TO JACOB J. BROWN, ESQ.
Washington, January 27, 1808.
Sir,—The representation of the county of Jefferson, in New York, of which you are chairman, stating their want of arms, and asking a supply, has been duly received and considered. I learn with great concern that a portion of our frontier so interesting, so important, and so exposed, should be so entirely unprovided with common fire-arms. I did not suppose any part of the United States so destitute of what is considered as among the first necessaries of a farm-house. This circumstance gives me the more concern as the laws of the United States do not permit their arms to be delivered from the magazines but to troops actually taking the field; and, indeed, were the inhabitants on the whole of our frontier, of so many thousands of miles, to be furnished from our magazines, little would be left in them for actual war. For the ordinary safety of the citizens of the several States, whether against dangers from within or without, reliance has been placed either on the domestic means of the individuals, or on those provided by the respective States. What those means are in the State of New York, I am not informed; but I have transmitted your representation to Governor Tomkins, with an earnest recommendation of it to his attention; and I have no doubt that his solicitude for the welfare and safety of a portion so eminently exposed of those under his immediate care, will ensure to you whatever his authority and his means will permit.
That an attack should be made on you by your neighbors, while the state of peace continues, cannot be supposed; nor is it certain that that condition of things will be interrupted. Should, however, war take place, if first declared by us, your safety will of course have been previously provided for: if by the other party, it cannot be before the measures now in preparation will be in readiness to secure you. Should our present differences be amicably settled, a new post on the St. Lawrence, as near our northern boundary as a good position can be found, will be worthy of consideration. At present it would only produce a greater accumulation of hostile force in your neighborhood, and if we should have war, it would soon become unimportant.
On the whole, while I am in hopes that your State will provide by the loan of arms, for your immediate safety and confidence, you may be assured that such measures shall be in readiness, and in reach, on the part of the General Government, as aided by your own efforts, will effectually secure you from the dangers you apprehend.
I cannot conclude without expressing to you the satisfaction with which I have received the patriotic assurance of your best services, should they be needed in your country's cause. They are worthy of the citizens of a free country, who know and properly estimate the value of self-government, and are the more acceptable as from a quarter where they will be most important.
I beg leave to assure yourself, and through you the committee, of my great consideration and respect.
TO MR. JACOB BROWN.
Washington, January 27, 1808.
Sir,—The substance of the enclosed letter, so far as is necessary for the satisfaction of our fellow citizens, should be communicated to them. But the letter itself should not be published, nor be permitted to be copied. Because the source from which it comes will occasion every word of it to be weighed by your neighbors on the opposite shore, and every inference to be drawn of which it is susceptible. To aid their information as to our views, would give them an advantage to our own prejudice. I salute you with respect.
TO MR. TIFFIN.
January 30, 1808.
Thomas Jefferson returns the enclosed to Mr. Tiffin with his thanks for the communication. He cannot foresee what shape Burr's machinations will take next. If we have war with Spain, he will become a Spanish General. If with England, he will go to Canada and be employed there. Internal convulsion may be attempted if no game more hopeful offers. But it will be a difficult one, and the more so as having once failed.
TO WILLIAM M'INTOSH.
Washington, January 30, 1808.
Sir,—I received some days ago your letter of December 15th, covering a copy of the resolutions of the French inhabitants of Vincennes of September 18th, in answer to the address of Governor Harrison, who had, in the month of October, forwarded me a copy of the same. In his letter enclosing it he assured me that his address to them on the subject of our differences with England was merely monitory, putting them on their guard against insinuations from any agents of that country, who might find their way among them, and containing no expression, which if truly explained to them, should have conveyed the least doubt of his confidence in their fidelity to the United States. I had hoped therefore that the uneasiness expressed in their resolutions had been done away by subsequent explanations, as I have no reason to believe any such distrust existed in the Governor's mind. I can assure them that he never expressed such a sentiment in any of his communications to me, but that whenever he has had occasion to speak of them, it has been in terms of entire approbation and attachment. In my own mind certainly no doubts of their fidelity have ever been excited or existed. Having been the Governor of Virginia when Vincennes and the other French settlements of that quarter surrendered to the arms of that State, twenty-eight years ago, I have had a particular knowledge of their character as long perhaps as any person in the United States, and in the various relations in which I have been placed with them by the several offices I have since held, that knowledge has been kept up. And to their great honor I can say that I have ever considered them as sober, honest, and orderly citizens, submissive to the laws, and faithful to the nation of which they are a part. And should occasion arise of proving their fidelity in the cause of their country, I count on their aid with as perfect assurance as on that of any other part of the United States. In return for this confidence, and as an additional proof on their part that it is not misplaced, I ask of them a return to a perfect good understanding with their Governor, and to that respect for those in authority over them, which has hitherto so honorably marked their character. As to myself they may be assured that my confidence in them is undiminished, and that nothing will be wanting on the part of the general government to secure them in the full participation of all the rights civil and religious which are enjoyed by their fellow citizens in the Union at large.
I beg leave through you to salute them, as well as yourself, with affection and respect.
TO GOVERNOR HARRISON.
Washington, January 31, 1808.
Dear Sir,—I duly received your letter of October 10th, covering the resolutions of the French inhabitants of Vincennes, and had hoped that their uneasiness under your supposed want of confidence in them had subsided. But a letter lately received from their chairman, covering another copy of the same resolutions, induces me to answer them, in order to quiet all further uneasiness. I enclose you my answer, open for your perusal, and will thank you to seal and deliver it. I have expressed to them the opinion I have long entertained of the ancient Canadian French, on a long course of information, and as it is favorable to them, I trust it will be soothing, and restore those good dispositions which will ease the execution of your duties, and tend to produce that union which the present crisis calls for.
Russia and Portugal have cut off all intercourse with England; their ambassadors re-called, and war follows of course. Our difficulties with her are great, nor can it yet be seen how they will terminate.
Accept my salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
February 8, 1808.
In questions like the present, important neither in principle nor amount, I think the collectors should decide for themselves, and especially as they, and they only, are the legally competent judges; for I believe the law makes them the judges of the security. If the indulgence proposed be within the intentions of the law, they can grant it; if it be not, we cannot. But it is the practice in all cases for the officer who is charged with the taking security, to be indulgent in a hard case, as where the person is a stranger, could he not take hypothecations of their vessels? although the law may not specially authorize this, yet the collector can take it as counter security for himself, and he can assign it to the government. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
February 10, 1808.
It would certainly be very desirable that our citizens should be able to draw home their property from beyond sea, and it is possible that Mr. Parish's proposition might be instrumental to that. But it would be too bold an extension of the views of the Legislature in the portion of discretion they have given us. They could not mean to give us so extensive a power of dispensation as would result from the duty of giving special licenses to merchants, and such a power, guided by no Legislative regulations, would be liable to great abuse, and greater complaints of it. I see therefore, neither justification nor safety in leaving the ground we have taken, of confining the discretionary power given us to the public correspondence and public interests. If the drawing this mass of specie here could be any way connected with any direct public operation, the danger of the precedent would be guarded against; but as it is presented to us, I think it inadmissible. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. SMITH.
February 14, 1808.
I believe we must employ some of our gun-boats to aid in the execution of the embargo law. Some British ships in the Delaware, one of them loaded with fifteen hundred barrels of flour for Jamaica, another armed as a letter of marque, openly mean to go out by force. The last is too strong for the revenue cutters. Mr. Brice also, of Baltimore, asks armed assistance. I see nothing at present to prevent our sparing a couple of gun-boats from New York to go into the Delaware, and a couple from Norfolk to come up to the head of the Bay. Will this interfere with more important duties? Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
February 14, 1808.
I have written to Mr. Smith, proposing to order a couple of gun-boats from New York into the Delaware, and two from Norfolk to the head of the bay. I hope the passage of naval stores into Canada will be prevented. I enclose for your information the account of a silver mine to fill your treasury. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. DANIEL SALMON.
Washington, February 15, 1808.
Sir,—I have duly received your letter of the 8th instant, on the subject of the stone in your possession, supposed meteoric. Its descent from the atmosphere presents so much difficulty as to require careful examination. But I do not know that the most effectual examination could be made by the members of the National Legislature, to whom you have thought of exhibiting it. Some fragments of these stones have been already handed about among them. But those most highly qualified for acting in their stations, are not necessarily supposed most familiar with subjects of natural history; and such of them as have that familiarity, are not in situations here to make the investigation. I should think that an inquiry by some one of our scientific societies, as the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia for example, would be most likely to be directed with such caution and knowledge of the subject, as would inspire a general confidence. We certainly are not to deny whatever we cannot account for. A thousand phenomena present themselves daily which we cannot explain, but where facts are suggested, bearing no analogy with the laws of nature as yet known to us, their verity needs proofs proportioned to their difficulty. A cautious mind will weigh well the opposition of the phenomenon to everything hitherto observed, the strength of the testimony by which it is supported, and the errors and misconceptions to which even our senses are liable. It may be very difficult to explain how the stone you possess came into the position in which it was found. But is it easier to explain how it got into the clouds from whence it is supposed to have fallen? The actual fact however is the thing to be established, and this I hope will be done by those whose situations and qualifications enable them to do it. I salute you with respect.
TO MR. ANTHONY G. BETTAY.
Washington, February 18, 1808.
Sir,—I have duly received your letter of January 27th. With respect to the silver mine on the river Platte, 1,700 miles from St. Louis, I will observe that in the present state of things between us and Spain, we could not propose to make an establishment at that distance from all support. It is interesting however that the knowledge of its position should be preserved, which can be done either by confiding it to the government, who will certainly never make use of it without an honorable compensation for the discovery to yourself or your representatives, or by placing it wherever you think it safest.
I should be glad of a copy of any sketch or account you may have made of the river Platte, of the passage from its head across the mountains, and of the river Cashecatungo, which you suppose to run into the Pacific. This would probably be among the first exploring journeys we undertake after a settlement with Spain, as we wish to become acquainted with all the advantageous water connections across our continent.
I shall be very glad to receive some seed of the silk nettle which you describe, with a view to have it raised, and its uses tried. I have not been able to find that any of your delegates here has received it. If you would be so good as to send me a small packet of it by post, it will come safely, and I will immediately commit it to a person who will try it with the utmost care. I salute you with respect.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
Washington, February 18, 1808.
My Dear Sir,—You informed me that the instruments you had been so kind as to bring for me from England, would arrive at Richmond with your baggage, and you wished to know what was to be done with them there. I will ask the favor of you to deliver them to Mr. Jefferson, who will forward them to Monticello in the way I shall advise him. And I must entreat you to send me either a note of their amount, or the bills, that I may be enabled to reimburse you. There can be no pecuniary matter between us, against which this can be any set-off. But if, contrary to my recollection or knowledge, there were anything, I pray that that may be left to be settled by itself. If I could have known the amount beforehand, I should have remitted it, and asked the advance only under the idea that it should be the same as ready money to you on your arrival. I must again, therefore, beseech you to let me know its amount.
I see with infinite grief a contest arising between yourself and another, who have been very dear to each other, and equally so to me. I sincerely pray that these dispositions may not be affected between you; with me I confidently trust they will not. For independently of the dictates of public duty, which prescribes neutrality to me, my sincere friendship for you both will ensure its sacred observance. I suffer no one to converse with me on the subject. I already perceive my old friend Clinton, estranging himself from me. No doubt lies are carried to him, as they will be to the other two candidates, under forms which, however false, he can scarcely question. Yet I have been equally careful as to him also, never to say a word on his subject. The object of the contest is a fair and honorable one, equally open to you all; and I have no doubt the personal conduct of all will be so chaste, as to offer no ground of dissatisfaction with each other. But your friends will not be as delicate. I know too well from experience the progress of political controversy, and the exacerbation of spirit into which it degenerates, not to fear for the continuance of your mutual esteem. One piquing thing said draws on another, that a third, and always with increasing acrimony, until all restraint is thrown off, and it becomes difficult for yourselves to keep clear of the toils in which your friends will endeavor to interlace you, and to avoid the participation in their passions which they will endeavor to produce. A candid recollection of what you know of each other will be the true corrective. With respect to myself, I hope they will spare me. My longings for retirement are so strong, that I with difficulty encounter the daily drudgeries of my duty. But my wish for retirement itself is not stronger than that of carrying into it the affections of all my friends. I have ever viewed Mr. Madison and yourself as two principal pillars of my happiness. Were either to be withdrawn, I should consider it as among the greatest calamities which could assail my future peace of mind. I have great confidence that the candor and high understanding of both will guard me against this misfortune, the bare possibility of which has so far weighed on my mind, that I could not be easy without unburthening it.
Accept my respectful salutations for yourself and Mrs. Monroe, and be assured of my constant and sincere friendship.
TO JOSEPH BRINGHURST.
Washington, February 24, 1808.
Sir,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 16th. It gave me the first information of the death of our distinguished fellow citizen, John Dickinson. A more estimable man, or truer patriot, could not have left us. Among the first of the advocates for the rights of his country when assailed by Great Britain, he continued to the last the orthodox advocate of the true principles of our new government, and his name will be consecrated in history as one of the great worthies of the revolution. We ought to be grateful for having been permitted to retain the benefit of his counsel to so good an old age; still, the moment of losing it, whenever it arrives, must be a moment of deep-felt regret. For himself, perhaps, a longer period of life was less important, alloyed as the feeble enjoyments of that age are with so much pain. But to his country every addition to his moments was interesting. A junior companion of his labors in the early part of our revolution, it has been a great comfort to me to have retained his friendship to the last moment of his life.
Sincerely condoling with his friends on this affecting loss, I beg leave to tender my salutations to yourself, and assurances of my friendly respects.
TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Washington, February 27, 1808.
Dear Sir,—I enclose you a copy of Armstrong's letter, covering the papers sent to Congress. The date was blank, as in the copy; the letter was so immaterial that I had really forgotten it altogether when I spoke with you last night. I feel myself much indebted to you for having given me this private opportunity of showing that I have kept back nothing material. That the federalists and a few others should by their vote make such a charge on me, is never unexpected. But how can any join in it who call themselves friends? The President sends papers to the House, which he thinks the public interest requires they should see. They immediately pass a vote, implying irresistibly their belief that he is capable of having kept back other papers which the same interest requires they should see. They pretend to no direct proof of this. It must, then, be founded in presumption; and on what act of my life or of my administration is such a presumption founded? What interest can I have in leading the Legislature to act on false grounds? My wish is certainly to take that course with the public affairs which the body of the Legislature would prefer. It is said, indeed, that such a vote is to satisfy the federalists and their partisans. But were I to send twenty letters, they would say, "You have kept back the twenty-first; send us that." If I sent one hundred, they would say, "There were one hundred and one;" and how could I prove the negative? Their malice can be cured by no conduct; it ought, therefore, to be disregarded, instead of countenancing their imputations by the sanction of a vote. Indeed I should consider such a vote as a charge, in the face of the nation, calling for a serious and public defence of myself. I send you a copy, that you may retain it, and make such use of it among our friends as your prudence and friendship will deem best.
I salute you with great affection and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
February 28, 1808.
There is no source from whence our fair commerce derives so much vexation, or our country so much danger of war, as from forged papers and fraudulent voyages. Nothing should, in my opinion, be spared, either of trouble or expense on our part, to aid all nations in detecting and punishing them. I would therefore certainly direct Mr. Gelston to furnish Heinecher with every proof in his power, and to assure him that it shall be done on all occasions. Would it not be well to give this assurance to all the foreign consuls? It would at least show the world that this government does not countenance those frauds; and should not instructions be given to all the collectors to furnish all proofs in their power on demand? The three Englishmen will, I presume, be punished by the laws of Holland, either as spies, or prisoners of war. If their laws will not take hold of our scoundrel, Gardner, of the Jane, perhaps that government would put him on board a vessel, under the order of our consul, to be brought and punished here for the forgery of papers. Would it not be well to put a summary statement of this case, and of our orders on the occasion, into Smith's paper? Would it be amiss even to send it to Congress by message, with a recommendation to provide punishments against this practice? Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
March 2, 1808.
On considering the papers which James Brown sent us, containing a statement of the parcels of property in and adjacent to New Orleans, to which the United States claims, we thought it safest to await the report of the commissioners, with their list of the property. The papers received yesterday by express from New Orleans, and now enclosed to you, give us a list of the property, and grounds of claim from the common council of the city. Having thus the statement, as it were, from both parties, I suppose we may consider the list as complete. It would therefore be only losing a year to wait for the report of the commissioners, and especially as the property is suffering. What shall we do? There are two questions,—first, which of these parcels do really belong to the United States? Second, how shall they be disposed of? On the first question, I presume Congress will not decide themselves, but either leave it to the present commissioners, or appoint others of higher standing and abilities, at least for the future, which is of too much value, and too much involved in prejudices there, to be safely trusted to the present commissioners. On the second question, perhaps Congress might now desire the Executive, so soon as the titles are decided, to state to them the parcels which should be kept for the government use, and then give to the city such as they need, and dispose of the rest as they see best.
Will you favor me with your ideas what is best to be done? Affectionate salutations.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SULLIVAN.
Washington, March 3, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of February 8th, covering the resolutions of the Legislature of Massachusetts, was received in due time. It is a circumstance of great satisfaction that the proceedings of the government are approved by the respectable Legislature of Massachusetts, and especially the late important measure of the embargo. The hearty concurrence of the States in that measure, will have a great effect in Europe. I derive great personal consolation from the assurances in your friendly letter, that the electors of Massachusetts would still have viewed me with favor as a candidate for a third presidential term. But the duty of retirement is so strongly impressed on my mind, that it is impossible for me to think of that. If I can carry into retirement the good will of my fellow citizens, nothing else will be wanting to my happiness.
Your letter of February 7th, with a recommendation for Salem, and that of the 8th recalling it, were both received. I dare say you have found that the solicitations for office are the most painful incidents to which an executive magistrate is exposed. The ordinary affairs of a nation offer little difficulty to a person of any experience; but the gift of office is the dreadful burthen which oppresses him. A person who wishes to make it an engine of self-elevation, may do wonders with it; but to one who wishes to use it conscientiously for the public good, without regard to the ties of blood or friendship, it creates enmities without numbers, many open, but more secret, and saps the happiness and peace of his life.
I pray you to accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
Washington, March 10, 1808.
Dear Sir,—
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From your letter of the 27th ultimo, I perceive that painful impressions have been made on your mind during your late mission, of which I had never entertained a suspicion. I must, therefore, examine the grounds, because explanations between reasonable men can never but do good. 1. You consider the mission of Mr. Pinckney as an associate, to have been in some way injurious to you. Were I to take that measure on myself, I might say in its justification, that it has been the regular and habitual practice of the United States to do this, under every form in which their government has existed. I need not recapitulate the multiplied instances, because you will readily recollect them. I went as an adjunct to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, yourself as an adjunct first to Mr. Livingston, and then to Mr. Pinckney, and I really believe there has scarcely been a great occasion which has not produced an extraordinary mission. Still, however, it is well known that I was strongly opposed to it in the case of which you complain. A committee of the Senate called on me with two resolutions of that body, on the subject of impressment and spoliations by Great Britain, and requesting that I would demand satisfaction. After delivering the resolutions, the committee entered into free conversation, and observed, that although the Senate could not, in form, recommend any extraordinary mission, yet that as individuals, there was but one sentiment among them on the measure, and they pressed it. I was so much averse to it, and gave them so hard an answer, that they felt it, and spoke of it. But it did not end here. The members of the other House took up the subject, and set upon me individually, and these the best friends to you, as well as myself, and represented the responsibility which a failure to obtain redress would throw on us both, pursuing a conduct in opposition to the opinion of nearly every member of the Legislature. I found it necessary, at length, to yield my own opinion to the general use of the national council, and it really seemed to produce a jubilee among them; not from any want of confidence in you, but from a belief in the effect which an extraordinary mission would have on the British mind, by demonstrating the degree of importance which this country attached to the rights which we considered as infracted.
2. You complain of the manner in which the treaty was received. But what was that manner? I cannot suppose you to have given a moment's credit to the stuff which was crowded in all sorts of forms into the public papers, or to the thousand speeches they put into my mouth, not a word of which I had ever uttered. I was not insensible at the time of the views to mischief, with which these lies were fabricated. But my confidence was firm, that neither yourself nor the British government, equally outraged by them, would believe me capable of making the editors of newspapers the confidants of my speeches or opinions. The fact was this. The treaty was communicated to us by Mr. Erskine on the day Congress was to rise. Two of the Senators inquired of me in the evening, whether it was my purpose to detain them on account of the treaty. My answer was, "that it was not: that the treaty containing no provision against the impressment of our seamen, and being accompanied by a kind of protestation of the British ministers, which would leave that government free to consider it as a treaty or no treaty, according to their own convenience, I should not give them the trouble of deliberating on it." This was substantially, and almost verbally, what I said whenever spoken to about it, and I never failed when the occasion would admit of it, to justify yourself and Mr. Pinckney, by expressing my conviction, that it was all that could be obtained from the British government; that you had told their commissioners that your government could not be pledged to ratify, because it was contrary to their instructions; of course, that it should be considered but as a project; and in this light I stated it publicly in my message to Congress on the opening of the session. Not a single article of the treaty was ever made known beyond the members of the administration, nor would an article of it be known at this day, but for its publication in the newspapers, as communicated by somebody from beyond the water, as we have always understood. But as to myself, I can solemnly protest, as the most sacred of truths, that I never, one instant, lost sight of your reputation and favorable standing with your country, and never omitted to justify your failure to attain our wish, as one which was probably unattainable. Reviewing therefore, this whole subject, I cannot doubt you will become sensible, that your impressions have been without just ground. I cannot, indeed, judge what falsehoods may have been written or told you; and that, under such forms as to command belief. But you will soon find, my dear Sir, that so inveterate is the rancor of party spirit among us, that nothing ought to be credited but what we hear with our own ears. If you are less on your guard than we are here, at this moment, the designs of the mischief-makers will not fail to be accomplished, and brethren and friends will be made strangers and enemies to each other, without ever having said or thought a thing amiss of each other. I presume that the most insidious falsehoods are daily carried to you, as they are brought to me, to engage us in the passions of our informers, and stated so positively and plausibly as to make even doubt a rudeness to the narrator; who, imposed on himself, has no other than the friendly view of putting us on our guard. My answer is, invariably, that my knowledge of your character is better testimony to me of a negative, than any affirmative which my informant did not hear from yourself with his own ears. In fact, when you shall have been a little longer among us, you will find that little is to be believed which interests the prevailing passions, and happens beyond the limits of our own senses. Let us not then, my dear friend, embark our happiness and our affections on the ocean of slander, of falsehood and of malice, on which our credulous friends are floating. If you have been made to believe that I ever did, said, or thought a thing unfriendly to your fame and feelings, you do me injury as causeless as it is afflicting to me. In the present contest in which you are concerned, I feel no passion, I take no part, I express no sentiment. Whichever of my friends is called to the supreme cares of the nation, I know that they will be wisely and faithfully administered, and as far as my individual conduct can influence, they shall be cordially supported. For myself I have nothing further to ask of the world, than to preserve in retirement so much of their esteem as I may have fairly earned, and to be permitted to pass in tranquillity, in the bosom of my family and friends, the days which yet remain for me. Having reached the harbor myself, I shall view with anxiety (but certainly not with a wish to be in their place) those who are still buffetting the storm, uncertain of their fate. Your voyage has so far been favorable, and that it may continue with entire prosperity, is the sincere prayer of that friendship which I have ever borne you, and of which I now assure you, with the tender of my high respect and affectionate salutations.
TO RICHARD M. JOHNSON.
Washington, March 10, 1808.
Sir,—I am sure you can too justly estimate my occupations; to need an apology for this tardy acknowledgment of your favor of February the 27th. I cannot but be deeply sensible of the good opinion you are pleased to express of my conduct in the administration of our government. This approbation of my fellow citizens is the richest reward I can receive. I am conscious of having always intended to do what was best for them; and never, for a single moment, to have listened to any personal interest of my own. It has been a source of great pain to me, to have met with so many among our opponents, who had not the liberality to distinguish between political and social opposition; who transferred at once to the person, the hatred they bore to his political opinions. I suppose, indeed, that in public life, a man whose political principles have any decided character, and who has energy enough to give them effect, must always expect to encounter political hostility from those of adverse principles. But I came to the government under circumstances calculated to generate peculiar acrimony. I found all its offices in the possession of a political sect, who wished to transform it ultimately into the shape of their darling model, the English government; and in the meantime, to familiarize the public mind to the change, by administering it on English principles, and in English forms. The elective interposition of the people had blown all their designs, and they found themselves and their fortresses of power and profit put in a moment into the hands of other trustees. Lamentations and invective were all that remained to them. This last was naturally directed against the agent selected to execute the multiplied reformations, which their heresies had rendered necessary. I became of course the butt of everything which reason, ridicule, malice and falsehood could supply. They have concentrated all their hatred on me, till they have really persuaded themselves, that I am the sole source of all their imaginary evils. I hope, therefore, that my retirement will abate some of their disaffection to the government of their country, and that my successor will enter on a calmer sea than I did. He will at least find the vessel of state in the hands of his friends, and not of his foes. Federalism is dead, without even the hope of a day of resurrection. The quondam leaders, indeed, retain their rancor and principles; but their followers are amalgamated with us in sentiment, if not in name. If our fellow citizens, now solidly republican, will sacrifice favoritism towards men for the preservation of principle, we may hope that no divisions will again endanger a degeneracy in our government.
* * * * * * * *
I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO MR. MADISON.
March 11, 1808.
I suppose we must despatch another packet by the 1st of April at farthest. I take it to be an universal opinion that war will become preferable to a continuance of the embargo after a certain time. Should we not then avail ourselves of the intervening period to procure a retraction of the obnoxious decrees peaceably, if possible? An opening is given us by both parties, sufficient to form a basis for such a proposition.
I wish you to consider, therefore, the following course of proceeding, to wit:
To instruct our ministers at Paris and London, by the next packet, to propose immediately to both those powers a declaration on both sides that these decrees and orders shall no longer be extended to vessels of the United States, in which case we shall remain faithfully neutral; but, without assuming the air of menace, to let them both perceive that if they do not withdraw these orders and decrees, there will arrive a time when our interests will render war preferable to a continuance of the embargo; that when that time arrives, if one has withdrawn and the other not, we must declare war against that other; if neither shall have withdrawn, we must take our choice of enemies between them. This it will certainly be our duty to have ascertained by the time Congress shall meet in the fall or beginning of winter; so that taking off the embargo, they may decide whether war must be declared, and against whom. Affectionate salutations.
TO GOVERNOR CABELL.
Washington, March 13, 1808.
Dear Sir,—I received last night your favor of the 10th. There can certainly be no present objection to the forwarding the letters therein mentioned, according to their address.
We have nothing new of importance, except that at the last reading of an amendatory bill a few days ago, the House of Representatives were surprised into the insertion of an insidious clause permitting any merchant having property abroad, on proving it to the executive, to send a ship for it. We are already overwhelmed with applications, and there is real danger that the great object of the embargo in keeping our ships and seamen out of harm's way, will be defeated; and every vessel and seaman sent out under this pretext, and placed in the prize of the belligerent tyrants. I salute you with friendship and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
March 17, 1808.
I think it will be impossible to form general rules for carrying into execution the seventh section of the law of March 12th, without a fuller view of the number and nature of the cases which are to come under it. I have waited in expectation the applications would multiply so as to give one a general view, but I have received but about half a dozen. But, indeed, nothing short of a knowledge of all the cases can enable us to provide for them. I have been wishing, therefore, to converse with you on this proposition; to wit, to direct the collectors to advertize in their respective ports, that all persons desiring the benefit of that law, must immediately deliver to him a statement of the place where they have property, its amount, whether cash or goods, and what kind of goods, and in whose hands, on oath, but without exhibiting other proofs till further called on. These particulars may be stated in a tabular view; for cash we might authorize vessels to go immediately, but for goods rules must be framed on a view of all circumstances.
With respect to the constitution of the act, there are cases in the books where the word "may" has been adjudged equivalent to "shall," but the term "is authorized," unless followed by "and required," was, I think, never so considered. On the contrary, I believe it is the very term which Congress always use toward the executive when they mean to give a power to him, and leave the use of it to his discretion.
It is the very phrase on which there is now a difference in the House of Representatives, on the bill for raising 6,000 regulars, which says "there shall be raised," and some desire it to say "the President is authorized to raise," leaving him the power with a discretion to use it or not. It is to be observed also that the one construction puts it in the power of individuals to defeat the embargo in a great measure, while the other leaves a power to combine a due regard to the object of the law with the interests of individuals. I like your idea of proportioning the tonnage of the vessel to the value (in some degree) of the property, but its bulk must also be taken into consideration. On the whole, I should be for giving prompt permission to bring home money, because one vessel will bring for all those who have cash at the same port; but the bringing property in other forms, will require a fuller view and digest of rules. Affectionate salutations.
TO W. C. NICHOLAS, ESQ.
Washington, March 20, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 18th is duly received. Be assured that I value no act of friendship so highly as the communicating facts to me, which I am not in the way of knowing otherwise, and could not therefore otherwise guard against. I have had too many proofs of your friendship not to be sensible of the kindness of these communications, and to receive them with peculiar obligation. The receipt of Mr. Rose's answer has furnished the happiest occasion for me to present to Congress a complete view of the ground on which we stand with the two principal belligerents, and, with respect to France, to lay before them, for the public, every communication received from that government since the last session, including those heretofore sent, in order that they also may be published, and let our constituents see whether these papers gave just ground for the falsehoods which have been so impudently advanced. We shall hope to see you to-day. Affectionate salutations.
TO DOCTOR WISTAR.
Washington, March 20, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Yours of the 12th is received. Congress, I think, will rise in about three weeks,—say about the 11th of April, and I shall leave this five or six days after, on a visit of some length to Monticello. This illy accords with your journey to the westward in May; but can you not separate your excursion to this place from the western journey? Between Philadelphia and this place is but two days, and the roads are already fine. I would propose, therefore, that you should come a few days before Congress rises, so as to satisfy that article of your curiosity. The bones are spread in a large room, where you can work at your leisure, undisturbed by any mortal, from morning till night, taking your breakfast and dinner with us. It is a precious collection, consisting of upwards of three hundred bones, few of them of the large kinds which are already possessed. There are four pieces of the head, one very clear, and distinctly presenting the whole face of the animal. The height of his forehead is most remarkable. In this figure, the indenture at the eye gives a prominence of six inches to the forehead. There are four jaw-bones tolerably entire, with several teeth in them, and some fragments; three tusks like elephants; one ditto totally different, the largest probably ever seen, being now from nine to ten feet long, though broken off at both ends; some ribs; an abundance of teeth studded, and also of those of the striated or ribbed kind; a fore-leg complete; and then about two hundred small bones, chiefly of the foot. This is probably the most valuable part of the collection, for General Clarke, aware that we had specimens of the larger bones, has gathered up everything of the small kind. There is one horn of a colossal animal. The bones which came do not correspond exactly with General Clarke's description; probably there were some omissions of his packers. Having sent my books to Monticello, I have nothing here to assist you but the Encyclopedie Methodique. I hope you will make this a separate excursion; and come before Congress rises, whenever it best suits you. I salute you with friendship and respect.
TO THE DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS OF THE COUNTY OF ADAMS, PENNSYLVANIA.
March 20, 1808.
I see with pleasure, fellow citizens, in your address of February 15th, a sound recurrence to the first principles on which our government is founded; an examination by that test of the rights we possess, and the wrongs we have suffered; a just line drawn between a wholesome attention to the conduct of rulers, and a too ready censure of that conduct on every unfounded rumor; between the love of peace, and the determination to meet war, when its evils shall be less intolerable than the wrongs it is meant to correct. With so just a view of principles and circumstances, your approbation of my conduct, under the difficulties which have beset us on every side, is doubly valued by me, and offers high encouragement to a perseverance in my best endeavors for the preservation of your peace, so long as it shall be consistent with the preservation of your rights. When this ceases to be practicable, I feel entire confidence in the arduous exertions which you pledge in support of the measures which may be called for by the exigencies of the times, and in the known energies and enterprize of our countrymen in whatsoever direction they are pointed. If these energies are embodied by an union of will, and by a confidence in those who direct it, our nation, so favored in its situation, has nothing to fear from any quarter. To that union of effort may our citizens ever rally, minorities falling cordially, on the decision of a question, into the ranks of the majority, and bearing always in mind that a nation ceases to be republican only when the will of the majority ceases to be the law. I thank you, fellow citizens, for the solicitude you kindly express for my future welfare. A retirement from the exercise of my present charge is equally for your good and my own happiness. Gratitude for past favors, and affectionate concern for the liberty and prosperity of my fellow citizens, will cease but with life to animate my breast.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
March 23, 1808.
It is a maxim of our municipal law, and, I believe, of universal law, that he who permits the end, permits of course the means, without which the end cannot be effected. The law permitting rum, molasses, and sugar, to be imported from countries which have not packages for them, would be construed in the most rigorous courts to permit them to be carried. They would consider the restriction to ballast and provisions as a restriction to necessaries, and merely equivalent to a declaration that they shall carry out nothing for sale.
This is certainly one object of the law, and the second is to import the property; and to these objects all constructions of it should be directed. I have no doubt, therefore, that Messrs. Low and Wallace, and others, should be allowed to carry out the necessary and sufficient packages. But a right to take care that the law is not evaded, allows us to prescribe that kind of package which can be best guarded against fraud. Boxes ready-made could not, perhaps, be so easily probed, to discover if they contained nothing for exportation. Casks filled with water can be easily sounded from the bunghole. If you think, therefore, that one kind of package is safer than another, it may be prescribed; for that nothing for sale shall be exported is as much the object of the law, as that their property shall be imported. Reasonable attention is due to each object. Affectionate salutations.
TO M. LE VAVASSEUR.
Washington, March 23, 1807.
Sir,—I am sensible of the extraordinary ingenuity and merit of the work which you offer to the acquisition of our government. It would certainly be an ornament to any country. But with such an immense extent of country before us, wanting common improvement to render it productive, the United States have not thought the moment as yet arrived when it would be wise in them to divert their funds to objects less pressing; no law has yet authorized acquisitions of this character. The idea of rendering the Greek and Latin languages living, has certainly some captivating points. The experiment has, I believe, been tried in Europe as to the Latin language, but with what degree of success I am not precisely informed. I suppose it very possible to reform the language of the modern Greeks to the ancient standard, and that this may one day take place. But in our infant country objects more urgent force themselves on our attention, and call for the aid of all our means. These peculiarities of our situation deprive us of the advantage of availing our country of propositions which, in a more advanced stage of improvement, might be entitled to consideration.
Permit me to tender my salutations, and assurances of respect.
TO LEVI LINCOLN.
Washington, March 23, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Your letter on the subject of Mr. Lee came safely to hand. You know our principles render federalists in office safe, if they do not employ their influence in opposing the government, but only give their own vote according to their conscience. And this principle we act on as well with those put in office by others, as by ourselves.
We have received from your presses a very malevolent and incendiary denunciation of the administration, bottomed on absolute falsehood from beginning to end. The author would merit exemplary punishment for so flagitious a libel, were not the torment of his own abominable temper punishment sufficient for even as base a crime as this. The termination of Mr. Rose's mission, re infecta, put it in my power to communicate to Congress yesterday, everything respecting our relations with England and France, which will effectually put down Mr. Pickering, and his worthy coadjutor Mr. Quincy. Their tempers are so much alike, and really their persons, as to induce a supposition that they are related. The embargo appears to be approved, even by the federalists of every quarter except yours. The alternative was between that and war, and in fact, it is the last card we have to play, short of war. But if peace does not take place in Europe, and if France and England will not consent to withdraw the operation of their decrees and orders from us, when Congress shall meet in December, they will have to consider at what point of time the embargo, continued, becomes a greater evil than war. I am inclined to believe, we shall have this summer and autumn to prepare for the defence of our seaport towns, and hope that in that time, the works of defence will be completed which have been provided for by the Legislature. I think Congress will rise within three weeks.
I salute you with great affection and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
March 26, 1808.
Mr. Madison happening to call on me just now, I consulted him on the subject of Hoffman's letter. We both think that it would be neither just nor expedient that the supplies necessary to the existence of the Indians should be cut off from them; and that if no construction of the embargo law will permit the passage of their commerce, and if that law could, and did intend to control the treaty, (the last of which is hardly to be believed,) then an amendment should be asked of Congress. I have no copy of the law by me, and indeed am too unwell for very close exercise of the mind. Affectionate salutations.
TO CHARLES PINCKNEY.
Washington, March 30, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Your letter of the 8th was received on the 25th, and I proceed to state to you my views of the present state and prospect of foreign affairs, under the confidence that you will use them for your own government and opinions only, and by no means let them get out as from me. With France we are in no immediate danger of war. Her future views it is impossible to estimate. The immediate danger we are in of a rupture with England, is postponed for this year. This is effected by the embargo, as the question was simply between that and war. That may go on a certain time, perhaps through the year, without the loss of their property to our citizens, but only its remaining unemployed on their hands. A time would come, however, when war would be preferable to a continuance of the embargo. Of this Congress may have to decide at their next meeting. In the meantime, we have good information, that a negotiation for peace between France and England is commencing through the medium of Austria. The way for it has been smoothed by a determination expressed by France (through the Moniteur, which is their government paper) that herself and her allies will demand from Great Britain no renunciation of her maritime principles; nor will they renounce theirs. Nothing shall be said about them in the treaty, and both sides will be left in the next war to act on their own. No doubt the meaning of this is, that all the Continental powers of Europe will form themselves into an armed neutrality, to enforce their own principles. Should peace be made, we shall have safely rode out the storm in peace and prosperity. If we have anything to fear, it will be after that. Nothing should be spared from this moment in putting our militia in the best condition possible, and procuring arms. I hope, that this summer, we shall get our whole seaports put into that state of defence, which Congress has thought proportioned to our circumstances and situation; that is to say, put hors d'insulte from a maritime attack, by a moderate squadron. If armies are combined with their fleets, then no resource can be provided, but to meet them in the field. We propose to raise seven regiments only for the present year, depending always on our militia for the operations of the first year of war. On any other plan, we should be obliged always to keep a large standing army. Congress will adjourn in about three weeks. I hope Captain McComb is getting on well with your defensive works. We shall be able by mid-summer, to give you a sufficient number of gun-boats to protect Charleston from any vessel which can cross the bar; but the militia of the place must be depended on to fill up the complement of men necessary for action in the moment of an attack, as we shall man them, in ordinary, but with their navigating crew of eight or ten good seamen.
I salute you with great esteem and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
March 31, 1808.
If, on considering the doubts I shall suggest, you shall still think your draught of a supplementary embargo law sufficient, in its present form, I shall be satisfied it is so, for I have but one hour in the morning in which I am capable of thinking, and that is too much crowded with business to give me time to think.
1. Is not the first paragraph against the Constitution, which says no preference shall be given to the ports of one State over those of another? You might put down those ports as ports of entry, if that could be made to do.
2. Could not your second paragraph be made to answer by making it say that no clearance shall be furnished to any vessel laden with provisions or lumber, to go from one port to another of the United States, without special permission, &c. In that case we might lay down rules for the necessary removal of provisions and lumber, inland, which should give no trouble to the citizens, but refuse licenses for all coasting transportation of those articles but on such applications from a Governor as may ensure us against any exportation but for the consumption of his State. Portsmouth, Boston, Charleston, and Savannah, are the only ports which cannot be supplied inland. I should like to prohibit collections, also, made evidently for clandestine importation.
3. I would rather strike out the words "in conformity with treaty" in order to avoid any express recognition at this day of that article of the British treaty. It has been so flagrantly abused as to excite the Indians to war against us, that I should have no hesitation in declaring it null, as soon as we see means of supplying the Indians ourselves.
I should have no objections to extend the exception to the Indian furs purchased by our traders and sent into Canada. Affectionate salutes.
TO MR. SMITH.
April 1, 1808.
I approve of your letter to Commodore Murray entirely, and in order to settle what shall be our course for the summer (now that we are tolerably clear, that no rupture with England is likely to take place during the summer), I propose, the first day that I can be well enough, for a couple of hours to ask a meeting of our colleagues to determine these questions.
Shall the proclamation be renewed or suffered to expire?
Shall the harbors of ordinary British resort (say New York, Lynhaven, and Charleston) be furnished with their full quota of gun-boats, with their navigating crews?
Shall the residue of the 170 gun-boats be distributed among the other ports, with their navigating crews, or be laid up or left on their stocks?
Shall the frigates and Wasp be unmanned?
Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
April 2, 1808.
Sir,—On the amendments to the embargo law, I am perfectly satisfied with whatever you have concluded on after consideration of the subject. My view was only to suggest for your consideration, not having at all made myself acquainted with the details of that law. I therefore return you your bill, and wish it to be proposed. I will this day nominate Elmer. The delegates of North Carolina expect daily to receive information on the subject of a Marshal. Is the Register's office at New Orleans vacant? Claiborne says it is, and strongly recommends Robertson the Secretary. He will be found one of the most valuable men we have brought into the public service for integrity, talents and amiability. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
April 8, 1808.
I suppose that Favre can carry his necessary provisions from New Orleans across the lake in a periagua or some other vessel, which may come under the exception of vessels under the immediate direction of the President, and that being an agent of the United States for the transmission of public intelligence, such a license is perfectly legitimate. If this were a matter of doubt, its solution would be to be sought in the intention of the Legislature, which was to keep our seamen and property from capture, and to starve the offending nations. But Favre is our own agent, and we may as well remit provisions to him as money to our other foreign agents. It appears to me to be so clearly out of the scope of the prohibitions of the embargo law, and within its exceptions, that I should be for allowing him to take out his provisions for his family, under the superintendence of the Collector. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. JOHN JACOB ASTOR.
Washington, April 13, 1808.
Sir,—I have regretted the delay of this answer to your letter of February 27th, but it has proceeded from circumstances which did not depend on me. I learn with great satisfaction the disposition of our merchants to form into companies for undertaking the Indian trade within our own territories. I have been taught to believe it an advantageous one for the individual adventurers, and I consider it as highly desirable to have that trade centred in the hands of our own citizens. The field is immense, and would occupy a vast extent of capital by different companies engaging in different districts. All beyond the Mississippi is ours exclusively, and it will be in our power to give our own traders great advantages over their foreign competitors on this side the Mississippi. You may be assured that in order to get the whole of this business passed into the hands of our own citizens, and to oust foreign traders, who so much abuse their privilege by endeavoring to excite the Indians to war on us, every reasonable patronage and facility in the power of the Executive will be afforded. I salute you with respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
April 14, 1808.
I should think Mr. Woodside's application to send provisions for the family of our consul at Madeira, admissible on the same ground as that lately to Favre, were the necessity as evident, but I suppose it can hardly be doubted that England will procure provisions for that island, and there is danger of one precedent in our relaxations begetting another till we may get out of the limits of the law and its object.
The application for the establishment of a packet on Lake Champlain cannot be admitted. Such an establishment is by no means within the description of those which we have proposed to license; it would give too great a facility to evade the law, and the builder is in no worse situation than the many others who began their vessels before the embargo law, and who will not be permitted to use them till that is repealed. Affectionate salutations.
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
April 19, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Sincerely sympathizing in your distress, which much experience in the same school has taught me to estimate, I could not have been induced to intrude on it by anything short of the urgency of the case stated by Penniman on Lake Champlain. Messrs. Robinson and Witherall tell me the whole of the business will be over early in May, when the fall of the water renders the rapids impassable for rafts. They think vessels of any kind desired, can be had on the Lake at a moment's warning, and guns of 6 lbs. ball, there also, mounted on them by procurement of the collector, and that the governor would order any assistance of militia on being written to. Believing it important to crush every example of forcible opposition to the law, I propose to ask the other gentlemen to a consultation immediately, and for their and my guide have to request any ideas on the subject which you can hastily give me on paper, for which I would not have troubled you, but from a confidence that your knowledge of the character and means possessed by the collector there, and of the local circumstances to be attended to, may enable us to decide on what will be most proper and effectual. I salute you with affection.
P. S. Return me Penniman's letter if you please, to lay before the gentlemen.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
April 19, 1808.
We have concluded as follows:
1st. That a letter from your department to the collector on Lake Champlain, shall instruct him to equip and arm what vessels he can and may think necessary, and luggage as many persons on board them as may be necessary, and can be engaged voluntarily by force of arms, or otherwise, to enforce the law.
2d. The Secretary of State writes to the Marshall, if the opposition to the law is too powerful for the collector, to raise his posse, (which, as a peace officer, he is fully authorized to do on any forcible breach of the peace,) and to aid in suppressing the insurrection or combination.
3d. The Secretary at War desires the Governor, if the posse is inadequate, to publish a proclamation with which he is furnished, and to call on the militia. He is further, by a private letter, requested to repair to the place, and lend the aid of his counsel and authority according to exigencies.
We have further determined to build two gun-boats at Skanesborough. Affectionate salutations.
P. S. General Dearborne has Penniman's letter to copy for the Governor.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
April 22, 1808.
Did I lend you the Pennsylvania act permitting our Western road to pass through that State? If I did, or if you have a copy of it, I shall be very glad to see it. Mr. Hodge gave me notice yesterday that there would be legal opposition to that road's passing in any other direction than through Washington, their construction being, that if in fact a good road can be got by Washington, the law obliges me to direct it through that; and they have got a survey made on which they affirm the fact to be that a good road may be had. I know my determination was not to yield to the example of a State's prescribing the direction of the road; and I understood the law as leaving the route ultimately to me. If I have misconstrued the law, I shall be sorry for the money spent on a misconstruction, but that loss will be a lesser evil to the United States than a single example of yielding to a State the direction of a road made at the national expense and for national purposes. If you have not the law, I must write by this day's post to Mr. Moore, to suspend all further proceedings till we can see whether we are really at liberty to pursue the route we have proposed, or must adopt another which shall not enter the State of Pennsylvania.
Affectionate salutations.