WeRead Powered by ReaderPub
Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria, from the year 1792 to 1798 cover

Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria, from the year 1792 to 1798

Chapter 92: No. II.
Open in WeRead

Explore more books like this:

About This Book

The author narrates extended travels across North and Northeast Africa, detailing a prolonged residence in Cairo and an account of Dar-Fûr alongside observations in Syria. He combines topographical descriptions — including the Nile, mosques, baths, houses, and markets — with analyses of political institutions such as the Pasha, Beys, and Mamlûks, and sketches of social groups from merchants and Copts to religious scholars. Practical travel experiences and local reports are weighed against hearsay, and the narrative emphasizes firsthand observation, limitations of sources, and a cautious effort to provide clear, factual information about customs, governance, and daily life.

—Animo satis hæc vestigia parva sagaci
Sunt, per quæ possis cognoscere cætera tutè.
Lucretius.

Impatience, activity, and sanguine hope, are habits of an European. By education his imagination is exalted and his ideas are multiplied. By reading, and frequent intercourse with foreigners, he is enabled to present to himself the state of distant times and remote nations. Their knowlege, their arts, their pleasures become familiar to him; and, from a fixed principle of the human mind, the lively idea of all these advantages generates the hope of appropriating them. His first attempt is haply crowned with success, and he is thus stimulated to farther effort: but as the bounds fixed to his attainments are removed the farther he advances, and improvement is infinite, his ultimate disappointment is inevitable, and it is felt with a poignancy proportioned to the confidence of his first hopes.

The habits of the Oriental, on the contrary, are indolence, gravity, patience. His ideas are few in number; and his sentiments in course equally rare. They are, however, generally correct, springing from the objects around him, and for the most part limited to those objects.

A chief cause of this contrast, must be the mode of education in each community. Education should be the art of forming man on the principles of nature; by due attention to her unerring progress, no advantage of life can remain unimproved, and no duty can be misunderstood. But in no nation with whose history we are acquainted, has such a system been established. Almost every one forms its disciples on the narrow views of that community, and nature is distorted and paralised by authority.

The leading fault of education in the various parts of the Turkish empire, originates in the prevailing superstition. Wherever this does not operate, the practice is sufficiently rational.

The children of the Arabs early attain the character of manhood. A grave demeanour, fortitude in suffering, respect for age, filial affection, contempt for frivolous amusements, frugality, temperance, hospitality, are taught in the easiest and most effectual manner—by example; and where there is least probability of counter-instruction—in the house of the father.

They are early taken out of the hands of women, and sent to study the Korân; an employment which indeed has only the negative advantage of saving a portion of their time from positive idleness. As they advance towards maturity, little coercion is employed, but no incitement is administered to error. The father gradually accustoms himself to treat his son on the footing of an equal; who, on the other hand, seldom forgets the respect which is not imperiously exacted.

The dress of children is free from ligatures, their diet simple, and they are accustomed to variations of season, and enured to fatigue. These are a part of the advantages of Oriental education. Among its more serious inconveniences may be enumerated, an excessive credulity, the offspring of profound ignorance, and a keenness bordering on dishonesty and falshood. It is not easy to gain knowlege which is not sought. The boy respects his father, and the summit of his ambition is to imitate his sire. The parent is guided chiefly by the reflection, how far he may extend his pursuit of gain with impunity; of course a very refined morality is not to be expected from the son. Happiness once confined to the small circle of a family, little anxiety remains for the world at large. Hence the faintness of the conception of a community, and the duties arising from it.

In Europe, education is the art of moulding the soul to the times; and the preceptor is commonly successful in conveying the instruction, of which experience has taught him the advantage, and which he is no stranger to the mode of applying. Advancement is the object; and to obtain it activity is required. This end is gained; but in the art of directing the powers of his mind to the attainment of his own happiness, or to the public utility, or of preserving his body sane and vigorous, the man remains still a child; and thus the true object of education is frustrated. We have on this head then, it would seem, no great reason to boast our superiority.

The distinctive character of a nation is not to be sought in great cities. The manners of these reciprocally approximate. In that part of Egypt where the character of women is unsophisticated by mixture, however strong their passions, they are not unchaste. This perhaps proceeds more from the influence of public opinion, than the sanctions of municipal law.

Among the people, as they are to take part in domestic duties, their education is bounded by the useful. Among the opulent it extends to the ornamental, and many females in Kahira are taught to read and write. Instead of complaining of their seclusion as an injury, they may sometimes be observed tenacious of it as a mark of respect. That seclusion, though originating in the real or supposed licentiousness of the sex, is, at this time, far from being the effect of individual jealousy, but by long adoption, become a part of bien-séance. “I consented to become your wife,” said a woman to her husband, in my hearing, “that I might be veiled or private, masturê, and remain tranquil in my family; not to be sent to the market, to meet the eyes of chalk-illah, all the world.”

This seclusion of women has an important effect in society; and the Orientals are accordingly, as has often been remarked, in a great degree strangers to the passion of love. It is thought indecent in company to speak much of women, and no man would venture to declare, that he had a preference for a particular woman, or intended to marry her.

Social intercourse is thus rendered less vivacious and amusing, but numberless inquietudes are avoided. They who affirm, however, that nothing is sought from women, among the people of the East, but sensual gratification, seem to err. Why should a man, by having several women, necessarily become insensible to what is amiable or estimable in any individual among them? Or is individual character rendered absolutely indistinct by their being associated together?

They are equally in error who assert, that women in the East are slaves. Perhaps it might correctly be said that they are treated as children; but, supposing this to be true, do not tenderness and affection operate towards children?

They hold not the same rank as in Europe; and if they did, the intrigues carried on in the harem, would render their husbands and themselves miserable. In their present state, accidents of this kind are not without ill effects, but, in general, serve rather to minister a cause of diversion, than to produce any very serious evil. Of course they give much less disturbance than in Europe.

The spirit of Chivalry, fostered by the Crusades, changed, in the heated imagination of the youthful hero, the lovely object of his desires, into a deity that was to be adored. The visible nature of the divinity fanned the flame of devotion. Whether the fair benignly smiled, or scornfully averted her countenance from the humble votary, her perfections were equally the subject of his eulogies, and her will of his propitiation. But all his services were sublimely disinterested, and were to remain without hope of remuneration, till giants should be immolated to her perfections, and widows and orphans chaunt forth in her presence the praises of their generous deliverer.

These chaste amours, in which all was elevated, and all exquisitely unnatural, according to modern ideas, were yet the foundation of the rank women hold in modern Europe. This system, forced and contrary to nature, could not long have place, and perhaps the sex itself grew satiated with the frigid adulation of distant votaries, however flattering to its vanity. A more licentious gallantry then took place, and the charm was quickly dissolved. The intercourse between the sexes being at length reduced to the simple gratification of the sensual desire, society was almost in the same state in the West, as in the East, at the period when the seclusion of females first took place.

But the Europeans adopted a different plan. They either despised the security of bolts and bars as ineffectual, or too much of their former respect yet remained to allow the attempt. The sex at length wearied, but not satiated with simple sensuality, was governed in the choice of its indulgences by caprice; and the men were studiously employed to attract the æillades of their mistresses, and to chain this fickle sentiment, by varied foppery and grimace. Hence the romantic tales of our novels, hence the inconsequential conduct of their heroes, and hence the agitations of our societies, at which the Orientals would smile.

It is not said, that the miseries and violent dissensions which exist in families, result from the rank females hold in European society. Eternal litigations, and all the confusion of severe laws and loose morals are not attributed to that cause. It is only hinted that these evils are coëtaneous with that state of society, and that the pure institution of matrimony may be enforced by the commanding voice of religion, and sanctioned by municipal law, yet those evils may remain without a remedy.

The young of each sex are, in Europe, brought together, and taught to attach themselves to each other: but interdicted from uniting, unless equal in rank, fortune, &c. Passion however is strongest at an early age, when the reason which should guide it is weakest. But the public institutions eternize the punishment of a momentary folly. Parental authority, at other times, interferes, and pretending only solicitude for the child’s happiness, renders both the parent and the offspring miserable.

The husband is vain of exhibiting in public his admired bride. From familiarities with a variety of men which, by being public, are authorized, she is induced to try them in private. The man becomes unhappy and ridiculous, the wife disgraced, and the lover impoverished. Little or nothing of this is known in the East.

Another striking dissimilitude between the Europeans and Orientals is observable in the number and quality of their respective laws, and the administration of public justice. Though a multitude of commentaries has been written on the simple maxims contained in the Korân, applying them to the particular cases which occur in society, the whole falls far short, in point of extent, of the most simple systems of jurisprudence with which we are acquainted. The single circumstance of each man being advocate in his own cause, contracts all judicial proceedings to a small compass, and, whether justly or unjustly, all legal disputes are speedily terminated. So that no man can bequeath to his family the inheritance of judicial ruin.

It will no doubt be thought, that the corrupt character of judges, and the sale of their decrees, are evils for which no advantages can compensate; and here, at least, it may be urged, that in Europe the administration of justice is more equal, and the right is not generally to be shaken by a bribe.

On the other hand, whatever may be the integrity of the judges in their decisions, the length and delay of the proceedings is sufficient to re-produce all the evils which are thought to be obviated by the absence of judicial corruption. If one of the parties be poor and the other rich, the latter commonly has the option of ruining the former by throwing impediments in the way of a decision; and it is of little importance to a man to know that he is ultimately victorious, when his property is already consumed, ere the cause draw near its termination.

But independently of the immense expense of a process in most countries of Europe, the anxiety and suspense while it is depending, tend to lessen the happiness of society, and are, by their frequency, serious evils.

Domestic manners furnish a more minute, but not unimportant contrast. In receiving strangers at his house and when they leave it, the Oriental testifies no great emotion. The visitor is welcomed rather by actions than words. An Arab or Turk having once accorded protection, which he does with a kind of distance and hauteur, never afterwards withdraws it, and his word may be relied on. In visiting, as is well known, the common but absurd practice, which obtains among ourselves, of urging those to stay longer, of whose company one is already tired, is obviated by the simple use of a little scented wood in a censer.

In their communications every thing tends rather to tranquillize the mind, than to excite the passions. The quarrels of the mere mob, indeed, evaporate in idle vociferation; but among persons of any breeding, the voice is scarcely ever raised above its ordinary tone.

The greatest number of menials in a family (and in the East they are very numerous) occasions no confusion. All is conducted in silence and order. All such directions as are in the common routine of affairs, are given by signs, and are instantly understood; not from pride, or as implying the vast distance between master and servant, but principally to avoid all equivoque, when persons of various descriptions are present, and, by making secresy a uniform habit, to avoid all suspicion from the adoption of mystery in giving orders before company, when any thing is to be said which it is not intended that company should hear.

The ingenuity of man in contriving his own unhappiness, is in no part of the world more conspicuous than in Europe. Our mutual intercourse is so beset with forms, that it becomes doubtful whether it be a good or an evil; and the individual, not unfrequently, leaves a company dissatisfied that he ever entered into it. Hence a continued desire of changing place and forming new acquaintance.

Whenever a number of persons meet together, eating and drinking seem to be a necessary bond of union; and they often do not separate without that kind of festivity which impairs the health of each, and creates dissensions, as it were, by its mechanical operation. The sole benefit which results from the social meals of the Arabs, is to us entirely unknown.—No man thinks himself incapacitated from injuring his neighbour, in consequence of having divided with him a loaf of bread, and a little salt, at the convivial board.

In the East social intercourse is less artificial, and less hampered with rules. It is maintained with more complacency, and relinquished, not without hope of renewal. We too have now indeed abandoned a part of its more inconvenient formalities; but some of its oppressive and despotic laws continue unaltered. The exterior may be changed; but the substance is identical.

In the East, they who are guilty of excess in drinking bury their inebriation in the gloom of their closet. By this, present disturbance, and future ill example are equally obviated, whatever may be the ill consequence to the wretched victim of intemperance. Of excess in eating there are few examples; for their longest meals, even when a series of dishes is presented, as at the tables of a Pasha or a Bey, are terminated in a few minutes. The moderation and temperance of diet indeed throughout the East are matters of high praise; and, whether virtues of climate, habit, or reflection, merit imitation among ourselves. The reward is present, uninterrupted health and tranquillity of mind.

If the multitude of wants constitute human inquietude, it must be remembered how much of what to us is indispensable is, to them, as if it had never been.

With them society is rendered tranquil and easy by mutual forbearance; with us it is vexed with the necessity of mutual adulation.—In the one region each man sets a fashion to himself, in the other all the constituent parts are wearied with serving an idol that the collective body alone has set up. Each stands bareheaded from respect to the other, when both might remain covered without inconvenience to either.

Politeness is, with the one, an easy compliance, with which all are satisfied; with the other, it is a difficult effort, from the practice and the experience of which the parties mutually retire discontented.

The fashions to which we are slaves, are indeed many of them so little founded in reason, that one is sometimes disposed to consider them as imagined by the indolent and restless, to occupy the thoughts and time of those who have no better employment; or invented, like certain dogmas, to shew the merit of implicit credence. A certain dress is to be worn, a certain establishment kept up, under pain of indelible ignominy; and the man whose circumstances disable him from complying with this terrific mandate, with timid irresolution hides his head.

See the European in conversation, even among his equals, he is not so solicitous to express such thoughts as rise in his mind, as to find some employment for his tongue. It is not to give utterance to what naturally occurs, but that conversation may be kept up, that all are anxious. Garrulities, and misconceptions are civilly uttered for arguments; and the abortions of fancy and caprice, hold the place of the sane offspring of judgment and reflection. Yet we laugh at them for using short and few phrases, (phrases courtes et rares, as Volney describes them,) when they have nothing to say!

It is with them however neither ridiculous nor irksome to be silent. They go into company to be diverted, not to labour, and they esteem effort in conversation a vain toil. The raillery and repartee of the Occidentals is, among them, supplied (it must be allowed very inadequately) by the Meddahs, story-tellers, and professed jokers.

Human life in the East is exposed to a variety of casualties. Pestilence, famine, tyranny, all conspire to diminish its security. It is natural to set a smaller value on any advantage, in proportion to the facility of privation. Hence the Orientals are not much disturbed at the thoughts of death, but resign life without a sigh. The mind is tortured when the blossoms of hope are suddenly torn from it; but their gradual decay is not incompatible with a kind of tranquillity.

The European, more dissatisfied with the present, and only supported by the hope of what is to come, attached beyond measure to the advantages which his anxieties have been prolonged to acquire, has already, even at an early age, fixed to himself a period, short of which he thinks it hard and unjust to be deprived of life.

Concerning past events the fatalist is consoled by reflecting, that nothing he could have done would have altered the immutable order of things, and that his efforts before would have been as vain as his regret now is. This idea, indeed, is perhaps not destitute of ill effects, but it surely produces some good. If, by persuading them that the evils which they suffer are unavoidable, it prevent them from endeavouring to avoid them, it also prevents their repining at what must at all events be endured as the immutable law of the universe.

The European attributing more power to volition, ascribes to his own want of judgment or energy the result of whatever terminates unfavourably. Thus a part of his life is occupied by self-accusation, which, however, ensures no amelioration for the future.

In the East, if age be respected, it is respected, in part at least, from the decorous behaviour of the aged. In Europe, if it be rendered ridiculous, it is so too often, by a vain effort to perpetuate the character and manners of youth.

The commanding influence of a system so flattering to the pride of its professors, and operating so powerfully on their hopes and fears as Mohammedism, aided by the dread of present suffering, has so far counteracted the strong impulse of avarice, that gaming is in a great degree banished from society in the East. All the evils and inconveniences therefore of that practice, so severely felt throughout Europe, are almost unknown in the Turkish empire.

If activity and a careful provision for the future, and that each should contribute his efforts to the good of the whole, be necessary to constitute the happiness of a people, how happens it that the Orientals, among whom these requisites are wanting, should yet be happy?

The system of morals contained in the writings of the Orientals, is at once sublime without being impracticable, and levelled to the use of mankind, without being loose or low. Yet it is usual with us to talk of their brutal stupidity! But this system is not practised among them—and is the Christian system of morals practised among Christian nations?

The Arabian and Persian histories and romances abound with traits of magnanimity, of generosity, justice, and courage, no way inferior to, but in some instances exceeding those of other nations. The Greeks and ourselves have indeed stigmatised them with the name of barbarians; but impartial inquiry proves that they are susceptible of all that is admired in a polished people; that crimes are treated among them as among other nations, and that though their passions may be expressed in a different way, they have always the same source and the same object.

No man who reflects on his past enjoyments and sufferings can doubt but that the latter, by their intenseness, duration, and frequency, have been decidedly predominant.

To render them more equal, that is, to be less miserable, or to make life tolerable, either the number of pleasures must be augmented, according to the system of the Epicureans, or that of pains must be diminished, according to that of the Stoics. The Orientals strive to attain the one object like ourselves, by sensuality; and here it is not to be conceived that they are happier than we are; but the other they gain in a much more complete degree than ourselves, and are much more exercised in the stoical system, which seems the most effectual to the purpose.

The passions, indeed, it is said, are to the mind what motion is to the body; and the absence of either causes and marks, in each respectively, symptoms that may be termed morbid.

A perfect absence of passion is certainly preternatural, if it may not be called impossible; but as our passions are more likely to be called into action by painful than by pleasurable sensations, it seems little doubtful, that the mind, on which they operate most feebly, will remain in the most tranquil state. This tranquillity, this absence of pain, (for joy, however poignant, is but a transient gleam, a coruscation, which passing, renders the obscurity which succeeds it more sensible,) is the single species of happiness of which mankind is allowed to partake.

A man of great sensibility has his feelings hourly wounded by minute accidents, at which one of less lively sensations would smile.

Such a one is transported with love, and, if that love be successful, his gratification is exquisite. He is suddenly moved by compassion,—how refined his feeling in offering relief to distress! He ardently desires fame,—how is he elated with the slightest praises! But how often is his warm affection requited with neglect, or its gratification found impossible? How often will his compassion be excited, without the means of affording relief? And how much more is mankind disposed to obloquy than to eulogy?

But this is not all; the same mind which is strongly acted on by these passions will also have its peace disturbed by pride, ambition, anger, jealousy, and resentment. The subjects of all these tormenting emotions crowd on it too closely to allow its complacency to be permanent. The sunshine of the morning will inevitably, ere night, be succeeded by a tempest.

Some slight omission of ceremonial will offend its pride, some sordid repulse will check its ambition; it will flame with anger at the breaking of a jar, or pine with jealousy at the like frailty in a mistress.

Something of the same kind has place with regard to taste. A man of delicate taste feels refined enjoyment from the contemplation of a beautiful landscape or a fine picture, or the perusal of an elegant poem; and is equally disgusted at the sight of any thing deformed, disproportioned, or unnatural in either. But, it may be said, he has the option of contemplating a disagreeable object, but not of feeling an unpleasing sensation. And is it indeed so easy, in being perpetually conversant among mankind, to avoid observing their works? or does not the man who reads unavoidably fall on absurdities which disgust him? Social man has been too long employed in counteracting nature, not to have moulded all to his dwarfish intellect; and the abortive efforts of imagination are numberless both in the arts and in letters.

Then it will be said, human happiness is reduced to apathy; and the lively taste and ardent passions, which have established the superiority of Europeans, only serve to diminish their sum of felicity! This would be pushing the argument too far; but each will draw his own conclusions.

The chief points of contrast between the Europeans and Orientals being thus marked, it will be seen how far it may be doubted on which side lies the greater degree of happiness.


APPENDIX.

No. I.

Illustrations of the Maps.

In compiling the two maps which accompany this work, the writer has made use of his own observations in that part of it to which those observations had extended. For the remainder of the information exhibited in each, he has trusted to the report of the more intelligent natives, who having frequently traversed the neighbouring countries, might be supposed in some measure qualified to describe what they had seen. Yet he has not ventured to lay down a single position which had not previously been confirmed by the distinct and concordant testimony of at least three or four individuals. Even with this castigation, it is unnecessary to remark how impracticable is the task of approximating the bearings, from the oral testimony of those who have no clear idea of bearings, and scarcely know how to distinguish the eight principal points. Almost equally difficult is it to give the face of a country, or an account of its productions, which the informant perhaps traversed between sleep and waking, or when too much occupied with the sufferings of the road, or the end he had in view, to be at leisure to attend to its detail.

The names of places so obtained and positions so adjusted, it has been thought proper to distinguish by dotted letters, with a view to denote hesitation and uncertainty. The part with which he was himself more particularly acquainted, or which was sufficiently supported by the authority of former maps, is marked with ordinary letters. The writer’s own route is pointed out by a green line, the reported routes by a single engraved line, without colour.

The loss already mentioned of a large portion of his detached papers, has effectually deprived him of the power of presenting the chart of the route with all that exactness and minute detail which ought invariably to accompany all geographical researches. But if he have been compelled to use the result of his celestial observations, which alone his journal furnished, without the recapitulation of particulars, he has been careful to compare them with the bearings which fortunately were most of them preserved, without venturing to force the latter to the former: e.g. the result of his observation, as he found it briefly noted, would have brought Charjé and Mughes several miles farther East; but having found the distance and bearings exactly accord with this position with respect to Assiût, he has preferred it to the attempt of fixing the position of those places, by observation of which he was unable to give adequate proof of the accuracy.

The position of Assiût is fixed, both in latitude and longitude, by observation. That of Charjé in latitude by observation; in longitude, as above described. While at Sheb, the Writer had an opportunity of observing his position at leisure, both in latitude and longitude. At Selimé he enjoyed the same satisfaction. The mountains, to the East of the road, are laid down according to their appearance to the eye of the observer from the villages of Elwah, and the route of the caravan beyond them. Their S.E. extremity, as here marked, rests solely on the report of a native of Mahas. The distance from Selimé to the river, has been judged fully established by the uniform and unvarying testimony of a number of Jelabs of Dongola, &c. who travel that route.

The latitude of Leghéa was variously observed, both in going and returning. Its longitude is only determined by the bearing of the road, relatively to Bîr-el-Malha S. and Selimé N. Several days consumed at Bîr-el-Malha, afforded the means of determining its position both in latitude and longitude.

Sweini and Zeghawa have been placed only according to the bearing and distance computed from Cobbé and Le Haimer. But the two latter places are fixed without much doubt by frequent lunar observations, the occultations of Jupiter’s satellites, &c.

With regard to Cubcabéa and Rîl, no more could be done than to place them according to the uniform and constant report of the natives. They are both places much frequented, and in so small a distance no mistake of importance can have arisen.

The bearings of the road from Cubcabéa to Wara, and thence to the capital of Bornou, are not laid down but from numerous inquiries, and some labour employed in adjusting them. That road occupies sixty days. The position of the capital of Bornou varies from that which is allotted to it in the latest maps, but scrupulously adheres to the bearings and distance given. Abu-Shareb is from Cobbé nearly W. by N. Abu-Shareb to Wara, N.W. by N. From Wara to the capital of Baghermi, between W.N.W. and N.W. by W. Road winding S. From Baghermi to Kottocomb, N. by W. 2 W. From Kottocomb to Bornou nearly in the same direction.

Sennaar, as well as the course of the Nile, the coast of the Arabian gulf, Masouah, Gondar, Swakem, &c. have the same position as in M. Rennell’s map. Sennaar is in longitude 33° 30′ 30″. Cobbé being in 28° 8′, the difference between them will be 5° 2′ 30″—Rîl cannot be more than twelve or thirteen miles E. of Cobbé, but Rîl is only twenty-three days journey from Sennaar. There remain therefore on a direct line 4° 50′ which is about twelve and a half geometrical miles per day; and admitting the smallest possible deviation, will give fourteen miles by the road. This on so long a journey is much more than might be expected, and by no means accords with the route to Bornou, which allows only about nine miles for each day’s march.—D’Anville’s position of Sennaar (29° 39′) would bring it too near to Rîl, leaving only eighty miles between them, or three miles and quarter per day. Whether the truth lie between the observation of Mr. Bruce and the conjecture of D’Anville, or whether the former be well established, and the length of each day’s march may be accounted for from the straitness and facility of the road, some future occasion must determine. One circumstance would seem clear, viz. the distance between the city Sennaar, and the Bahr-el-abiad, which the repeated and unvaried testimonies of the natives relatively to the interval of three, or three and half days, leave no room to doubt, have hitherto been placed much too far apart.

The road from Wara to Dar Kulla exhibits a remarkable coincidence as to the number of rivers and lakes which it passes, with that part of Major Rennell’s last general map of Northern Africa, which forms what he considers as the alluvies of that portion of the continent, though it be neither in the same latitude nor longitude.

Of these various streams little description was obtained. The country they flow through is said to be great part of the year wet and marshy; the heat is excessive, and the people remark that there is no winter. The course of the rivers, if rightly given, is for the most part from E. to W.

The river called Bahr Misselad is said to be a considerable one. It’s source is not described, but appears to be not far distant from the supposed site of the copper mines. Those who frequent this road, ordinarily pass two years from the time of leaving Wara till their return to that place, or Cobbé. Of the time actually employed in the route they differ in their report, but it may be estimated at from 150 to 180 days; at a medium 165. Wangara I have never heard mentioned. Whether it may be the same country with some one of those described is uncertain; but its production being gold, does not accord with any of them; that commodity not being, as far as was related to me, found in any quantity to the W. Zamphara is yet known to several of my informers, as a country near to Bornou; but no particular description was given.

The dotted lines which are seen in the general map, and seem to mark with too much precision the extent of the empires Bergoo, Baghermi, and Kordofân, are chiefly designed to shew the relative situation of those districts, and how they border on each other, or on Fûr. The authority recurred to was only that of the inhabitants of each country, who affirmed that their native empire extended so many days from E. to W. and so many from N. to S. For the general form of Dar-Fûr the authority is somewhat stronger; the precise termination of that empire being accurately known to the several reporters in each principal direction.

The writer, during his stay in Dar-Fûr, could never find the variation of the needle greater than sixteen degrees W. In what relates to that country, therefore, he has been guided by that quantity of variation.


No. II.

ITINERARIES.

From Cobbé to Sennaar.
Bearing. Days.

From Cobbé to Shawer

From Shawer to Rîl S.S.E. 2
At Rîl is a large pool of water, never completely dry, and a little to the E. of it a spacious house built by Sultan Teraub, eldest brother of the present Monarch.
From Rîl to Fadow
E.
3
From Fadow to Cawb 3
Near Cawb commences a ridge of hills, running N. and S. or nearly so.
From Cawb to Dar Hummâr

Mean bearing E.

2
From Dar Hummâr to Emdî 3
From Emdî to Kreiga
In each of these towns are Fukkara, who administer justice.
From Kreiga to Ibeit[64] E. 1
Between Kreiga and Ibeit is Abu-Harrâs, a place distant from the former three hours. Its neighbourhood is laid out in gardens belonging to the people of Dongola established there, in which they cultivate onions, &c. The situation of Abu-Harrâs is in length N. and S. and the wells which supply it with water are to the S. of the town.
From Ibeit to Miteina
From Miteina to Autosh 2
From Autosh to Yassîn
Yassîn is a town of Fukkara.
From Yassîn to Breissa, deep sand
From Breissa to Cone 1
Cone is at the foot of a mountain of the same name, which lies S. of the road. Near Cone, a little S. of the road, is a pool of water, and this is a place where travellers commonly repose themselves.
From Cone to Kinnana 1
From Kinnana to Deggîn 1
From Deggîn to Hellet Allais[65], on the Bahr-el-abiad, the place which the ferry-boats frequent. 1
Hellet Allais is situated on the W. of the river. The river (Bahr-el-abiad) is here of such breadth, that the features of a person standing on the other side cannot be distinguished, but the human voice is heard.—A number of trees is seen here to the W. of the river, not to the E. Hellet Allais is altogether built of clay.—A large palm tree grows in the middle of the town.
On the eastern side of the river is Shillûk—not far removed from it, being reported to be within sight of Allais.
Shillûk is a town of idolaters, built with clay. The inhabitants have no other clothing than bands of long grass, which they pass round the waist and between the thighs. They are all black; both sexes are accustomed to shave their heads. The people of Shillûk have the dominion of the river, and take toll of all passengers, in such articles of traffic as pass among them. The name Shillûk is not Arabic, and its meaning is unknown.—When asked concerning their name or country, the people reply Shillûk. When employed in transporting Mohammedans across the ferry, they occasionally exhibit the importance which their situation gives them. After the Mûslim has placed himself in the boat, they will ask him, “Who is the master of that river?” The other replies, as is usual, “Ullah or Rubbani”—God is the master of it. “No,” answers the Shillûk, “you must say that such a one (naming his chief) is the master of it, or you shall not pass.” They are represented as shewing hospitality to such as come among them in a peaceable manner, and as never betraying those to whom they have once accorded protection. The particulars of their worship, as in most other instances where I have had my information from Mohammedans, have not been described.
From Shillûk to Dar Ruga E. ¼N. 1
From Dar Ruga to Waalia E. 1
From Waalia to Shadli E. 1
From Shadli to Sennaar
Sennaar, Medinet el Fūn̄ or Fungi, is situated on the river which flows from Habbesh, which river is much smaller than the Bahr-el-abiad, and before the annual increase is fordable between Sennaar and Basboch.
The slaves who have usurped the government reside in Terfeia, on the opposite side of the river. Between them and the people of the city have been perpetual skirmishes for the last six years. (1794).
The Bahr-el-abiad suffers the same periodical increase and diminution as the Nile in Egypt.
From Sennaar to Gondâr.
From Terfeia to Rhad E.N.E. 1
From Rhad to Dender E. 1
From Dender to Béla S.E. 1
From Béla to Teawa 1
Rhad is on the banks of a river of the same name. After passing Béla, the traveller leaves the river, and proceeds by a mountainous road to Teawa. The soil in the neighbourhood of Teawa is clay, and the town is built of that material. The people of the place use for bread the Mahriek, (white maize,) which grows there luxuriantly.
From Teawa to Râs el fîl S.E.
From Râs el fîl to Gondâr E.S.E. 7
The officer who governs Râs el fîl is appointed by the king of Habbesh.—Inhabitants of Râs el fîl called Giberti.
Road from Sennaar to Swakem.
From Sennaar to Teawa 4
From Teawa to Atbara, a town on that river E. 1
From Atbara to Hallanga N. 2
The people of Hallanga are Mohammedans, but use not the Arabic language generally. They are of an olive complexion. The Mahriek in their neighbourhood is said to grow so large, that the stem at bottom is seen of the size of a man’s wrist.
From Hallanga to Swakem N.E. 12
During great part of the way the road is mountainous and rocky. The space between the two last places is uncultivated, and inhabited only by wandering Arabs. These are of two races, Bijjé and Okoot. Both of them breed camels in great number, sheep, &c. Swakem is situated on an island, in which the governor and principal persons reside: but the greater number live on the main land.
Road from Sennaar to Mahas.
From Sennaar to Herbajé N. ¼W. 3
From Herbajé to Halfeia N. 5
At Halfeia is the confluence of the Bahr-el-abiad and Bahr el asrek.
From Halfeia to Chendi

N.

3
From Chendi to Birbîr 3
From Birbîr to Shaikié 3
From Shaikié to Dongola N.W. 2
From Dongola to Mahas N. 1
From Sennaar to Fazoglo.
From Sennaar to Dachala E. 3
From Dachala to Emsirié S.E. 1
From Emsirié to Louni S. 3
From Louni to Gerbîn S. 3
The people of Dachala are Mohammedans residing on the western bank of the Bahr el asrek.—Gerbîn is a mountainous place, which serves for confining malefactors under the government of Sennaar.
Mountainous—From Gerbîn to Fazoglo S. 4
The mines of Fazoglo afford much gold: they belong to Sennaar.
From Gerbîn to Gondar.
From Fazoglo there is no direct road. Having returned to Gerbîn,
From Gerbîn to Hassîb E. 2
From Hassîb to Beida E. ¼S. 2
Beida is the first town under the Abyssinian government, and is described as chiefly inhabited by fugitive slaves, who belong to persons within that empire.
From Beida to Kourmi 3
From Kourmi to Hasseb-ullah 3
This road is mountainous, circuitous, and abounds with springs of water. The civet cat is so common in this district, that in every house, it is said, there are fifteen or twenty tame ones.
From Hasseb-ullah to Gondâr E. 10
Mountainous and difficult road.
Sundry routes of the merchants of Sennaar.
From Sennaar to Gebel-el-Moié S.W. 1
From Gebel-el-Moié to Bahr-el-abiad W.S.W.
From Sennaar to Bahhadîn S.S.W.
From Bahhadîn to Menâjel S.W. 2
From Menâjel to the Bahr-el-abiad. W. 2
Road to Gondar.
From Sennaar to Terfeia
From Terfeia to Subî-deleib
From Subî-deleib to Wallad Midani
From Midani to the Bahr-el-asrek
From the river to Mendala 2
From Mendala to Kaila 1
Kaila is mountainous.
From Kaila to Embutteik 1
Mountainous and deep sand.
From Embutteik to Goze, or the sands 2
From Goze to the Atbara 3
This country is inhabited by the Bisharîn Arabs, who are Mohammedans.
From Atbara to Gebel Cussa 3
From Gebel Cussa to Gebel en Narr 3
From Gebel en Narr to Gondar 12
A Route which seems to be uncertain, and of which the bearings are not accurately given.
From the Goze or sands of the Atbara, abovementioned, to El-Edd belonging to the Bijjé 3
From El-Edd to Swakem N.E. 12
This road is filled with Arabs.
From Swakem to Gebel-el-Hellé W. 3
From Gebel-el-Hellé to Gebel-el-Sillah

S.W.

2
From Gebel-el-Sillah to Gebel-el-beit 2
From Gebel-el-Beit to Birbîr 6
All this road from Swakem to Birbîr is represented as rocky.—Birbir is situated in a clayey soil.
From Birbîr to Wullad-el-Megedûb

S.

2
From Wullad-el-Megedûb to Bisharié 2
From Bisharié to Shûkûrié 3
Bisharié are a foreign race, but Shûkûrié speak Arabic as their native language.
Arabs—From Shûkûrié to Hellalié 4
From Hellalié to Bahr-el-asrek 1
From Bahr-el-asrek to Em-ushar 1
From Em-ushar to Wullad-el-fûrûk 1
From Wullad-el-fûrûk to Hummûr 2
Clayey soil.
Mohammedans—From Hûmmûr to Senût-abûd 2
From Ibeit to Emdurmân and Halfeia, and return to Ibeit by another road.
From Ibeit to Bahra E.
From Bahra to Emganatû N.E. 2
From Emganatû to Shegeik N.E. 1
From Shegeik to Gimmoyé N. 2
From Gimmoyé to Emdurmân N. 2
All this country is inhabited by Mohammedans, who speak Arabic alone.—Gimmoyé and Emdurmân are both on the W. bank of the Bahr-el-abiad, and the latter is at the place of union between that river and the Abawi.—Returning W.
From Emdurmân to Harraza, a mountain of difficult passage S.W. 3
Road desert and destitute of water.
The inhabitants of Harraza are idolaters, of mixed complexion, but most of them of a reddish hue.—They breed some horses, which they mount.
From Harraza to Abu-hadîd

S.W.

1
From Abu-hadîd to Zerawy
From Zerawy to Esherchar 1
Esherchar is famous for its salt, which is gathered by the Arabs, transported to other places and sold. The people of this last place are Arabs, but those of Zerawy, Harraza, and Abu-hadîd, neither Arabs nor Mohammedans.
From Esherchar to Bisherié S. 1
Road desert.
Bisherié is full of palm-trees.
From Bisherié to Bahra
S.S.W.
1
From Bahra to Ibeit
Route from Ibeit to Sheibôn, where are gold mines, and other places, returning to Ibeit.
From Ibeit to Bahra E.
From Bahra to Khûkjé S.E.
From Khûkjé to Abu-jenûch S. 1
From Abu-jenûch to Seijé E.
From Seije to Tummara S.E. 2
Between the two last places is a rocky road, with intervals of deep sand and clay.
From Tummara to Demîk S. ¼E. 1
The people from Abu-jenûch hither are idolaters, and destitute of clothing. The soil at and near Demîk is clay.
From Demîk to Khéga S. ¼E. 1
From Khéga to Dibû S.S.E.
Mountainous and rocky.
From Dibû to Sheibôn S.S.E.
Clayey soil.
Near this place, in a deep glen or valley, much gold is found, both dust and in small pieces. The natives collect the dust in quills of the ostrich and vulture, and in that condition sell it to the merchants. They have a ceremony on discovering a large piece of gold, of killing a sheep on it before they remove it. The people are all black, as are those above mentioned from Abu-jenûch hither. They have some form of marriage, i.e. of an agreement between man and woman to co-habit. Women of full age wear a piece of platted grass on their parts. The younger and unmarried are quite naked. The slaves, which are brought in great numbers from this quarter, are some prisoners of war among themselves, (for their wars are frequent,) and some seduced by treachery and sold. But it is said to be a common practice for the father in time of scarcity to sell his children.
At Sheibôn are some Mohammedans, who live among the idolaters and wear clothing: it is not said whether Arabs or not.
The people above described are independent tribes of negroes, who have no other ruler than their respective chiefs, the authority of whom is very small, except in time of war. The Mecque of Sennaar used to claim some tribute from the people of Sheibôn, but received nothing regularly.
From Sheibôn to Shurrû
W.S.W.
From Shurrû to Luca 1
Luca is another place where resides an independent chief: it is also famous for its gold, which, as at Sheibôn, is the only medium of exchange among the inhabitants.
From Luca to Koheila W.
In Koheila are Arabs, not subject to any monarch of the country. Some idolaters also live among them.
From Koheila to Tlinga, a town

W. ¼W.

1
People of Tlinga Mohammedans.—This country is called by the Arabs Dar Kinnana.
From Tlinga to Gebel Sahd
Gebel Sahd is within the dominion of Sennaar.
From Gebel Sahd to Baha-ed-dîn N. 1
Still Dar Kinnana.
From Baha-ed-dîn to Gebel-el-abîd N.N.E. 1
From Gebel-el-abîd to Tumbûl N. 1
Tumbûl is under the government of the king of the Tuclawi.
From Tumbûl to Seisabân





N.





1
Seisabân is inhabited by Arabs alone.
From Seisabân to Abdome
From Abdome to Tuggala, capital of the king of Tuclawi
This district is called Sagurnié, country of the mountaineers.
From Tuggala to Deir 1
From Deir to Gebel-el-deir 1
From Gebel-el-deir to Gebel-el-Bucclé N.N.W. 1
From Gebel-el-Bucclé to Ibeit N.
From Rîl to Wara, capital of Bergoo.
From Rîl to Gebel Marra, deep sand W. 2
Gebel Marra to Bishara Taib W. 2
Bishara Taib to the confines of Fûr W. 5
All this road is mountainous and rocky, and the inhabitants from Rîl W. to the confines of Fûr are Mohammedans. The water on Gebel Marra, which is a lofty mountain, rises with some remarkable circumstances, and it is said to be sulphureous. The people there feed partly on wheat, which grows near the place, partly on Mahreîk.
The people who inhabit the confines of Fûr W. are called Tûmûrkée.
From the confines to Dar Ruma W. ¼N. 8
Desert, sand and clay, some water.
From Dar Ruma to Kibbéid









N.E.









2
Kibbeid is situated on a hill or rock.
From Kibbéid to Kajachsha 1
From Kajachsha to Bendala
Bendala is inhabited by the slaves of the Sultan of Bergoo.—The people of Ruma, and thence to Bendala are idolaters.
From Bendala to Wullad-el-Bucca 1
Bucca is a mountainous district.
From Bucca to Dar Misselâd 1
From Dar Misselâd to Wara, the residence of the Sultan of Bergoo
From Wara to Bahr-el-Gazalle.
From Wara to Nimr, where the merchants reside, as at Cobbé in Dar-Fûr W.
From Nimr to Battah 2
Battah is situated on a small river, which flows from the S. and then deviating to the W. falls into the Bahr el Fittré. Battah belongs to the Misselâd.
From Battah to Dirota W. 1
From Dirota to Dar Hummâr
Road, clayey soil.
From Dar Hummâr to Coseiât 1
Dar Hummâr rocky.
From Coseiât to Shungeiât 1
Two towns of idolaters.
From Shungeiât to Dar Dajeou—Caffres 1
Cooka, Mohammedans—From Dar Dajeou to Dar Cooka 3
From Cooka to Muddago 2
In Muddago are Mohammedans, who are governed by a petty prince under the king of Bergoo.
From Muddago to Bahr-el-Fittré



N.W.



The people on the banks of Bahr-el-Fittré are called Abu-semmîn, and are Mohammedans. They use little boats for the purpose of passing from one place to another on the river.
From Bahr-el-Fittré to Bahr-el-Gazalle 2
Road deep sand, no trees.
The neighbourhood of the Bahr-el-Gazalle is inhabited by Arabs, who feed camels and sheep, and some oxen.
Route from Khukjé to the Bahr-el-ada, and thence towards the Bahr-el-abiad.
From Khukjé to Baraka S.S.W. 3
Baraka is inhabited by independent Arabs.
The greater part of this road is deep sand; the remainder, from Baraka by the Bahr-el-ada, is clay. The part of that river, which is here meant, is occupied by tribes of Arabs feeding cows and sheep; they are called Missicié. This part of the river is also frequented by wild and ferocious animals. The Missicié Arabs comb their hair back, twist it, and fasten it in the form of a scorpion’s tail behind. They collect honey of the wild kind in great quantity, and hunt the elephant.
From Baraka to Tûrrût S.E. 4
From Tûrrût to Jungeiôn S.E. 1
The people of Jungeiôn are tall and black; they have cows, sheep, and goats, and feed on the Mahriek or white maize. They collect the dung of the animals mentioned, dry it, roast it on the fire, and afterwards use it for a bed. These people are very numerous. The country in their neighbourhood is all a plain, and the soil clay. They have a practice, apparently superstitious, of milking their cows into a vessel with a narrow mouth, that the milk may not be seen, and never pour it into a dish or bowl; and any stranger who visits them is obliged to drink of the dugs of the cow, as do the calves.
From Jungeiôn to Shăd S.E. 1
From Shăd to Inigulgulé N. ¼
Route from Khukjé to the Bahr-el-ada, thence toward the Bahr-el-abiad, and returning to Rîl.
The inhabitants of Inigulgulé are idolaters. They clothe themselves with a kind of cotton cloth.
From Inigulgulé to the residence of the king of Ibbé E. ¼N.
From said residence to the confines of Dar-Fûr N.W. 4
From the confines to Tubeldié 2
From Tubeldié to Rîl 8
All this road is sandy, but filled with many and large trees.
Road from Bahr-el-gazalle to Bornou.
From Bahr-el-gazalle to the capital of Dar Baghermé N.E. 3
From the said residence to Kottocom N. ¼W.

18
The inhabitants of this district are Mohammedans. In the road two rivers are crossed by the traveller, one of which is called Kitchena. It runs from S.E. to N.W.
From Kottocom to Bornou, the Imperial city N. ¼W.
The road lies in part through sand, in part through deep clay. There are many trees. The neighbourhood of the Bahr-el-gazalle seems by the description to be a forest.
The city Bornou is surrounded by a wall, in which there are four gates, opening E., W., N., and S. A small river runs near it, which falls into the Bahr-el-gazalle.
Bergoo is said to be fifteen days in extent from E. to W. and from N. to S. twenty days.—Bagarmé, in the former direction, twelve, in the latter, fifteen days.—Bagarmé has many troops, but Bergoo is estimated the strongest. The people of Bergoo are remarkable for their zealous attachment to the faith, and read the Korân daily.
Some description of Bergoo.
Within about a day’s journey of Wara are said to be eight large mountains, the inhabitants of each of which use a distinct language. They are Mohammedans, and said to be brave, furnishing the armies of the Sultan of Bergoo with recruits as often as required. One of the mountains, called Kergna, is situated S.E.; another W. which is inhabited by a people called Wullad Mazé; Gebel Mimi N. Gebel Absenûn E. Gebel Abdurrûg E.
Other mountains of Bergoo are, Gebel Tama, N. Gebel Kashimirié, W., each of them two days from Wara. Gebel Abu-hadîd, E. the same distance.
Three days W. of Wara is the river called Bahr Misselâd.
Route from Wara to Cubcabéa in Dar-Fûr, and another route from the last place back to Wara.
From Wara to Abu-shareb S.E. 5
From Abu-shareb to the confines of Fûr E. ¼S.
From the confines to Emdokne E. 1
From Emdokne to Dar Misseladîn
E. ¼S.
1
From Misseladîn to Cubcabéa 3
From Cubcabéa to Gellé N.W. ¼W. 1
From Gellé to Gimmer N.E. ¼N. 4
The Sultan of Gimmer is subject to Fûr.—The people are Mohammedans. In the road is found water, and the soil is sand and rock.
From Gimmer to Zeghawa E. ¼N. 2
Mountainous.
The Sultan of Zeghawa is also dependent on Fûr.
From Zeghawa to Tama
N.N.W.
From Tama to the confines 1
From the confines to Abu-senûn 2
From Abu-senûn to Wara W. 8
A route sometimes taken by the merchants of Bergoo.
From Wara to Emjûfûr 2
From Emjûfûr to Timé Degeou
Another route.
From Wara to Jumbo











N. with little variation E.











1
From Jumbo to Doreng 1
From Doreng to Dageou 2
Sandy road—Mohammedans.
From Dageou to Kergna 2
From Kergna to Ghannîm 2
From Ghannîm to Duida 2
This road is mountainous, soil sandy, many trees.
The people Mohammedans, under the government of Bergoo.
From Duida to Bencia
From Bencia to Dongata
From Dongata to Bendala W.
Mountain.
From Bendala to Bujid S.S.W.
From Bujid to Kibbeid
Mountainous.
From Kibbeid to Kajachsa



S.



2
From Kajachsa to Baniân
From Baniân to Ain
From Ain to Kuddano
From Kuddano to Gizân S.E. 2
From Gizân to Wara S. 4
Another route from Wara, and returning thither.
From Wara to Middeisîs





N.E.





From Middeisîs to Beit-el-Habbûba 2
From Beit-el-Habbûba to Truanié
From Truanié to Gidîd
From Gidîd to Kuddano 2
From Kuddano to Wara 3
Another route.
From Wara to Birket-el-Rumli W.S.W. 4
From Birket-el-Rumli to Goze, or the sands N. 2
From Goze to Dirota E.
From Dirota to Butta E. 2
From Butta to Wara E.
Near Butta is a small river, of which my informer remembered not the name.—This road is full of a species of tree, whose leaves are described as white, and which bears a fruit, which, however, is not eaten, except by the camels which are fond of it; it is called Culcul.
Route from Cobbé to the copper mines of Fertît.
From Cobbé to Cussé









S. ¼W.









1
From Cussé to Currio
From Currio to Treiga
Sandy road.
From Treiga to Beit Melek Eide 1
From Beit Melek Eide to Dar Misselâd 3
Rocky.
From Dar Misselâd to Dar Marra 1
Caffres—From Dar Marra to Dar Fungaro 3
One day and a half mountain, the remainder forest and clayey soil.
From Dar Fungaro to Dar-el-abid-es-Sultan- Fûr
From the latter to Dar-el-Nahâs
Rocky road, earth where visible is red.
The people wear a slight covering over the parts of generation, in other respects are quite naked.
From Dahr-el-Nahas to Bahr Taisha
E.
3
From Bahr Taisha to Bahr-el-abiad
The former falls into the latter at a place called Tenderni, which is peopled by idolaters, called Cusni. This spot is full of palm trees, and another kind of tree, which by description would seem to be the cocoa.
Here it is seen that the distance between Cobbé and the copper mine is 23½ days, direction nearly S. and that the Bahr-el-abiad is 7½ days distant from that place, direction generally E.
Route from Dar Bergoo to the sources of the Bahr-el-abiad.
From Abu Telfân South, ten days journey, is said to be the source of the Bahr-el-abiad: but the particulars of the route my informer was unable to give me, he not having travelled it. The place is called Donga, and is the residence of a chief or king of an idolatrous nation. The country there is very mountainous, and in the spot where the river rises are said to be forty distinct hills: these are called Kumri. From them a great number of springs issues, which uniting into one great channel form the Bahr-el-abiad. The people of Bergoo go thither sometimes to seize captives, but there is no trade between them and the natives. The people are quite naked, black, and idolaters. The place is said to be twenty days removed from the confines of Bornou. All the road thither is mountainous. From Donga to Shillûk 30 days.