administration of laws under
needed for stores
objections to
providing for women factory inspectors
women affected by
See also Limitation of hours; minimum wage
Labor movement, backwardness of
development of
Irish in
Labour Leader
Lemlich, Clara
Lewis, Augusta
Life and Labor
Limitation of hours, and department-store clerks
and elevated railroad clerks
Limitation of hours, declared constitutional
eight-hour law regarding, in California
effects of, on health
first law for, in Great Britain
for public employés
including men and boys
organized women support
relation of, to wages
ten-hour law regarding, in Illinois
Lippard, George
"Living-in" system
Lowell, Josephine Shaw
Lowell, Mass.
Macarthur, Mary R.
Macdonald, Mary A.
McDonald, J. Ramsay, quoted
McDowell, Mary E.
McNamara, Maggie
Mahoney, Hannah (Mrs. Nolan)
Maloney, Elizabeth
Marot, Helen
Marriage, an unstandardized trade
and factory life
and organization
Marriage, and the working-woman
Married woman, as a half-time worker
as a wage-earner
economic status of
incongruous position of
Married women and the labor movement
Matthews, Lillian, quoted
Maud Gonne Club
Maurice, F.D.
Mead, George H.
Merriam, Charles E.
Mill, John Stuart
Minimum wage, employers' objections to
for the immigrant
in Australia
Mitchell, Louisa
Mittelstadt, Louisa
Morgan, T.J.
Morgan, Mrs. T.J.
Mott, Lucretia
Mullaney, Kate
Murphy, John J.
National and other central labor bodies:
Amalgamated Meat Cutters' and Butchers' Workmen of North America
American Federation of Musicians
Boot and Shoe Workers' Union
British Women's Trade Union League
Cigar Makers' International Union
Daughters of St. Crispin
International Brotherhood of Bookbinders
International Glove Workers' Union
International Ladies' Garment Workers
International Typographical Union
Massachusetts Working Women's League
National Industrial Congress
National Labor Congress
National Labor Union
national trade unions, more than thirty from 1863 to 1873
National Trades Union
New England Congress, policies of
railroad brotherhoods
railway unions
Retail Clerks International Union
Shirt, Waist and Laundry Workers' International Union
Trades and Labor Congress of Canada
United Felt, Panama and Straw Hat Trimmers
United Garment Workers
United Mine Workers
United Textile Workers
Women's Department, Knights of Labor
Women's Labor Reform Associations
Women's National Labor League
Women's state labor unions
Women's Trade Union League
Women's Union Label League
Working Women's Labor Union for the State of N.Y.
National Civic Federation
National Consumers' League
National Young Women's Christian Association
Neill, Charles P.
Nestor, Agnes
New York State Factory Investigating Committee
New York Sun
Northwestern University
Oberlin College
O'Brien, John
Occupations, and locality
blind-alley trades
boot and shoe workers
button workers
children's employments
department-store clerks
dish-washing
domestic work
dressmakers
employés in state institutions
garment-workers. See sewing trades
glass-blowers
hat-workers
house-cleaning developments
laundry workers and laundresses
mine-workers
musicians
nurses
semi-skilled
tobacco-and cigar-workers
unskilled
waitresses
O'Connor, Julia
O'Day, Hannah
O'Reilly, Leonora
O'Reilly, Mary
Organization, and minimum wage
craft form of
eventually international
in unskilled trades
industrial form of
of colored races
of department-store clerks
of Italians
of Orientals
of Slavic Jewesses
of women, by men
of women backward
O'Sullivan, Mary E. See Mary E. Kenney
Outlook, quoted
Overwork and fatigue
Pankhurst, Mrs.
Patterson, Mrs. Emma
Pearson, Mrs. Frank J.
Perkins, L.S.
Philadelphia Ledger
Phillips, Wendell
Pillsbury, Parker
Poe, Clarence
Polish National Alliance
Popular disapproval of women's trade unions
Potter, Frances Squire
Powderly, Mrs. Terence V.
Powderly, Terence V.
Power loom, first
Preferential shop
Proportional representation
Protection for young trade-union girls
Protocol of peace
Public employés
Public ownership, the latest development of industry
Putnam, Mrs. Mary Kellogg
Quick, Nelle
Quimby, Mrs. C.N.M.
Revolution, The
Rickert, T.A.
Robins, Mrs. Raymond quoted
Rodgers, Mrs. George
Roman, F.W., quoted
Roosevelt, Theodore
Rumsey, Thomas
Russell Sage Foundation
Sabotage
Samuels, Adelaide
San Francisco earthquake
San Francisco Examiner
Sanitation
Schneidermann, Rose
Schreiner, Olive
Scott, Melinda
Secretary for Labor
Sewing machine introduced
Sewing trades, early conditions in war orders for
See also Huge strikes
Shedden, John
Shute, Mrs. Lizzie H.
Simpson, James
Sinclair, Upton
Slavery, family and group
Smith, Mrs. Charlotte
Smith, Mrs. Elizabeth Oakes
Smith-Lever Act
Snowden, Mrs. Philip
Snowden, Philip
Social advance
Socialism, and economic independence and socialists
Sorel, George
Southern mountain women
Specialization and economy
in home industries
in house-cleaning
Specialization, trade and professional, compared
Speeding up
Spencer, Anna Garlin, quoted
Stanton, Elizabeth Cady
Steghagen, Emma
Stevens, Alzina P.
Stevens, George, quoted
Stewart, Mrs. Levi
Stirling, Mary
Stone, Huldah J.
Stone, Lucy
Strasser, President
Strike, American girl strikebreakers in general
Marx & Haas
of Danbury Hatters
of Fall River weavers
of laundry-workers, (S.F.) (Troy)
of packing-plant employés
of printers
work, after
See also Huge strikes.
Sumner, Helen L.
Survey, The, quoted
Sutter, Maud
Symphony orchestras
Syndicalism
Thomas, W. L, quoted
Topp, Mr.
Trade agreement
a typical
Hart, Schaffner and Marx
Trade unions, aims of, xx
and factory inspection
and standard of living
and women members
as training schools
conservative and radical compared
city federations of
craft form of
dues of
exclusiveness of
federation of
in other fields
industrial form of
interstate coöperation of women of
juvenile union
locals of women's, best training school
one big union
outside support for
relations between labor bodies
reorganization of
women membership of
supported by labor men
United States Agricultural Department United States Agricultural Department, and immigration census of, occupations under industrial development of See also Investigations United Tailoresses' Society University of Chicago
Valesh, Eva McDonald
Van Etten, Ida
Vassar College
Vincent, John J.
Vocational education, and the immigrant
as part of public system
A.F. of L. on
co-education only solution of
Commercial Club of Chicago, on
domestic economy
ideal plan for
in Germany
original form of
tendencies of experts
women's share in, inadequate
Voice of Industry
Vote, the
Wages Wages group N.Y. Commission evidence regarding Waight, Lavinia Wald, Lillian D. Walling, William English War orders Ward, Lester F. Watters, J.C. Whitehead, Myrtle Whitney, Edward B. Wilkinson, J.W. Wilson, J. Stitt, quoted Winslow, Charles H. Winters, Sallie Woerishofer, Carola Wolfe, F.E., quoted Woman, as the organizer as the race double function of Woman suffrage, and civic work, and education Woman suffrage, and great strikes and industrial struggle and social control indorsed by, A.F. of L. labor conventions movement for, in Great Britain organization of women voters under organized women and Women, and vocational training and vocations compulsory underbidders in meat-packing plants non-wage-earning Woolston, Howard B., quoted Work, John M., quoted Working Women's Society
Young, Anne