TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 17, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, January 20, 1794; the text is in W. V. Wells,
Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 324-328, and in the Massachusetts
Archives.]

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE

TWO BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE,

IT having pleased the Supreme Being, since your last meeting, in His holy providence to remove from this transitory life, our late excellent Governour Hancock, the multitude of his surviving fellow-citizens, who have often given strong testimonials of their approbation of his important services, while they drop a tear, may certainly profit by the recollection of his virtuous and patriotic example.

You are sensible, that on this melancholly event, our Constitution directs that the Lieutenant Governour,1 for the time being, shall perform all the duties which were incumbent on him, and exercise all the powers and authorities, during the vacancy of the chair, which by the Constitution, he was vested with when personally present. Diffident as I am of my abilities, I have yet felt myself constrained, to undertake the performance of those duties, and the exercise of those powers and authorities, in consequence of a sovereign act of God. To Him I look for that wisdom which is profitable to direct. The Constitution must be my rule, and the true interest of my Constituents, whose agent I am, my invariable object.

The people of this Commonwealth, have heretofore been possessed of the intire sovereignty within and over their own territories. They were "not controul-able by any other laws than those to which their constituted representative body gave their consent." This, I presume, was the case in every other State of the Union.—But, after the memorable declaration of their Independence was by solemn treaty, agreed to and ratified by the British King, the only power that could have any pretence to dispute it, they considered themselves decidedly free and independent of all other people. Having taken rank among nations, it was judged that their great affairs could not well be conducted under the direction of a number of distinct sovereignties. They therefore formed and adopted a Federal Constitution; by which certain powers of sovereignty are delegated and entrusted to such persons as they shall judge proper from time to time to elect; to be exercised conformably to, and within the restrictions of the said Constitution, for the purposes of strengthening and confirming the Union, and promoting the safety and happiness of the confederate Commonwealth. All powers not vested in Congress, remain in the separate States to be exercised according to their respective Constitutions.—Should not unremitting caution be used, least any degree of interference or infringement might take place, either on the rights of the Federal Government on the one side, or those of the several States on the other. Instances of this kind may happen; for infallibility is not the lot of any man or body of men, even the best of them on earth. The human mind in its present state, being very imperfect, is liable to a multitude of errors. Prejudice, that great source of error, often creeps in and takes possession of the hearts of honest men, without even their perceiving it themselves. Honest men will not feel themselves disgusted, when mistakes are pointed out to them with decency, candor and friendship, nor will they, when convinced of truth, think their own dignity degraded by correcting their own errors. Among the objects of the Constitution of this Commonwealth, Liberty and Equality stand in a conspicuous light. It is the first article in our Declaration of rights, "all men are born free and equal, and have certain natural, essential and unalienable rights." In the supposed state of nature, all men are equally bound by the laws of nature, or to speak more properly, the laws of the Creator:—They are imprinted by the finger of God on the heart of man. Thou shall do no injury to thy neighbour, is the voice of nature and reason, and it is confirmed by written revelation. In the state of nature, every man hath an equal right by honest means to acquire property, and to enjoy it; in general, to pursue his own happiness, and none can consistently controul or interrupt him in the pursuit. But, so turbulent are the passions of some, and so selfish the feelings of others, that in such a state, there being no social compact, the weak cannot always be protected from the violence of the strong, nor the honest and unsuspecting from the arts and intrigues of the selfish and cunning. Hence it is easy to conceive, that men, naturally formed for society, were inclined to enter into mutual compact for the better security of their natural rights. In this state of society, the unalienable rights of nature are held sacred:—And each member is intitled to an equal share of all the social rights. No man can of right become possessed of a greater share: If any one usurps it, he so far becomes a tyrant; and when he can obtain sufficient strength, the people will feel the rod of a tyrant. Or, if this exclusive privilege can be supposed to be held in virtue of compact, it argues a very capital defect; and the people, when more enlightened, will alter their compact, and extinguish the very idea.

These opinions, I conceive to be conformable to the sentiments held up in our State Constitution. It is therein declared, that Government is instituted for the common good; not for the profit, honor or private interest of any one man, family, or class of men. And further, all the inhabitants of this Commonwealth, having such qualifications, as shall be established by their Constitution, have an equal right to elect or be elected for the public employments.

Before the formation of this Constitution, it had been affirmed as a self evident truth, in the declaration of Independence, very deliberately made by the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled that, "all men are created equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights." This declaration of Independence was received and ratified by all the States in the Union, and has never been disannulled. May we not from hence conclude, that the doctrine of Liberty and Equality is an article in the political creed of the United States.

Our Federal Constitution ordains that, no title of nobility shall be granted by the United States. The framers of that Constitution probably foresaw that such titles, vain and insignificant in themselves, might be in time, as they generally, and I believe always have been, the introductory to the absurd and unnatural claims of hereditary and exclusive privileges.

The Republic of France have also adopted the same principle, and laid it as the foundation of their Constitution. That nation having for many ages groaned under the exercise of the pretended right claimed by their Kings and Nobles, until their very feelings as men were become torpid, at length suddenly awoke, from their long slumber, abolished the usurpation, and placed every man upon the footing of equal rights. "All men are born free and equal in rights," if I mistake not, is their language.

>From the quotations I have made, I think it appears, that the Constitutions referred to, different as they may be in forms, agree altogether in the most essential principles upon which legitimate governments are founded. I have said essential principles, because I conceive that without Liberty and Equality, there cannot exist that tranquillity of mind, which results from the assurance of every citizen, that his own personal safety and rights are secure:—This, I think is a sentiment of the celebrated Montesquieu; and it is the end and design of all free and lawful Governments. Such assurance, impressed upon the heart of each, would lead to the peace, order and happiness of all. For I should think, no man, in the exercise of his reason would be inclined in any instance to trespass upon the equal rights of citizens, knowing that if he should do it, he would weaken and risque the security of his own. Even different nations, having grounded their respective Constitutions upon the afore-mentioned principles, will shortly feel the happy effects of mutual friendship, mutual confidence and united strength. Indeed I cannot but be of opinion, that when those principles shall be rightly understood and universally established, the whole family and brotherhood of man will then nearly approach to, if not fully enjoy that state of peace and prosperity, which ancient Prophets and Sages have foretold.

I fear I have dwelt too long upon this subject. Another presents itself to my mind, which I think is indeed great and important; I mean the education of our children and youth. Perhaps the minds even of infants may receive impressions, good or bad, at an earlier period than many imagine. It has been observed, that "education has a greater influence on manners, than human laws can have." Human laws excite fears and apprehensions, least crimes committed may be detected and punished: But a virtuous education is calculated to reach and influence the heart, and to prevent crimes. A very judicious writer, has quoted Plato, who in shewing what care for the security of States ought to be taken of the education of youth, speaks of it as almost sufficient to supply the place both of Legislation and Administration. Such an education, which leads the youth beyond mere outside shew, will impress their minds with a profound reverence of the Deity, universal benevolence, and a warm attachment and affection towards their country. It will excite in them a just regard to Divine Revelation, which informs them of the original character and dignity of Man; and it will inspire them with a sense of true honor, which consists in conforming as much as possible, their principles, habits, and manners to that original character. It will enlarge their powers of mind, and prompt them impartially to search for truth in the consideration of every subject that may employ their thoughts; and among other branches of knowledge, it will instruct them in the skill of political architecture and jurisprudence; and qualify them to discover any error, if there should be such, in the forms and administration of Governments, and point out the method of correcting them. But I need not press this subject, being persuaded, that this Legislature from the inclination of their minds, as well as in regard to the duty enjoined by the Constitution, will cherish "the interest of Literature, the Sciences and all their Seminaries."

Fellow-Citizens,

Legislation is within your department; yet the Constitution assigns a part to be taken by the Governor when Bills, and Resolves intended to operate as Laws, shall be presented to him, which is, merely to state objections if he has any, of which the Legislature will judge and finally determine. Let me in treat you to dispatch the weightier business, so early in the session, as to afford me opportunity to perform my duty, with due consideration and care.

I have communications to make, such as the state of the Treasury—of the military stores belonging to the Commonwealth, and others, which I will transmit to you by the Secretary.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1 Hancock died October 8, 1793, and Adams became Governor; he was thereafter elected to that office in the years 1794, 1795, and 1796.

PROCLAMATION.

FEBRUARY 19, 1794

[Independent Chronicle, March 6, 1794 , No. 3764 of the Leffingwell sale appears to have been a manuscript of this text.]

Commonwealth of Massachusetts [Seal]

BY HIS HONOR SAMUEL ADAMS, ESQ , LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC FASTING, HUMILIATION, AND PRAYER.

IT having been the invariable practice from time to time when our pious and renowned ancestors took possession of this land, at the approaching season of the year, to set apart a day publickly to acknowledge an entire dependence on the Father of all Mercies for every needful blessing, and to express sorrow and repenntace for the manifold transgressions of His Holy Laws: And the Practice being highly becoming all people, especially those who profess the Christian Religion:

I HAVE thought fit, by, and with the advice of the Council to appoint THURSDAY, the Seventeenth day of APRIL next, to be observed throughout this Commonwealth, as a day of PUBLIC FASTING, HUMILIATION and PRAYER; earnestly exhorting the Ministers of Religion to assemble with their respective Congregations on the same day—that deeply lamenting our ingratitude to our Heavenly Father, to whom we are under all possible obligations, and our many deviations from those right and safe Paths, into which, as our Supreme Governor, HE hath plainly directed us, we may with one heart and voice humbly implore His gracious and free pardon, thro' JESUS CHRIST, supplicating His Divine aid that we may become a reformed and happy people. At the same time humbly beseeching HIM, mercifully to regard our lives and health, so that no infectious and mortal distemper may prevail amongst us: To favour our land with the alternate benefits of rain and warmth of the Sun; and that our hopes of a plentiful harvest may not be disappointed by devouring insects, or any other calamity:—To prosper our trade and fishery, and the labor of our hands:—To protect our navigation from the rapacious hands of invaders and robbers on the seas, and graciously to open a door of deliverance to our fellow-citizens in cruel captivity in a land of Barbarians:—To continue and confirm our civil and religious liberties; and for that great purpose to bless and direct our great University, and all Seminaries and Schools of education:— To guide and succeed the Councils of our Federal Government, as well as those of the several States in the Union, that under their respective Constitutions they may be led to such decisions as will establish the liberty, peace, safety, and honor of our country:— To inspire our friends and allies, the Republic of France, with a spirit of wisdom and true religion, that relying on the strength of HIS Almighty Arm, they may still go on prosperously till their arduous conflict for a government of their own, founded on the just and equal rights of men, shall be finally crowned with success:—And above all, to cause the Religion of JESUS CHRIST, in its true spirit, to spread far and wide, till the whole earth shall be filled with HIS glory.

And I do earnestly commend that all unnecessary labor and recreation be suspended on said day.

GIVEN at the Council-Chamber, in Boston, the Nineteenth day of February in the year of our LORD, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-Four, and in the Eighteenth Year of the Independence of the United States of America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

By His Honor's command, with the advice and consent of the Council,
JOHN AVERY, jun. Secry.

GOD save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

MAY 31, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, June 2, 1794; a draft is in the Samuel Adams
Papers, Lenox Library, and two manuscript texts (those sent to the
Senate and House respectively) are in the Massachusetts Archives.]

FELLOW-CITIZENS!

While I attempt a short, but very respectful address to the two Branches of this new General Court, I cannot help expressing a great satisfaction in the continuance of the right which the citizens of the Commonwealth at large enjoy, of exercising their own sovereignty. In pursuance of the direction of our Constitution, which is expressive of their will, they have again in their anniversary meetings, made their free elections of such persons as they have judged meet to administer their public affairs. In this great transaction, they must surely have felt their own dignity; and however different their sentiments may have been with regard to the men of their choice, each elector having given his suffrage according to the dictates of his own conscience, must enjoy the consoling reflection of having honestly done his duty. Those in whom the people have placed their confidence, it is presumed will faithfully watch over, and guard their general interests, and take care that the liberties and the sovereignty of right belonging to this Commonwealth, shall suffer no diminution.

Fellow-Citizens!

We are met at a very critical period—The baneful influence of war in Europe, has already too far extended itself into this remote region. A war of Kings and Nobles, against the equal Rights of Men. Their first object was to controul the common right of all civil societies, by frustrating the attempt of a magnanimous nation, to establish a Constitution of government for themselves, according to their own mind: More lately the nefarious design has been to crush the new formed Republic in its infancy:—But the GOD of Armies, who favors the brave in a righteous cause, has hitherto appeared for its protection, and crowned the astonishing efforts of its defenders with astonishing victories.

Great Britain takes an active part with the mighty combination of Kings. Indeed it does not appear that she has yet made a demand on our confederate Republic to join the league. A demand which we are well informed she has made upon some of the neutral Republics of Europe. But, whilst we have preserved the most strict neutrality towards the belligerent powers of Europe, in observance of treaties made under the authority of the United States, which are the supreme law of the land, she, for the sake of aiding the cause in which she is so deeply engaged, has employed her naval force in committing depredations on our lawful and unprotected commerce. Thus in fact, she has commenced hostilities. The Federal Government, although very solicitous if possible, to prevent the calamities of war, have meditated measures preparatory for the event. The papers and communications which I have received on this subject, shall be laid before you.

It was a declared intention of the people of the United States, when they adopted our present constitution, "to form a more perfect union"—an important object indeed. The deliberate voice of the people is commonly the voice of reason—the voice of the people ought therefore to be attended to. Union, formed upon the genuine republican principles and views of our political institutions, by combining our strength, will have a powerful tendency in a time of war to reduce an unreasonable enemy to terms of Justice, and the re-establishment of tranquility; and in peace to secure the blessings of equal liberty to the present and future generations.

Fellow-Citizens!

It is my sincere and ardent wish, and I have a strong persuasion in my own mind, that wisdom and public spirit will guide you in all your deliberations and decisions. I will endeavor seasonably to dispatch such business as you shall lay before me during this session, and at all times, to support the true dignity of this Commonwealth in the station in which I have the honor of being placed, by a vigilant attention to its essential duties.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JUNE 4, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, June 5, 1794; a text is in the Massachusetts
Archives.]

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

By an Act of the Legislature passed on the fourteenth of March, 1785, intitled "An Act1 providing a place of confinement for thieves, and other convicts to hard labor;" it is provided "that the Island within the harbor of Boston, commonly called Castle-Island, shall be a place for the reception, and secure confinement of all such persons as shall be sentenced for confinement and hard labor, for the term of their natural lives, or for any shorter space pursuant to the laws of the Commonwealth."

According to this, and subsequent laws, a great number of persons have been sentenced to confinement and hard labor; there are a number of them at this time under sentences, some for the term of their lives, and others for a shorter space of time.—There are particular regulations provided by the Legislature of the Commonwealth, and particular modes of discipline instituted for the government of such convicts.

This mode of punishment has been found by experience to be of great utility in the preservation of good order, and the producing of safety in the Commonwealth, and has a manifest tendency to render unnecessary those sanguinary punishments which are too frequently inflicted in other Governments.

The situation of our country now calls for fortifications on our seacoasts; and the President of the United States has communicated the Act of Congress for erecting forts in the harbor of Boston, which now lies before you. The fortification on Castle Island is very ancient, and has always been supported by this Government. It is a prison for certain purposes, by an act of the legislature of the Commonwealth, which puts it out of my power, if I was disposed to do it, to deliver the controul over to any other hands. Should that place, by act of the General Court, be given over to the controul of the military department of the general Government, the convicts under sentence, must be discharged, or another place of confinement be provided for them. No government can assign the execution of sentences passed by it to the officers of another government, because such officers would be under no obligation to execute the laws of a government of which they are totally independent, nor can they be held amenable to it for any excesses, or oppressions in their conduct. That fortification being thus appropriated by the Legislature, and yet being convenient as a place of defence, I submit it to you, gentlemen, to determine, whether it will not be for the interest of the Commonwealth in particular, and the United States in general, to have it repaired at the ex-pence of this government. The expence will not be great, and the utility, if not the indispensible necessity of holding it under the controul of this state, in the same manner, and for the same purposes for which it has been held for several years last past, is very obvious.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1 Chapter 32.

PROCLAMATION.

NOVEMBER 3, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, November 6, 1794.]

By Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY THE GOVERNOR.

A PROCLAMATION.

IT being provided by the Seventeenth Article of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce, now subsisting between the United States of America and the French Republic, "That no shelter or refuge shall be given in the ports of either of said nations to such as shall have made prize of the subjects, people or property of either of the parties; but if such shall come in, being forced by stress of weather, or the dangers of the sea, all proper measures shall be vigorously used, that they go out and retire from thence as soon as possible."1 And the Secretary of State for the Government of the said United States, having by his letter of the 10th of October last, informed me that "M. Fauchet, the Minister of the French Republic, near the United States, apprehends from circumstances which have been experienced that unless prompt and decisive measures are adopted in the several ports in regard to vessels hostile to the French Nation, and bringing in French prizes, the branch before recited, of the Treaty, will become null:" And the said Secretary having requested that measures may be taken to preserve that branch of the Treaty inviolate, by Vessels hostile to the French Nation receiving comfort in the out-ports of the Commonwealth:

I HAVE THEREFORE, in compliance, with the request of the Government of the United States, thought fit to issue this Proclamation, requiring all Officers, Civil and Military, within this Commonwealth, to take all legal and proper measures, and to use and practice all diligence, for the effectual support of the above recited Article in the said Treaty.

AND I do hereby enjoin it upon them to prevent any breach thereof, if such should be attempted in any, and especially those ports distant from the Capital, and immediately to give information of the same, with their proceedings thereon, to the Governor and Commander in Chief of the Commonwealth, that such further measures may be taken, if any shall be necessary, as may be suited to the faith of Nations, and the solemnity of National Treaties—And I have reason to expect that the good people of the Commonwealth will cheerfully afford their aid in support of the Laws of the land.

Given at Boston, in the said Commonwealth, the third day of November, in the Year of our Lord, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-four, and in the Nineteenth Year of the Independence of the United States of America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

Attest,

JOHN AVERY, jun. Sec'y.

1 The quotation is not exact, although substantially correct.

1795

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 16, 1795.

[Independent Chronicle, January 19, 1795; the copies sent to the two houses are in the Massachusetts Archives.]

I am happy, fellow citizens, to meet you in General Court assembled, on the day to which, according to your request, you have stood adjourned. By the Constitution, the Governor, with the advice of Council, during the session of the General Court, hath full authority to adjourn them to such times as the two branches may judge most convenient.

The people of this Commonwealth, in their declaration of rights, have recorded their own opinion, that the Legislature ought frequently to assemble for the redress of grievances, correcting, strengthening and confirming the Laws, and making new Laws, as the common good may require.—The Laws of the Commonwealth are intended to secure to each and all the Citizens, their own rights and liberties, and the property which they honestly possess. If there are any instances wherein the Laws in being, are inadequate to these great and capital ends, your eye will discern the evil, and your wisdom will provide a suitable remedy. It shall be my endeavour, as indeed it is my duty, carefully to revise and readily approve your Bills and Resolves, which may be calculated for the public good.

By the late returns of the votes for Representatives to serve the Commonwealth in Congress, there were several districts in which no choice had been effected. I immediately issued precepts according to law, requiring the several towns within those Districts to meet on a day now past, in order to complete their elections. I cannot but recommend to your consideration, whether it may not be necessary more effectually to guard the elections of public agents and officers against illegal practices. All elections ought to be free, and every qualified elector who feels his own independence as he ought, will act his part according to his best, and most enlightened judgment. Elections are the immediate acts of the people's sovereignty, in which no foreigners should be allowed to intermeddle. Upon free and unbiassed elections, the purity of the government, and consequently the safety and welfare of the citizens, may I not say altogether depend.

If we continue to be a happy people, that happiness must be assured by the enacting and executing of reasonable and wise laws, expressed in the plainest language, and by establishing such modes of education as tend to inculcate in the minds of youth, the feelings and habits of "piety, religion and morality," and to lead them to the knowledge and love of those truly Republican principles upon which our civil institutions are founded. We have solemnly engaged ourselves, fellow citizens, to support the Constitution of the United States, and the Constitution of this Commonwealth. This must be reconcileable in the mind of any man, who judiciously considers the sovereign rights of the one as limited to federal purposes, and the sovereign rights of the other, as acting upon and directing the internal concerns of our own Republic.

We have been under apprehensions of being made a party in the dissolating contest in Europe. Permit me just to observe, that the first and main principle which urged the Combined Powers to enter into the contest, is in my own opinion unsupportable by reason and nature, and in violation of the most essential right of nations and of men. The repeated acts of violence which have been committed on the property of American citizens, might in the opinion of some, have justified reprisals; but the policy of the Federal Government has directed to other measures. The wisdom of our own Councils, with the unexampled successes of our magnanimous Ally, the Republic of France, afford the strongest ground of hope, that under the continued smiles of Divine Providence, peace and tranquility, so interesting to a rising Republic, will in the end be firmly established.

The business of fortifying certain harbors within this Commonwealth, according to an act of Congress, was left unfinished in your last session. It is indeed probable, that the danger which produced that measure, has nearly subsided; but the law still exists, and in my opinion it cannot be carried into constitutional effect in this Commonwealth, without the aid of the Legislature of the same. I am led to this opinion by contemplating the first article of the Constitution of the United States, which establishes the powers of Congress and which particularly authorises them to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatever, over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the States, in which the same shall be for the erection of Forts Magazines, and other public buildings.

Those who wish to persuade the world to believe, that a free representative Republic cannot be supported, will no doubt make use of every art to injure, and by degrees to alter, and finally to eradicate the principles of our free Constitutions: But the virtuous and enlightened citizens of this Commonwealth, and of all united America, have understanding and firmness, sufficient to support those Constitutions of Civil Government which they have themselves formed, and which have done them so much honor in the estimation of the world.

It is with pain that I mention the insurrection which has lately taken place in a sister state.1 It was pointed more immediately at an act of the Federal Government. An act of that government, as well as of the governments in the Union, is constitutionally an act of the people, and our Constitutions provide a safe and easy method to redress any real grievances. No people can be more free under a Constitution established by their own voluntary compact, and exercised by men appointed by their own frequent suffrages. What excuse then can there be for forcible opposition to the laws? If any law shall prove oppressive in its operation, the future deliberations of a freely elective Representative, will afford a constitutional remedy. But the measures adopted by The President of the United States, supported by the virtue of citizens of every description, in that, and the adjacent states, have prevailed, and there is an end of the insurrection. Let the glory be given to Him, who alone governs all events, while we express the just feelings of respect and gratitude due to all those, whom He honours as instruments to carry into effect his gracious designs.

I congratulate you on the success which the forces of the United States, have lately had against the hostile Indians. It is my hearty wish that by the blessing of Heaven, an end may be put to this expensive war, by an agreement between the parties, upon the permanent principles of justice, honor, good neighborhood, & true friendship.

The Constitution of this Commonwealth, having provided that the General Court which shall be in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety five, shall issue precepts for collecting the sentiments of the people in regard to its revision.— And as this Court is within the year mentioned, you will be pleased to decide, whether it was intended by the people that this business should be done by the General Court which shall be elected within that year, or whether it is your duty to attend to it.

I will lay before you several papers transmitted to me by the Treasurer and other matters which may occur during the Session by subsequent messages.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1 The "whisky insurrection," in Pennsylvania.

TO JEREMY BELKNAP.

[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st ser., vol. iv., p. 83; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON, March 30, 1795.

SIR,

I received your note, stating what Dr. Kippis had asserted, respecting a recommendation of Dr. Franklin, minister from America in France, in the year 1779, to the American cruisers, to treat Capt. Cook, on his expected return from a voyage of discoveries, as a friend, and not an enemy; assuring them, that in so doing, they would obtain the approbation of Congress. But that the Doctor was mistaken, for that assembly, at least the greater part of them, instantly reversed the order of Dr. Franklin, and directed, that a special order should be taken, to seize Capt. Cook, if an opportunity for doing it occurred.

You request me to give you a certificate respecting the matter, and to express the years when I was in Congress.—I was a member from the first sitting of Congress, in the year 1774, until the Spring of the year 1781. It was my constant practice, once in twelve or fifteen months, to make a short visit to my constituents. In the year 1779, I was detained in Boston a much longer time than usual, by a fit of sickness; in which time, I constantly received from Mr. Lowell, and my other colleagues, information of the most material transactions of Congress. I do now declare to you, that I do not recollect, either while I was present in Congress, or from any of my colleagues, while I was absent, that the orders he (Dr. Franklin) had given to the American cruisers were instantly or ever reversed, or that it was directed by Congress, that a special order should be taken to seize Capt. Cook, if an opportunity for so doing it occurred.

It appears to me that Dr. Kippis must have been misinformed. I am, with respect, your friend and humble servant,

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JUNE 3, 1795.

[Independent Chronicle, June4, 1795; a text is in the Massachusetts
Archives.]

FELLOW CITIZENS,

The honor which the people have again conferred on me, by a majority of their votes for a Governor of this respectable Commonwealth, while it excites the warm feelings of gratitude in my heart, it reminds me of the arduous task I am called to undertake, and the many attentions which are requisite for a performance of the great duties of the station. Having already been qualified agreeable to the Constitution and Laws, next to a dependence upon Him who is the Fountain of all Wisdom, I must rely upon your candor, and that of my Fellow Citizens at large.

The sovereignty of a nation, always of right, resides in the body of the People; and while they have delegated to their freely elected Legislative, the power of exercising that sovereignty in their behalf, the Executive department, as well as the Magistrates who are appointed to render the Constitution efficient by carrying the laws into effect, are no less important to the people. For what avails the making of good and wholesome laws, unless they are duly executed. As the happiness of civil society may in a great measure depend upon a wise and a consistent harmony between the various branches of the Government; a free communication may have a tendency to cultivate and extend the blessings of friendship and good humor. Indeed our constituents, under whose authority and for whose benefit we are to exercise the functions of our different departments, have a right to expect from us, as their public agents, to avow our principles and intentions, and make them acquainted with the true situation of their public affairs.

In the addresses from the Chair, while it was filled by Royal appointment, uniform attempts were made to strengthen the prerogatives of the Crown, and to bring the people obsequiously at the foot of the Throne, for privileges holden by sufferance: Surely it becomes us, in our happy state of Independence, to turn our attentive minds to the great objects of securing the equal rights of the citizens, and rendering those constitutions which they have voluntarily established, respectable and efficacious.

Our ancestors, when under the greatest hardships and perils, they opened to us the wilderness, they took possession of, and left for us an inheritance, one of the best countries under the sun. Amidst their toil, and fatigue they extended their views, and early laid the foundation of Civil Liberty. Although they had in prospect, the instruction of future youth in all literary science, they considered morality and real goodness of heart, as the great basis upon which the best interests of a nation could be safely laid. Under this idea, they also provided for the institutions of Public Worship, and the support of teachers in Piety, Religion and Morality. The great increase of our numbers & happiness, is a standing witness to the world, of the wisdom of their measures. Oppressed as they were by the supercilious haughtiness of royal prerogative, and considered as a contemptible people at a distance from the favors of the Crown, and the flattering smiles of courtiers, their perseverance has in effect raised us, by the blessing of Providence, to an exalted degree of prosperity and glory.

Fellow Citizens, we have a regular exercise of our Federal and State Governments; and we owe our unceasing gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, who safely carried us through our arduous struggle for freedom, for which other nations are now contending, at the expence of their blood and treasure. We cannot but rejoice that the principles for which we contended, and which are constitutionally established in United America, are irresistibly spreading themselves through two mighty nations in Europe. We are now able to embrace those powerful sister Republics; and what adds much to our joy on this occasion is, that those nations became allied to us in an hour, when we were engaged in our hard conflict with an oppressive tyranny.

We ardently wish that the nations of the earth may sheath the sword of war, and we as ardently pray, that the equal rights of men may go hand in hand with peace. If our Federal Government shall with magnanimity and firmness, support the principles of a free elective Representative Government, and our honour and faith with our allies, and yet maintain peace with all nations upon the principles of sound policy, and terms honourable and safe to our country, it will be an acknowledged approximation to that perfection in practical politics, which all people should most earnestly covet.

It is with satisfaction that I have observed the patriotic exertions of worthy citizens, to establish Academies in various parts of this Commonwealth. It discovers a zeal highly to be commended. But while it is acknowledged, that great advantages have been derived from these institutions, perhaps it may be justly apprehended, that multiplying them, may have a tendency to injure the ancient and beneficial mode of Education in Town Grammar Schools. The peculiar advantage of such schools is, that the poor and the rich may derive equal benefit from them; but none excepting the more wealthy, generally speaking, can avail themselves of the benefits of the Academies. Should these institutions detach the attention and influence of the wealthy, from the generous support of town Schools, is it not to be feared that useful learning, instruction and social feelings in the early parts of life, may cease to be so equally and universally disseminated, as it has heretofore been. I have thrown out these hints with a degree of diffidence in my own mind. You will take them into your candid consideration, if you shall think them worthy of it. In support of the public Schools, from whence have flowed so many great benefits, our University has from its infancy furnished them with well educated and fit persons to fill the places of Instructors; and they, in return, have yearly brought forward fit pupils for the further instruction of the University.—The University therefore claims a place among the first attentions of the public.

The citizens of the Commonwealth have lately had before them a question of the expediency of revising, at this period, the form of our present Constitution. The conduct of the citizens on this occasion, has given full proof, that an enlightened, free and virtuous people, can as a body, be the keepers of their own Liberties, and the guardians of their own rights. On which side soever the question may have been decided, I have the pleasure of being informed that it has been discussed with propriety, calmness and deliberation. If the event should be in favour of a Convention, a future revision may be made at such period as may be most fit and convenient, and there may be opportunity, in the mean time, for the citizens at their leisure, to make their own remarks upon the Constitution, in its operation, and thus prepare themselves for cool deliberation, at another revision. Should the determination be otherwise, I think it will clearly follow, that the citizens are happy under the present Constitution, and that they feel themselves well assured, that if there should be a future necessity for it, they can, in a peaceable and orderly manner, revise, alter and amend it at their pleasure.

A compleat, perfect and permanent system of jurisprudence, is one of the greatest blessings which our country can possess. To have justice administered promptly and without delay, is to gather the best fruits of a free and regular Government. Uncorrupted Juries are an effectual guard against the violations of our rights and property. Having an Executive annually elected, and the Legislative elected as often, the one branch of which is the grand inquest of the Commonwealth, and the other branch to be constituted a Court, as there may be occasion, to try and determine upon impeachments, we may be secured against impartiality in the fountain, and corruption in the streams of justice. The Legislative will examine all the machinery by which the Government acts: TOO frequent speculative experiments may tend to render the motions unsteady, and to annex insecurity to property. Where there are no radical defects, a long exercise of Judicial Authority, in any particular mode, brings the feelings of the people in unison with it, and fixes habits to which they have been accustomed.

While we expect from our Judges and Magistrates and other civil officers that justice be administered with alacrity and impartiality, should we not be careful that ample justice be done to them. The administration of justice should indeed be without oppressive or unnecessary expences on the people; but the Ministers of justice should have an equitable reward for their services. If therefore from accident or peculiar or temporary circumstances, the established rewards are inadequate, I doubt not but you will determine, that what is fit and proper, will be done. The Executive should be enabled to find men of superior knowledge and integrity, who may be inclined to fill the important places in the Civil Departments, as they shall become vacant. On such appointments, the dignity and just authority of the Government very materially depends.

The Legislative will no doubt continue to guard the public credit, by adequate provisions for discharging the interest and finally sinking the principal of our public debt. The sale of our vacant Lands, and the debts due to the Treasury, will contribute to ease the people from too great a burthen of direct taxes. The Treasurer's statements will ascertain the demands necessary for the ensuing year.

I must intreat you to give me opportunity to revise such Bills and Resolves as you may think proper to lay before me, to which I shall cheerfully attend, and do all within my power to dispatch the public business, and render the session agreeable to you, and beneficial to the Commonwealth.

Let us, Fellow Citizens, cultivate a due observance of the Laws which are constitutionally made by the authority of this Government, as well as those of the Federal Government, agreeable to the Constitution of the United States. Let us transmit our Liberties, our Equal Rights, our Laws and our free Republican Constitutions, with their various concomitant blessings, to those who are coming upon the stage of action, and hope in God, that they will be handed down, in purity and energy, to the latest posterity.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

ADDRESS

JULY 4, 1795.

[Independent Chronicle, July 6, 1795.]

FELLOW CITIZENS,

The Representatives of the people in the General Court assembled did solemnly Resolve, that an Edifice be erected upon this spot of ground for the purpose of holding the Public Council of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. By the request of their Agents and Commissioners, I do now lay the Corner Stone.

May the Superstructure be raised even to the top Stone without any untoward accident, and remain permanent as the everlasting mountains.—May the principles of our excellent Constitution, founded in nature and in the Rights of Man be ably defended here: And may the same principles be deeply engraven on the hearts of all citizens, and thereby fixed unimpaired and in full vigor till time shall be no more.

PROCLAMATION.

OCTOBER 14, 1795.

[Independent Chronicle, October 19, 1795.]

Published by Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

BY THE GOVERNOR.

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING AND PRAISE.

FORASMUCH as the occasional meeting of a People for the exercise of
Piety and Devotion towards God, more especially of those who enjoy the
Light of Divine Revelation, has a strong tendency to impress their
minds with a sense of Dependence upon HIM and their Obligations to HIM.

I have thought fit, according to the ancient and laudable Practice of our renowned ancestors, to appoint a day of Public Thanksgiving to God, for the great benefits which HE has been pleased to bestow upon us, in the Year past. And I do by advice and consent of the Council, appoint THURSDAY the Nineteenth day of November next, to be observed as a DAY of PUBLIC THANKSGIVING and PRAISE throughout this Commonwealth: Calling upon the Ministers of the Gospel of all Denominations, with their respective Congregations to assemble on that Day to offer to God, their unfained Gratitude, for his great Goodness to the People of the United States in general, and of this Commonwealth in particular.

More especially in that he hath in his Good Providence united the several States under a National Compact formed by themselves, whereby they may defend themselves against external Enemies, and maintain Peace and Harmony with each other.

That internal tranquillity has been continued within this Commonwealth; and that the voice of Health is so generally heard in the habitations of the People.

That the Earth has yielded her increase, so that the labours of our industrious Husbandmen have been abundantly crowned with Plenty.

That our Fisheries have been so far prospered.—Our Trade notwithstanding obstructions it has met with, has yet been profitable to us, and the works of our Hands have been established.

That while other nations have been involved in War, attended with an uncommon profusion of Human Blood, we in the course of Divine Providence, have been preserved from so grievous a Calamity, and have enjoyed so great a measure of the Blessing of Peace.

And I do recommend that together with our Thanksgiving, humble Prayer may be offered to God, that we may be enabled, by the subsequent obedience of our Hearts and Manners, to testify the sincerity of our professions of Gratitude, in the sight of God and Man; and thus be prepared for the Reception of future Divine Blessings.

That GOD would be pleased to Guide and Direct the Administration of the Federal Government, and those of the several States, in Union, so that the whole People may continue to be safe and happy in the Constitutional enjoyment of their Rights, Liberties and Privileges, and our Governments be greatly respected at Home and Abroad.

And while we rejoice in the Blessing of Health bestowed upon us, we would sympathize with those of our Sister States, who are visited with a Contagious and Mortal Disease; and fervently supplicate the FATHER of Mercies that they may speedily be restored to a state of Health and Prosperity.

That HE would in HIS abundant Mercy regard our fellow Citizens and others, who are groaning under abject Slavery, in Algiers, and direct the most effectual measures for their speedy Relief.

That HE would graciously be pleased to put an end to all Tyranny and Usurpation, that the People who are under the Yoke of Oppression, may be made free; and that the Nations who are contending for freedom may still be secured by HIS Almighty Aid, and enabled under His influence to complete wise systems of Civil Government, founded in the equal Rights of Men and calculated to establish their permanent Security and Welfare.

And Finally, that the Peaceful and Glorious Reign of our Divine
Redeemer may be known and enjoyed throughout the whole Family of
Mankind.

And I do recommend to the People of this Commonwealth, to abstain from all such Labour and Recreation, as may not be consistent with the Solemnity of the said Day.

Given at the Council-Chamber, in Boston, the fourteenth Day of October in the Year of our LORD, One Thousand seven Hundred and Ninety-five, and in the Twentieth Year of the Independence of the United States of America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

True Copy—Attest,

JOHN AVERY, jun. Sec'ry.

God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts!

1796