PREFACE.

Towards the close of the year 1837 I undertook, at the request of a friend, a journey into the most distant portion of the countries under the government of the Viceroy of Egypt, in order to collect information referring to commerce, but more especially with the view of convincing myself whether trade might be carried on with these countries directly, instead of through the intermediation of agents, in whose hands it had hitherto rested. The task, although rather arduous, was not displeasing to me, for a residence of several years in Egypt had rendered me tolerably proficient in the Arabic language and colloquial dialect, and my prior travels in various parts of the Soudan had made me familiar with the habits of the natives, besides procuring me the acquaintance of many merchants from the more distant provinces. With these advantages I travelled during nineteen months in all directions through these countries. Whilst on my journey, or sojourning in any place, I noted down in my journal everything that appeared to me remarkable, which I laid before my friends for their amusement on my return. It is with their advice, and more particularly at the instigation of the celebrated French traveller Antoine d’Abbadie, that the information I was able to collect respecting a country of which so little was formerly known, now appears in print. My journey was strictly mercantile in its tendency; I cannot, therefore, venture on so explicit a description as might be expected of a traveller or a man well versed in the various sciences a traveller should profess, and yet I am not altogether diffident, inasmuch as I think that my small contribution will at least form a short guide for those who may be willing to explore these countries more fully hereafter, as it will give them many a hint before they reach these climes, which will save them much trouble and inconvenience during their residence in Kordofan. Although two distinguished German travellers, Dr. Rueppel and the Conseillier des Mines, Russegger, have visited the country before me, their sojourn there was of such short duration, and they travelled in so much company, that many things must have escaped their observation, and remained hidden from them, which were revealed to me, who, defying every species of danger, wandered through the province alone, under a variety of circumstances, sometimes accompanied by one solitary servant, and sometimes even without thus much protection. Thus I have often shared the humble fare of a camel-driver in the desert, or conversed with the natives in their damp and obscure Tukkoli; whilst at other times I have enjoyed the opportunity of gaining information from the governor and higher officials, to whose feasts I was frequently invited.

My readers must excuse me if, in the perusal of this small work, they meet with a deficiency of much information generally expected from a traveller, for I repeat again that I did not undertake this journey with the view of writing, but that I wrote merely at the request of my friends, and because I thought that by lifting the veil of obscurity from certain relations, I might in some measure become useful to futurity, and in this respect I have already met with a few grateful acknowledgments. I shall, therefore, send this little book into the world with confidence, assured that it will find a considerate reception, and that its deficiencies will be placed to the account of the circumstances under which it was produced.

The Author.

Cairo.

TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.

Ignatius Pallme, a Bohemian by birth, it would appear, undertook the journey to Kordofan, on commission, for a mercantile establishment at Cairo, in the hope of discovering new channels of traffic with Central Africa. In the pursuit of his object, he sojourned longer in the country than any European before him; the information he furnishes respecting the present state of this province of Egypt in particular, and of the Belled Soudan in general, may, therefore, be considered the most authentic in existence at the present time. That few travellers have visited these countries, and subjected the information they were enabled to collect to print, may be deduced from the facts, that scarcely one-half of the places mentioned in the work before us are to be found on the most recent maps; and that in referring to the literature on these countries, for making a comparison between Pallme’s opinions and those of other authors, many difficulties were experienced, and many researches proved ungratified. The original is characterised by an ingenuous and unassuming style; and it has been my chief endeavour to paraphrase the text as closely as compatible with the two languages. Those idiomatic constructions which may be met with in the translation, are owing to this strict adherence to the original; but I have at least the consolation of knowing that the loss by solecism may be considered as gain in authenticity—the chief object of the undertaking. Pallme’s orthography has been generally followed as regards Arab terms, excepting where the same words are familiar to the public in a different garb, or where they are to be found otherwise spelt, in at least two accredited English authors; for it was impossible to furnish the certain literation, as the Arab character is not affixed to the original text.

The Translator.

CONTENTS.

TRAVELS IN KORDOFAN,
ETC.

CHAPTER I.
POSITION OF THE COUNTRY BORDERS, RIVERS, SOIL, AND CLIMATE.

Kordofan, one of the most southern provinces under the government of the Viceroy of Egypt, extends in the north from Haraza to Kodero, in the south from the Nuba mountains, and eastwards from Caccia to the Shilluk or Shillook[1] mountains, about four degrees of longitude. The desert of Dongola forms its northern border, that of Darfûr its western limit. Towards the south, no definite confines can be described, as the extent of these dominions increases or decreases accordingly as the inhabitants of this part of the country become tributary, either by their own free-will, or are rendered subjects by force, as occasionally occurs, and subsequently free themselves from the yoke. On this account the present government has divided the country into five districts, and regards Kodero, and the free heathen Nuba, as its southern border. Kordofan has no townships on the Bahr-Abiad, or White Nile, for the village nearest to this river is situate at a distance of about four hours’ march from its banks. The Nomadic tribes, inhabiting the western shore, belong to the realms of Sennaar, and are entirely distinct from the natives of Kordofan; the Bakara-Kubbabeesh[2] only, a Nomadic tribe, also, frequently drive their herds to the borders of the White River for pasturage. The five districts are named severally: Korci, Bara, Ketshmar, Abou-Haraz, and Dayara. Each of them is governed by a Casheff, or captain of the district, who is at the same time captain in a regiment of the line. Taking a general view of Kordofan, it may be said to consist chiefly of a cluster of small and large oases, which are not far distant from each other, as in the Great Desert. The soil is sandy throughout, and the country is rather flat than mountainous. In the vicinity of Haraza, however, a chain of mountains arises, shelving off towards the White River; while the mountains in the interior are inconsiderable, several of which may be seen towards the south and south-east. The soil is, on the whole, very fertile; for, with the commencement of the rainy season, vegetation springs up from the earth as if by magic, and nature then shows herself in her full vigour and pomp; balsamic odours, which act almost intoxicatingly on the senses, are everywhere breathed forth, and the traveller might imagine himself transplanted into the fairy gardens of the Arabian Nights’ tales.

Kordofan has no flowing rivers; during the rainy season, some few running streams are formed, but these dry up as quickly as they appear. There are several lakes, or large ponds, in the country, amongst which those at Arat, Birget,[3] Ketshmar, and Caccia, are the most considerable; in the latter, many leeches are found; but the other stagnant waters, which are generated during the rainy season, quickly evaporate, and only those above-named contain water throughout the year. In the vicinity of Haraza, in a north-easterly direction from the village, pure and fresh water for drinking is found on the summit of a mountain during the whole year. There is an abundance of iron ore in the province, respecting which more explicit information may be gleaned from the work of Russegger, the Royal Imperial inspector of mines, who, in the year 1837, travelled through this country as far as Sheibon, to which book I must refer my readers, as geognostic research was not the purpose of my travels. The climate is very unhealthy, especially during the rainy season; no hut is then, indeed, to be met with in which there are not at least several sick; in the dry season, again, all disease disappears; at this time, however, not only man, but all living creatures, suffer from the extreme heat. The eye then rests with melancholy on the desolate and parched plains,— trophies of the victory of the heat over animated nature,—where nothing is to be seen but bones of men and animals bleached by the burning sun. During the whole of this season, which endures about eight months, the sky is clear and cloudless, and the heat is insupportable, especially in the months of April and May. From eleven o’clock, A.M., to three, P.M., when the thermometer stands in the shade at 38°, or even at 40°, Reaumur (117° to 122° Fahrenheit), it is impossible for any breathing creature to remain in the open air. Every living being, both men and cattle, with equal eagerness seek the shade, to protect themselves from the scorching rays of a fierce sun. Man sits during these hours as if in a vapour-bath, his cheerfulness of disposition declines, and he is almost incapable of thought; listless, and with absence of mind, he stares vacantly before him, searching in vain for a cool spot. The air breathed is hot as if it proceeded from a heated furnace, and acts in so enervating a manner on the animal economy, that it becomes a trouble even to move a limb. All business ceases, everything is wrapped in a sleep of death, until the sun gradually sinks, and the cool air recalls men and animals again into life and activity. The nights, on the other hand, are so sharp, that it is necessary to be more careful in guarding against the effects of cold in this country, than in the northern parts of Europe during the severest winter, for the consequences frequently prove fatal. During the whole year, day and night are equally divided, or with but imperceptible variation, and, as in all tropical climates, there is no twilight; for with sunset night begins. During the dry season, everything in nature appears desolate and dismal; the plants are burnt up; the trees lose their leaves, and appear like brooms; no bird is heard to sing; no animal delights to disport in the gladness of its existence; every living being creeps towards the forest to secrete itself, seeking shelter from the fearful heat; save that, now and then, an ostrich will be seen traversing the desert fields in flying pace, or a giraffe hastening from one oasis to another. In this season, however, frightful hurricanes occasionally arise, and fill the minds of those, who have not been witness of such a phenomenon in nature before, with the utmost consternation. A powerful current of air, of suffocating heat, blows fiercely from one point of the heavens to the other, devastating everything that lies in its course. The atmosphere bears at these times generally a leaden grey appearance, and is impregnated with fine sand: the sun loses its brilliancy, and total darkness envelopes the earth, rendering it even difficult to distinguish objects at a few paces distant. The sky changes suddenly, becomes of a yellow colour, then assumes a reddish hue, and the sun appears as a blood-red disk. The wind howls, tears up everything within its reach; houses, fences, and trees by the roots, carrying them away with it; levels mounds of sand, and piles up fresh hills. In short, the devastation caused by a hurricane of this kind is beyond description. Unfortunate, indeed, is he who happens to be overtaken in the desert by one of these storms. There is no course left for him to save himself, but to throw himself with his face on the ground, in order to avoid suffocation by the pressure of the atmosphere. Respiration is totally impeded; all the fibres are tightly contracted; the chest threatens to burst for want of pure air; and a man of rather weak constitution, overtaken by one of these hurricanes in the open air, generally succumbs. But robust men, even those in full vigour of life, feel depressed in every limb for several hours after exposure to these storms, and recover but slowly, and by degrees. Animals fly and endeavour to conceal themselves; every creature, in fact, seeks a place of shelter. The camels on journeys indicate the storm before it breaks forth by an unsteadiness of gait, and by drooping their heads towards the ground.

A no less remarkable phenomenon is the Mirage, i. e. the appearance of seas and rivers, supposed to be observed in the middle of the desert, but which, in fact, are only represented to the eye in this deceptive manner by a rising vapour, and the reflection of the sun. The sensation is indescribable, of descrying at the distance large rivers and lakes, after having travelled for several tedious days through the desert, where nothing is to be seen but sand and heaven, as but water and sky on the high seas, and at a time, moreover, when the traveller is longing after water. We wish for wings, to be able to reach the element of which we have been so long deprived as quickly as possible. We delight in the idea of invigorating the exhausted and enervated body by a bath, and the eye is continually bent upon this pleasing object. But what is our disappointment,—how are the spirits depressed,—when, notwithstanding these ardent wishes, on our approach, the lakes and rivers, which we had discerned at the distance, are resolved, in the literal sense of the word, into thin air; and when we find, in lieu of water, the sand as hot and dry as in the place we had just left! When the traveller has frequently observed this phenomenon, and accustomed himself to it, he will be pleased with the image which diverts his eye, and will look upon it as a variation in the scene. These aerial phenomena are called in the country, Bahr-el-Ghazal, or Gazelle Rivers, probably because, like these animals, they disappear as soon as seen.

The rains begin in the month of June, and terminate with the month of October. Those who have not spent this season in a tropical country, can form no idea of the showers which then drench the earth. The storms generally arise in the east or in the south. A small black cloud is, at first, perceived on the horizon, which increases as it approaches, spreads in a few minutes, with incredible velocity, over the whole region, and then descends. A fearful storm now rages: flash upon flash, and peal succeeding peal, the lightning illumines the whole heavens, and the thunder rolls most fearfully, as if the sky were about to open and the earth to burst; streams of water pour down with violence, which the soil is incapable of imbibing, and torrents are thus formed, destined, however, soon to be lost in the sands. Showers of this description generally last over one quarter of an hour, seldom for a longer period, and very rarely, indeed, are they repeated on the same day. They remit frequently during two, three, or even six days, and this is the most unhealthy, and even dangerous time both for strangers and natives; but it is admitted by general consent, that those of white colour suffer more than the blacks.

As if by magic, Nature now awakes from her sleep of death; for, immediately after the first shower, the earth is clad with verdure, the trees shoot forth fresh buds, and a vesture of flowers is spread over the whole country.

Certain districts of Kordofan, whose position is not elevated, may, indeed, be compared with Paradise. Everything there appears in most perfect luxuriance. All the trees and bushes are covered with flowers and fruit, so that the leaves are scarcely discernible. The grass attains a height sufficient to cover a rider and his horse. Creeping plants wind themselves up to the summit of the highest trees; in short, the force and vigour of vegetation is everywhere demonstrated. As the eye is delighted by the diversity of the magnificent flowers, so it is also gratified by the varieties of colours displayed in the plumage of the parrots, colibris, and other feathered inhabitants of the desert and the gardens, animating the trees with their gorgeous plumes, and enchanting the ear with their delightful song; melodious and charming notes resound, as if in emulation, from the various branches, and I could almost have forgotten the song of the lark and the nightingale of my own beloved country. But these silvery notes are not of long duration; the song is too sweet to last for a long time. It begins as the first dawn of morning removes the veil of night, increases as the light extends; but when the sun arises above the horizon of the desert, or gilds the mountains with his rays, one warbler after the other becomes mute, and single notes are only heard. Now appear a swarm of butterflies and beautiful insects, delighting the eye with the same change of gorgeous colours. Giraffes, antelopes, and other animals, browse upon the plains in the full enjoyment of life. But all these charms soon disappear, for, under the operation of the unhealthy climate, all cheerfulness of spirits fades in opposition to the resolute efforts of the will, and anxiety befalls man and robs him of all his rest. Debility of stomach, nausea, disinclination for food, in short, all the precursory symptoms of disease, deprive him of every enjoyment which the beauties of nature might afford; and, in a short time, he is stretched upon the bed of sickness, from which no stranger is entirely exempt; thus, of all the Europeans who have visited these regions, and sojourned there for any time, but very few have escaped with their lives, as far as our observations at present reach; for the miasmata with which the air is impregnated, arising from the morasses, the unwholesome water, the damp south winds, penetrating to the very nerves, all co-operate to wear out the thread of life; and every one hastens, if it be, indeed, in his power, to quit this unhealthy climate as quickly as he possibly can. Do not imagine that the showers clear the atmosphere, as is the case in Europe, for they are immediately followed by intense heat, which, during my residence in the country attained a degree of 30° R. = 99° Fahrenheit.

December and January are the most healthy months, but the nights are then so cold that the thermometer frequently falls to 8°, or even 4° R., (50° or 41° F.,) especially shortly before sunrise. This rapid change from the extremes of heat and cold, and the pernicious vapours, are very deleterious in their effect on the constitution of man, especially on the health of strangers coming from the northern districts of Egypt or from Europe; and, indeed, few men can ever totally accommodate themselves to this climate.

CHAPTER II.
HISTORY.

Every one will agree that it is no easy matter to write the history of a country, or, rather, of a province, whose inhabitants live in a state of utter ignorance, and care little for the occurrences which took place but half the period of the life of man before them. There exist, moreover, no chronicles capable of giving information on any event which might serve as reference; thus I was unable to extend my researches, or to learn more than was communicated to me by a faquir,[4] seventy-eight years of age, who appeared to me worthy of belief, and who had been an eye-witness of all the recent events.

Kordofan takes its name from a mountain, situate at three and a half hours’ march to the south-east of Lobeid. The aborigines are negroes from Nubia, who, even at the present time, inhabit many parts of Kordofan. The word Kordofan itself is of Nubian derivation. Three tribes subsequently immigrated: the Hadejat, el Giomme, and Bederie. The period of this immigration, however, cannot be definitely determined. These three nomadic tribes distributed themselves over the country round about Mount Kordofan, occupied themselves with cattle-breeding, and each tribe had its sheikh, or magistrate; but from these three tribes, collectively, a head was chosen, who acted as impartial judge in all questions of difficulty, and, in fact, as the last authority. This people became, towards the middle of the last century, better acquainted with Sennaar. The King of Sennaar, namely, sent, in the year 1779, the Sheikh Nacib, with two thousand cavalry, to take possession of the country, and the tribes surrendered, with a pretty good grace, to their fate, without offering much resistance. Thus they remained for about five years, under the government of Sennaar. A Melek was instituted, and the people felt themselves happy under his government. Several Arab tribes, and people from Sennaar and Dongola, immigrated into the country, and agriculture and commerce began to flourish. Darfour now directed its attention towards this province, and entered on a campaign, in which the Melek-el-Hashma was driven out of Sennaar, and expelled the country for ever. Meleks now governed this country in the name of the Sultan of Darfour, up to the year 1821, during thirty-five years of the reign of Mehemed Ibn Fadels. During this epoch the country was also prosperous; the inhabitants lived in peace, and were not troubled with taxes; the merchants were exempt from all duties, and the tribute paid was a voluntary present to the Sultan of Darfour.

Bara, the second commercial town of importance in the country, was built by the Dongolavi; tribes immigrated from the most distant parts, and this province enjoyed a high degree of prosperity, under the really mild government of Darfour. Commerce extended in all directions; caravans brought the produce from Abyssinia, the interior of Africa, and from Egypt, into the two towns of Lobeid and Bara, whence the greater part was again transported into other countries. Abundance might be said to reign everywhere, and there was no want of any necessaries, whilst all were wealthy, and even the women of the less opulent inhabitants wore golden rings in their noses and ears, and many even golden bracelets and silver anklets round their feet. No other metal but gold or silver was to be seen in the decoration of the women, and many female slaves even wore gold about their persons. Agriculture and cattle-breeding flourished, and there were few inhabitants in the country who did not, to a certain extent, devote themselves to commerce. The whole population, in fact, lived free from care, and was wealthy; singing and dancing resounded from place to place; in short, this was the golden age of Kordofan.

This state of happiness was not, however, of long duration, for in the year 1821 Mehemed Ali sent his son-in-law, the notorious Defturdar, with a brigade of four thousand five hundred infantry and cavalry, attended by eight hundred Bedouins and eight pieces of artillery, to subject this country to his power. The people, apprized of his intention, prepared themselves to the utmost of their power for defence. The Melek Moosalem marched out with his troops to meet the Defturdar at Bara,—a march of twelve hours from Lobeid. His numerous but irregular army was well provided with every species of warlike weapons, excepting fire-arms, which were little or not at all known in the country. The cavalry, like the old Numidian equestrian troops, wore a shirt of mail, and pointed helmet without a vizor on their heads, and bore a double-edged sword thirty-six inches in length. The horses were caparisoned with plates of copper. The infantry were nearly naked; armed simply with a shield and spear, and but a small party of them with two-edged swords, (turbatsh,) and a species of tomahawk. The battle was fierce and bloody. The men of Kordofan rushed with fury upon the foe, and defended their freedom with a total disregard of death; even women participated in the fray. Hundreds of the combatants fell struck by the balls of the enemy; the wounded placed their fingers in their wounds, unable to understand how they could have been hurt, without having been touched by a weapon; so ignorant were they of the use of fire-arms. Infuriated they flung their spears at the cannons; and, having succeeded in capturing a gun for a short time, sought to revenge themselves on it for the destruction it had poured forth, by attacking it with their swords. The battle remained for a long time undecided. The Defturdar placed himself at the head of his cavalry, and, although ill, would not leave the field. Several attacks were valiantly repulsed. The Bedouins put the Turks to the blush by their bravery; where the battle raged hottest, these children of the desert were to be seen discomfiting the enemy most. Victory inclined sometimes to the side of the Turks, sometimes to the side of the men of Kordofan, but it yet remained doubtful. The Turks were sometimes sorely pushed; a Sheikh, however, of the Bedouins, from the race of Gemeat, was fortunate enough to lay Moosalem, the leader of the Kordofanese, prostrate with a pistol shot; his death decided the battle. The army of Kordofan, deprived of its leader, turned and took to flight; they were pursued by the Turkish cavalry, and many of them killed on this route. Amongst the dead on the field of battle three women were even found, who had taken an active part in the fight for their freedom. On the second day after this battle, the Defturdar entered Lobeid with his victorious army. The town was plundered, and nearly wholly sacked; the Defturdar found immeasurable treasure in this place, which this avaricious tyrant immediately appropriated to himself. The country surrendered without further resistance, excepting the mountain of “Dyre,” situated at twenty hours’ march from Lobeid, which has retained its freedom to the present day. The Turkish army suffered deprivations of all kinds; the greater part fell victims to the climate, and but few survived who could withstand its pernicious influence, and thus escaped with their lives.

Kordofan, excepting the free Nuba, is now divided into five districts; a Casheff, or captain, presiding over each; a colonel, resident in Lobeid, is governor of the province, and no pen can describe to what oppression the country is now subjected; all signs of wealth have entirely disappeared, and it is, as it were, drained by the Turks, who will not suffer any private person to attain the slightest degree of opulence. Many of the natives, tired of this oppression, have emigrated with all their possessions, and sought refuge either in Darfour, or in Takeli; and even as lately as the year 1838 the inhabitants of six villages have left the country. Nothing is now discernible but poverty and misery; inhabitants of even moderate means are not to be met with, if we, perhaps, except some few Djelabi.[5]

The various tribes inhabiting the country at present are the following: Hadejat, el Giomme, Bederie, Shiswaba, el Etoman, Ogendiab, Birget, Dombab, Almakaita, Elberiab, Hassenie, Hawara, Felata, Denagle or Dongolavi, Darhammer, Abusanun, Darhami, Serauy, Freseh, Basaue, el Maramera, Volet el Angon, Czahalin, Kubbabeesh (Sheikh Salé), Benecira, Hababin (Sheikh Abdel Mahmud), Elhauwasma (Sheikh Moosa), el Messerie (Sheikh Labaied), Koncieri or Darfurer, Pergu, and Nas-Gioffon;[6] but these people may be arranged collectively under three heads, namely: the Negroes; the Bakkari and Arabs or free people; and the Dongolavi. All these various tribes differ in their manners and customs, if not totally, at least to a certain extent, and speak thirteen dialects and languages among them.

The total population of Kordofan may be computed at 400,000 souls, excluding the nomadic Bakkari. The Defturdar did all in his power to degrade this country, and his name is, even at the present day, a word of terror to the natives. Terribly, indeed, the tyrant abused his authority in this unhappy country; no pen can describe the cruelties which he perpetrated in the province. Human nature revolts at hearing the inventions of this ruffian, practised upon his unfortunate victims for the mere gratification of his passion of cruelty. I should not have believed every rumour, or have regarded the accounts I heard of the atrocities of this man, for the most part, in the light of fiction, if I had not received corroborating evidence in all the districts of Kordofan, Sennaar and Egypt, through which I travelled; tales the more worthy of credit, inasmuch as many persons are yet living who were not only eye-witnesses of all these deeds of horror, but even themselves sufferers by his cruelty.

I may, perhaps, be permitted to illustrate a few traits in the character of this ruthless tyrant by narrating some of his feats; it will then become evident, that this flourishing country could but sink in a very short time, as the natural consequence of his oppressive tyranny; and that a considerable period must elapse before it will be able to recover itself but slightly.

A soldier who had stolen a sheep from a peasant was caught in the very act. He not only refused to return the stolen goods, but even maltreated the peasant. Confiding in the equity of his cause, the latter thought he should more probably have justice done him by the governor than by any one else, and entered a complaint against the soldier. The Defturdar listened very patiently to the story; but, when the peasant had finished, the tyrant accosted him in an angry voice, with the words: “And with these trifles you trouble me?” Then turning to his attendants he ordered the peasant to be brought before the kadi; they understood immediately that he meant by the kadi, a cannon, carried the poor wretch immediately off, and bound him to the mouth of a gun which was instantly fired.

His very servants, consisting not only of slaves, but of free Arabs and Turks, although they might be regarded as his executioners, stood in great awe of him, for he punished the slightest offence of which they might be guilty with every imaginable species of cruelty. Thus it happened that one of these servants was tempted to dip his finger into a dish to taste it. The Defturdar, unfortunately, observed the act. He demanded of the unhappy man, in an ironical tone, whether the dish were sweet or sour? The servant was naturally mute with fear. The Defturdar now ordered him to be nailed by the tongue to the door and his face to be smeared with honey, in order, as he expressed himself, to stimulate his gustatory faculties. In this position the unfortunate man had to pass two full hours. It took a long time before he recovered, and a variety of remedies were required to heal his tongue.

A seyss or groom, whose office is, according to custom in Egypt, to run before the rider, was incapable of keeping up with the Defturdar from absolute fatigue, in a long and quick trot. The tyrant struck him with his whip to quicken his pace. The unfortunate man, who was, however, quite exhausted, as may be supposed, did not become more active after this remedy had been applied. For this crime the unnatural barbarian had his feet bound to the tail of a horse, and ordered the animal to be driven through the streets of Lobeid by two other seyss. The unhappy groom would, no doubt, have met with his death in this manner, were not the streets paved merely with fine sand; thus he received many wounds, but none which proved mortal. The horse, unaccustomed to such usage, turned suddenly round, and struck at the unfortunate seyss, who, in desperation, seized the animal with all his remaining strength by the head; and to save himself bit into its upper lip. No attention was at first paid to this slight wound, but in a short time the head of the horse began to swell, and it eventually died. The seyss who was covered with wounds, however, survived the torture.

A man gave his neighbour, in a quarrel, a box on the ears; the latter brought a complaint against him before the Defturdar. “With which hand didst thou strike thy neighbour?” asked the tyrant. “With the right,” answered the peasant. “Well,” replied the Defturdar, “that thou mayst not forget it, I shall have the flesh removed from the palm of that hand.” This order was immediately executed. “Now return to thy work,” said the Defturdar to the sufferer, who, writhing with pain, replied: “In this state I cannot work.”—“What!” exclaimed the tyrant in a rage; “thou darest to contradict me! cut his tongue out, it is rather too long!” and this operation was also immediately performed, without consideration of the tortures to which he had been previously subjected.

The Defturdar one day observed, that some one had taken a pinch of snuff out of his box during his absence; his suspicion lighted upon his valet; he, therefore, on a subsequent occasion, confined a fly in his box and leaving it in his divan went into another room, and ordered his servant to fetch something from the chamber in which he had put down the box. The servant fell into the snare, was really tempted to take a pinch, and the fly escaped without being observed. In a short time the Defturdar returned to the room, found that the fly had escaped from its confinement, and immediately asked the servant “Who had opened the box?”—“I, sir,” he confidently replied; “I took a pinch.” This liberty he paid with his life: the ruffian had him flogged to death.

A negro bought milk of a women for five paras,[7] drank it, but forgot the payment; the woman complained to the Defturdar, who happened to be in the neighbourhood. “Well,” said he, “I will immediately investigate the affair,” and ordered the offending negro to be instantly brought before him. When he appeared, he asked him, if he had bought milk of that woman and not paid for it? The negro in fear denied it. The barbarian immediately ordered the abdomen of the negro to be cut open, to see whether his stomach contained the milk. It was, indeed, found; whereupon he quietly said to the woman: “Thou art right, take these five paras, and now go thy ways.”

In his garden the Defturdar had a den, in which he kept a lion; the animal became gradually so tame that he ran about at liberty in the grounds, and followed his master like a dog. Of this tame lion the tyrant made use to frighten the people who came before him, a species of wanton sport in which he took the greatest pleasure. If it so happened that no stranger came to visit him during the hour in which he engaged himself in his garden, he ordered his attendants to bring any person they might meet on the high roads to him. The invitation was sufficient in itself to frighten any one to death; but when an unfortunate man in the greatest trepidation entered the garden, and in absolute fear of his life creeping along the earth, approached the Defturdar, he set the lion at him, and the poor fellow, of course, fell senseless to the ground at the sight of the wild beast. This was now his greatest delight; for, although the animal did no harm, it was sufficient to frighten the most courageous man to be brought in close contact with a rampant lion.

Before this animal was quite domesticated, and whilst it was yet kept in confinement, one of the gardener’s assistants was guilty of some error, of which the superintendant complained to the Defturdar. In no case dilatory in passing judgment, he ordered the accused, without going into details, or listening even to the full explanation of the case, to be cast into the lion’s den. This order was immediately complied with; the beast, however, treated the poor condemned wretch like a second Daniel; it not only did him no harm, but, to the astonishment of all beholders, licked his hands. The gardener’s assistant was not the animal’s attendant, but had occasionally thrown some of his bread into the den in passing. The noble animal had not forgotten this kindness, and spared his benefactor’s life. The Defturdar, on hearing this, was by no means pleased; but bloodthirsty as ever, and without feeling the slightest appreciation for this act of generosity, ordered the lion to be kept fasting during the whole of the day, and the delinquent to remain in confinement, thinking in the anger of ungratified rage, to force the beast to become the executioner of its benefactor. But even hunger could not overcome the magnanimity of the royal animal, and the poor gardener remained the whole day unhurt in the den with the lion.[8] In the evening he was liberated, but the unfortunate man did not long escape the vengeance of the tyrant, who, meeting him one day in the garden, where he had brushed up a heap of leaves, accosted him with, “Dog, thou art so bad that a lion will not eat thee, but now thou hast made thine own grave.” Hereupon he commanded him to carry the dry leaves to an oven, and then to creep in himself. When this order was executed the tyrant had the leaves lighted, and the poor wretch expired under the most horrid tortures.

A Fellah (peasant) owed the government forty maamle,[9] the sheikh of his village had his last ox seized, the fellah declaring himself incapable of paying. The beast was slaughtered and divided into forty parts: the butcher received the head and skin for his trouble, and the remaining forty parts were sold at one maamle each, to the inhabitants of the village promiscuously. The meat, as may be supposed, was quickly sold at this low price. The poor peasant now appeared with a complaint before the Defturdar, assuring him that the ox was worth more than forty maamle. The Defturdar proceeded with all speed to the village, to investigate the matter on the spot. Having convinced himself of the truth, he ordered the sheikh, the butcher, and all those persons who had bought a portion of the confiscated ox, to be called together, and reproached the sheikh, in presence of all for his unlawful conduct. The butcher now received the order to slaughter the sheikh and to divide his body into forty parts. Every former purchaser was obliged to buy a part at a price of one maamle, and to carry the flesh home with him. The money was handed over to the Fellah as an indemnification for the ox which had been taken from him.

At the feast of the Baëram[10] all the servants and seyss, eighteen in number, went before the Defturdar to offer their congratulations according to custom, and begged at the same time for a pair of new shoes. “You shall have them,” said he. He now had the farrier called, and commanded him to make eighteen pairs of horse-shoes to fit the feet of his servants; these were ready on the next day, whereupon he ordered two shoes to be nailed to the soles of the feet of each of the eighteen servants without mercy. Nine of them died in a short time of mortification; he then had the survivers unshod, and consigned them to the care of a medical man.

But, enough of the atrocities perpetrated by this tiger in human shape, cruelties which are neither to be justified nor excused. Volumes might be filled with instances of tyranny of which this barbarian was guilty in the conquered country of Kordofan, in Sennaar, and Egypt. No single day passed without its tribute to his blood-thirsty cruelty. His power of invention of tortures for his unfortunate victims was extraordinary, and he was always capable of lighting upon some new mode of gratifying his revengeful disposition. His name will remain unforgotten for ages in Kordofan, Sennaar, and Egypt, and is yet an object of terror to all who hear it. Mehemed Ali, wearied of the complaints which daily reached him against this tyrant, at last had a bowl of poison presented to him. I myself saw several of the victims of his cruelty who had been fortunate enough to escape with their lives, but wandered about the country as cripples, begging their daily bread from their neighbours, deprived of their noses, ears, or tongues, or with their eyes put out.

We may now easily imagine what fate befel this ill-starred country, when it became subject to the Turks. In former days, the inhabitants lived in freedom, without care, in the consciousness of security of property, or at least of life; but, when the Turks gained possession of this province, a total change took place; from that moment, the right of property ceased to exist, and the government considered all possessions as its own. Add to this the inhuman conduct of the Defturdar, which brought the people to the verge of despair; for the slightest suspicion that any one subject had amassed a small fortune, either in goods, money, or cattle, was sufficient to bring him, under some pretext, to death, in order to be able to confiscate his property. The Defturdar was insatiable; he robbed everything, if he only knew where to find it, and had thus collected immeasurable wealth in a very short space of time.

The government is, indeed, at present, rather more lenient, and its officers have received a check in their arbitrary abuse of power; but the distance from the seat of government is too great to render the superior authorities cognizant of all abuses, too many of which, unfortunately, yet afflict this doomed province.

CHAPTER III.
GOVERNMENT.

Under the government of Darfour, there were no taxes, no duties, trade was free, and everywhere reigned opulence. Now the reverse is observed. Duties and imposts of every description oppress the people, and have reduced them to abject poverty. The old proverb, “Where a Turk sets his foot no grass will grow,” is, in this province, adequately exemplified. The originator of all this misery was, undoubtedly, the Defturdar, the conqueror of this country. With the conquest, government was out of the question, for every one was subjected to arbitrary and tyrannical treatment. Mehemed Ali, indeed, recalled the Defturdar, but the people experienced, on the whole, no material relief by this measure, for the subsequent governors were by no means idle in scraping treasure together, and gradually exhausted all the sap from this already impoverished country. The province is now governed by the Bey, (colonel,) of the first regiment of the line, quartered at Lobeid, to whom the Casheffs, (chief magistrates of the five districts, and generally captains in the same regiment,) are subordinate. The Bey is again responsible to the Pasha (general) of Khartoom, who is, at the same time, governor of the whole Belled Soodan.[11]

The Bey, or governor, is the superior authority in all civil and military affairs; his decision is peremptory; but, in matters of importance, orders must be received from Khartoom. In judicial cases, the kadi passes judgment, and the governor sees it executed; this, however, is generally a mere blind, to keep up the appearance of a just administration of the law to the people, for every judgment is perfectly arbitrary.

The revenue consists of the ordinary taxes, and in the levy of custom duties, but these are never exacted in proper proportion, or after a fixed scale; for when a contribution is ordered to be levied from Cairo, the country is generally forced to contribute double the amount,—a very natural consequence, when we consider that all the government situations are held by officers, who purchase their commissions from the governor. It is, of course, an understood thing, that one functionary endeavours to outbid the other, in which practice he is encouraged by the knowledge, that he will in time be able to make good his outlay. They certainly cannot reckon on enjoying their privileges for any length of time; for if a person present himself, and pay a few purses of money more, the colonel is not long in finding a cause for turning one of his former employes out of office, and conferring the vacant situation on the new candidate. Every officer, therefore, endeavours to extort as much as he possibly can by oppression, in the shortest possible time, in order to reimburse himself for his expenditure, and to gain something by his bargain. Each casheff, or captain of a district, is provided with a few subordinate officers, who are distributed in the distant localities. These subalterns, and the Sheikhs el Belled, or village magistrates, must occasionally make presents to the casheffs. The sheikhs are by no means thoughtless of themselves; and lastly, the copts, who perform the duties of secretaries, all and every one prey upon the small gains of the poor inhabitants, so that we may easily conceive what the unfortunate people have to suffer. Mehemed Ali, acquainted with the arbitrary proceedings of the governors, and subordinate functionaries, notwithstanding the great distance from the scene of their rapacity, has done everything in his power to put a limit to these impositions. Thus, in the years 1838 and 1839, a greater part of the employés were summoned before a commission of enquiry, and sent into different provinces,—in short, everything was done to bring about a just administration, but all in vain. With the best intentions, the Viceroy was incapable of curing the cancer which preyed upon the bowels of the land; and although, indeed, much of the property, which had been unjustly scraped together,—or we should rather say, the plunder of the government functionaries,—was confiscated; the Viceroy was, in the end, the gainer, not the people. To the latter, nothing is returned; and this restitution, indeed, would be no easy undertaking, inasmuch as the individual sufferers could not be readily found, and Mehemed Ali, moreover, does not trouble himself in the slightest about the matter. It is true that the country swarms with spies, who observe every action of the government officers with great accuracy, and make their reports in a higher quarter; but the state, in these cases, confiscates the plunder, as I have before mentioned, and the poor people receive no indemnification. The interests of the separate functionaries are, moreover, too closely united for the one to place any impediment in the way of the other. The judges are bribed, and a mere deposition, or loss of office, generally terminates the affair. When the detected fraud is, however, too flagitious, the criminated officer is immediately sent into a distant province, and then prosecuted, in order that he may have no opportunity of coming to an understanding with his judges, or accusers. In this case he is certainly lost; but the state confiscates the proceeds of his rapacity, and his successor plunders and extorts again, as much as he possibly can, as long as he can manage to keep his actions secret.

An additional, and chief grievance, is the circumstance of the Viceroy being obliged to treat the governors with the utmost lenity and forbearance; for he knows full well how dangerous it would be to irritate them, and thus, perhaps, to goad them on to rebellion. In one moment the whole Belled Soodan would be lost, and not so easily regained. The troops of the garrison consist of native negroes, who implicitly obey those who give them the most, or merely make them the largest promises, and who more especially treat them with kindness. The country in general detests the Viceroy, believing him to be the cause of all the oppression under which it groans, as it considers all the acts of injustice, under which it has to suffer, to be perpetrated by his orders. In case of a governor, therefore, rebelling against the government, the whole province would instantly attach itself to his faction, if he merely released them of a portion of their taxation. To re-conquer the country by force of arms would be a more difficult matter than it was twenty years ago; we know what resistance the negroes of Kordofan and Sennaar offered the Turks, when armed with spears and swords only; and at present, there are 15,000 muskets in the arsenal at Khartoom, which would give the insurgents no small advantage. Mehemed Ali knows all this very well, and acts very wisely in conciliating the governors: the authority of the latter is, therefore, virtually far greater than that of the Viceroy, and most wofully do they use it to their advantage; for, with few exceptions, they exert unlimited power, are masters over life and death, as also over the property of the people. A code of laws has certainly been instituted, but these are totally disregarded, and in every case will is law. Judgment is sometimes even passed according to the whim or fancy of the individual in the most unjustifiable manner. During my residence in this country, I had the opportunity of convincing myself of this fact.

A Turk, who travelled with a large quantity of goods, was murdered in the desert of Bahiouda,[12] and robbed of his property. All investigations and endeavours to detect the murderer proved fruitless; thus much was, however, subsequently discovered, that the goods had been sold at Darfour, and it was suspected that the perpetrator of the crime was secreted in Kordofan. Several persons were taken into custody, and examined, but in vain; the delinquent could not be discovered. A prophetess, who, by casting a handful of shells on the sand, pretended to be able to look into futurity, and to explain the past, arrived, by means of her mystic art, at the conclusion, that the son of the Sheikh of Haraza was the murderer. The result of her sorcery was imparted to the governor, Mohammed Bey, in conversation over a pipe of tobacco. The governor, a man of weak mind, who placed more confidence in the idle talk of an old woman, than in common sense, gave credence to this tale, and had the man accused instantly arrested, and conducted by a party of soldiers to Lobeid; he was then loaded with irons, and cast into prison; whereupon the investigation immediately took place. Although he asserted that he was at that time in quite a different place, and was able to corroborate this statement by witnesses, the testimony of a fortune-teller was regarded as better evidence, and the unfortunate man was subjected to the most cruel tortures to force a confession from him. He was bound, by order of the governor, hand and foot, close to a large fire, whence a soldier took a burning branch, and burnt his body; he received twenty wounds, and not until he writhed like a worm with pain and anger did the governor put a stop to the cruelty. The true criminal was shortly after this discovered, and the son of the Sheikh, who had been so frightfully tortured, was now proved to be innocent; but no one could alleviate his sufferings, and any further compensation was totally out of the question.

When an individual is guilty of any offence, the examination generally takes place as soon as he is arrested, judgment is quickly passed, and instantly executed. Two circumstances are, however, necessary for the conviction of the party accused,—namely, detection in the act, or confession. If he plead not guilty, and deny the charge, he is submitted to torture, and thus it frequently happens that the innocent suffer for the guilty.

Stealing a slave, an ox, a camel, an ass, &c., is punished by the loss of a hand. The judgment is executed by the first butcher casually met with in the streets. The delinquent is ordered to lay his hand upon a block, in which situation it is held down by two men: the butcher then chops it off. The stump is immediately thrust into a vessel containing butter, heated nearly to the boiling point, which stands in readiness, for the purpose of stopping hæmorrhage, and preventing mortification, and the limb is then enveloped in a rag. In the course of ten minutes all is over, and the sufferer returns home.

Murder, with the exception of negroes, is of very rare occurrence. One single instance of this crime occurred in the year 1838; the murderer was detected, and, after a short examination, hung on a gibbet erected in front of the house of the governor. In praise of Mehemed Ali, it must be stated that there is not at present that danger for an European travelling through the country as was the case during the time it was under the government of Darfour, when no Djelabi could venture to undertake a journey into this province, excepting under the protection of a considerable escort. At present, any person may traverse the country from one end to the other without fear. I myself, on nearly all occasions, travelled alone, or merely accompanied by my servant, and never met with the slightest delay from robberies, or other hinderances; on the contrary, I was everywhere received with the utmost hospitality and courtesy,—the more so when it became gradually known that I was no Turk, although of white colour, but a Frank.

Cases of petty larceny are of frequent occurrence; for thieving is almost a congenital vice with many of the negroes. What they see they wish to possess, and if it be not given to them freely, they will watch their opportunity of appropriating it to themselves; but we never find several persons conspiring together to commit a robbery.

A single mountain,—“Mount Dyre,” inhabited by negroes, who have not yet been brought to submission, is to be dreaded; for these people live solely by plunder and robbery. They make incursions into the neighbouring country in large bodies, even to Milbes, situate at three hours’ march from Lobeid, and steal and rob everything that comes in their way, both men and cattle, which they either use for their own purposes, or sell to others, The Djelabi, and other travellers, avoid this hill, by making a great circuit, in order to escape the negroes of “Dyre.”

The jurisdiction over the offences and crimes of slaves, is an affair sui generis. This class of beings is not looked upon, or treated as men, but as cattle. The master of a slave acts as judge in cases of offences, which the one or the other may commit in his house. If one slave murder or stab the other, the proprietor must bear the loss, if both the slaves be his property; and he can merely punish the criminal, or sell him, if he please. In this case, the affair is regarded in the same light as when, in Europe, one horse kills the other, both belonging to the same owner. If, on the other hand, the murdered slave be the property of another, the proprietor of the murderer must make the loss good; and only if he refuse, or offer too little, proceedings at law are entered upon,—not a criminal process for murder, but a suit for damages. Only in case a slave murder a free man, is he ever brought to trial, and executed according to sentence.

The revenue is collected partly in money, partly in kind, i. e., in products, or slaves; there is no systematic arrangement in the mode in which the contribution is levied; the governor fixes the rate, and it is the duty of the casheffs, and Sheikhs-el Belled, to collect it. Whosoever is suspected of possessing any treasure is forced to give it up, or his cattle, or other property, is taken away from him by force. In the year 1838, the country was obliged to contribute, in addition to the imposts in money, beside cattle, butter, and slaves, 4,000 ardeb[13] (about 118,000 sacks) of doura,[14] or millet; and the Bakkara nomadic tribes, 12,000 oxen, and kine. Cattle is only received from the villagers when they cannot produce cash; a large ox is then taken by the government to the value of 35 piaster, (3 fl., 30 kr., C.M.; about 9 shillings sterling). During several years, 8,000 heads of horned cattle were annually sent to Cairo, the greater part of which perished on the road. The government have now had their eyes opened to the absurdity of driving beasts so great a distance, and the transport of cattle to Cairo has consequently ceased; they are now only driven to Khartoom. The cash received as revenue proceeds from taxes, duties, the sale of slaves, and other produce of the country. It is impossible to describe the cruelty with which the taxes and contributions are collected; and it is really wonderful that it should be yet possible to drain a country, where so little trade is carried on, of such large sums annually. But this state of things cannot last long; for the ready money decreases with every year, and the trade of the country is scarcely worthy of consideration. The people will, in fact, eventually be obliged to emigrate, as they have already from several parts, or a general insurrection will be the result; this revolution would, indeed, have taken place in 1838, if a leader had been forthcoming. Droughts, or excess of rains, may cause the harvest, in many districts, to fail, or the locusts may totally devour it; the cattle, moreover, may fall a prey to epidemic diseases; but none of these circumstances are ever taken into consideration, and the contributions are levied without mercy or compassion. In the year 1838, the inhabitants of several villages, were forced, in consequence of an unsuccessful harvest, to take refuge in a forest, and to live upon the fruit of a tree, called Egelit, and on milk; but the government knew very well where to find them, and took away all their cattle. When a village has nothing left wherewith to pay its taxes, it is obliged to find a certain number of slaves, who are drafted as recruits into the various regiments, or publicly sold; in the former case, the government receives these slaves at a value of 150 to 300 piasters, (15 to 30 fl., C.M.; from 30 shillings to £3 10s.) a-head; children at 30 piasters, or more; but always below the market price, in order that Mehemed Ali, the great slave-merchant, may gain something by the bargain, at the expense of his oppressed subjects. A great portion of the imposts is even now paid in slaves; and on these occasions truly revolting scenes frequently take place. Should it ever happen that Mehemed Ali puts an end to slave-hunting, as he has confidently promised, he would yet remain the most extensive slave-merchant, because he endeavours to cover his revenues by slaves, and receives them in lieu of money. It is, indeed, much easier in this country to find a slave than a dollar of ready money; and this state of things is rather on the increase than on the decrease. With what right, may I ask, is Mehemed Ali called, by many Europeans, the civilizer of his country, when we have ample proof of his forcing his people to steal slaves, in order to be able to satisfy his claims as regent! Many of these subjects meet with an untimely end in these expeditions; for the negroes defend their freedom most stubbornly. If a native of Kordofan lose his father, his brother, or his friend, in one of these private depredatory excursions, he lays the blame on the free negroes, and endeavours to revenge the death of his relative; he becomes cruel, and, lastly, stains himself with the crime of murder, whilst the blame is due to no one but Mehemed Ali, the great slave-trader. Even if it were really ever to happen, that the transport of slaves to Cairo should cease, I have a strong suspicion that those slaves which Mehemed Ali receives in Kordofan, and elsewhere, in payment of imposts, would be sold to the Djelabi, to be transported into Arabia, to which country thousands are being daily sent.

As far as my observations went during my sojourn in this country, and it is an opinion of the correctness of which I had the opportunity of convincing myself in a great measure, there are many sources in the state to cover its revenue, without proceeding to such extreme and inhuman measures as slave-hunting or slave-trading. The sugar-cane grows here without cultivation and thrives exceedingly. The soil is, in many situations, well adapted to the growth of indigo, and the country would yield many other products, if the experiment were made, and water were not so scarce as it is in many situations. Although the White Nile flows close to the confines of the province, yet the water of this river could not be rendered serviceable for the irrigation of Kordofan by means of a canal, for the excavation of the bed would cost millions of money, and the country is so elevated that a simple canal would not answer the purpose. No less than twenty thousand heads of horned cattle might, with ease, be annually sent to Egypt, for there is no lack of pasturage; but the transport of cattle should be intrusted to the care of more sensible people than it has been hitherto, who have acted entirely on their own discretion. Mehemed Ali has, further, not yet made an attempt to derive any benefit from the large forests of gum trees in Nubia. They might be a source of great profit to the state, and would prove far more productive than those contemptible and atrocious slave-hunts. He need only employ the tenth part of those troops whose services are required in these abominable excursions as inspectors in collecting the gum, and allow the negroes of Nubia small wages, as is done in Kordofan; both the state and the people would in this way gain, and the negroes would enjoy their liberty; their confidence in the government would be augmented, when they came to understand that they were treated as a free people and not as slaves; trade, commerce, and agriculture would, by this measure, receive a stimulus and improve; and every man would with pleasure engage in an undertaking whence a small profit might be expected, because he would not have to tremble for his freedom and his life. The mountains of Nubia might yield from ten to twenty thousand cantari[15] of gum of the best quality annually; and Mehemed Ali would soon find out, that he could with as much ease obtain two cantari of gum as one slave, and that the acquisition would be attended with less expense.

The governors and government functionaries look upon Kordofan as their private property, and, regarding the inhabitants as slaves, treat them as such, in every sense of the word; thus the country is subjected to every possible species of extortion. In the year 1838, Mehemed Ali determined to undertake a journey to Sennaar. Many cases of oppression had probably reached his ears which were likely to lead to proceedings, and might prove productive of considerable sums. On his arrival at Khartoom, he summoned the chief sheikhs of Kordofan into his presence, and listened to the complaints of his subjects. On accurate investigation, and where he was convinced of unlawful actions he had the guilty party immediately prosecuted. Thus the governor of Kordofan was deposed, and all the staff-officers, with nine other officers and copts, were brought to trial. Much property which had been illegally acquired was certainly confiscated; but, as I have before observed, Mehemed Ali was, in the end, the sole gainer by this measure, and not the people. On his departure, the former arbitrary system prevailed; he left, indeed, strict orders with the governor and other government officers, rigorously prohibiting them from indulging in cruelties, but these measures were insufficient to mitigate the evil. Mehemed Ali was, on this occasion, cunning enough, in travelling to Fazoglo, to liberate a convoy of slaves he casually met on the road, who had but a few days before left their native hills;—but why? Because several Europeans were in his suite. No such orders were left in Kordofan; the stipulated number of five thousand slaves were delivered to a man. I was the only European at that time in Kordofan, and the governor condescended to request that I would not mention this circumstance in Europe. The country, in fine, could only be relieved and gradually raised from its present degraded state, by sending a governor to Kordofan who would act, not upon private interest, but on the interests of the state and people: in fact, as a man, as well as a diplomatist.