249. On the 16th of April, 1607, was born the second son of Henry IV. by Marie de Medicis, who received the title, Le Duc d'Orléans. In France, public rejoicings were universal. On the 22d of the month, he was invested with the insignia of the Order of St. Michael and the Holy Ghost with great pomp, on which occasion a banquet was given by the King in the great hall at Fontainebleau, and in the evening the park was illuminated by bonfires and a pyrotechnic display, which was witnessed by a vast concourse of people. The young prince was baptized privately by the Cardinal de Gondy, but the state ceremonies of his christening were delayed, and appear never to have taken place: he died in the fifth year of his age, never having received any Christian name.—Vide the Life of Marie de Medicis, by Miss Pardoe, London, 1852, Vol. I. p. 416; Memoirs of the Duke of Sully, Lennox, trans., Phila., 1817, Vol. IV. p. 140. In New France, the little colony at Port Royal attested their loyalty by suitable manifestations of joy. "As the day declined," Says Lescarbot, "we made bonfires to celebrate the birth of Monseigneur le Duc d'Orléans, and caused our cannon and falconets to thunder forth again, accompanied with plenty of musket-shots, having before for this purpose chanted a Te Deum." —Vide His. Nou. France, Paris, 1612, p.594.
250. Lescarbot says that about four hundred set out for the war against the Almouchiquois, at Choüacoet, or Saco. The savages were nearly two months in assembling themselves together. Mabretou had sent out his two sons, Actaudin and Actaudinech, to summon them to come to Port Royal as a rendezvous. They came from the river St. John, and from the region of Gaspé. Their purpose was accomplished, as will appear in the sequel.
251. At St. John, they visited the cabin of Secondon, the Sagamore, with whom they bartered for some furs. Lescarbot, who was in the expedition, says, "The town of Ouïgoudy was a great enclosure upon a hill, compassed about with high and small trees, tied one against another; and within it many cabins, great and small, one of which was as large as a market-hall, wherein many households resided." In the cabin of Secondon. they saw some eighty or a hundred savages, all nearly naked. They were celebrating a feast which they call Tabagie. Their chief made his warriors pass in review before his guests.—Vide His. Nou. France, par M. Lescarbot. Paris, 1612. p. 598.
252. They found sack at St. Croix that had been left there by De Monts's colony three years before, of which they drank. Casks were still lying in the deserted court-yard: and others had been used as fuel by mariners, who had chanced to come there.
253. De Laet's map has C. de Poutrincourt; the map of the English and
French Commissaries, C. Fendu or split Cape. Halliburton has Split
Cape, so likewise has the Admiralty map of 1860.
It is situated at the entrance of the Basin of Mines, and about eight miles southwest of Parrsborough. The point of this cape is in latitude 45° 20'.
254. Vide antea, p. 26.
255. The author is here speaking of the country about the Basin of Mines. The river at the head of the bay is the Shubenacadie. It is not easy to determine where the moss-covered cross was found. The distance from Cap de Poutrincourt is indefinite, and the direction could not have been exactly north. There is too much uncertainty to warrant even a conjecture as to its locality.
256. The port aux Mines is Advocate's Harbor.—Vide antea, p. 26, and note 67.
257. Niganis is a small Bay in the Island of Cape Breton, south of Cape North: by De Laet called Ninganis; English, and French Commissaries, Niganishe; modern maps, Niganish.
258. The 3d of July was doubtless an error of the printer for the 30th, as appears from the later date in the preceding paragraph, and the statement of Lescarbot, that he left on the 30th of July. He says they had one large barque, two small ones, and a shallop. One of the small ones was sent before, while the other two followed on the 30th; and he adds that Poutrincourt remained eleven days longer to await the ripening of their grain, which agrees with Champlain's subsequent statement, that he left with Poutrincourt on the 11th of August.—Vide His. Nou. France, 1612, p. 603.
259. The "Jonas."—Vide antea, p. 146.
260. Vide antea, note 258.
261. The implacable character of the American Indian is well illustrated in this skirmish which took place at Saco. The old chief Mabretou, whose life had been prolonged through several generations, had inspired his allies to revenge, and had been present at the conflict. The Indian Panounias had been killed in an affray, the particular cause of which is not stated. To avenge his death, many lives were lost on both sides. The two chiefs of Saco were slain, and in turn the author of their death perished by the hand of their friends. Lescarbot informs us that Champdoré, under Poutrincourt, subsequently visited Saco, and concluded a formal peace between the belligerent parties, emphasizing its importance by impressive forms, and ceremonies.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE SETTLEMENT ABANDONED.—RETURN TO FRANCE OF SIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT AND ALL HIS COMPANY.
On the 11th of August, we set out from our settlement in a shallop, and coasted along as far as Cape Fourchu, where I had previously been.
Continuing our course along the coast as far as Cap de la Hève, where we first landed with Sieur de Monts, on the 8th of May, 1604, [262] we examined the coast from this place as far as Canseau, a distance of nearly sixty leagues. This I had not yet done, and I observed it very carefully, making a map of it as of the other coasts.
Departing from Cap de la Hève, we went as far as Sesambre, an island so called by some people from St. Malo, [263] and distant fifteen leagues from La Hève. Along the route are a large number of islands, which we named Les Martyres, [264] since some Frenchmen were once killed there by the savages. These islands lie in several inlets and bays. In one of them is a river named St. Marguerite, [265] distant seven leagues from Sesambre, which is in latitude 44° 25'. The islands and coasts are thickly covered with pines, firs, birches, and other trees of inferior quality. Fish and also fowl are abundant.
After leaving Sesambre, we passed a bay which is unobstructed, of seven or eight leagues in extent, with no islands except at the extremity, where is the mouth of a small river, containing but little water. [266] Then, heading north-east a quarter east, we arrived at a harbor distant eight leagues from Sesambre, which is very suitable for vessels of a hundred or a hundred and twenty tons. At its entrance is an island from which one can walk to the main land at low tide. We named this place Port Saincte Helaine, [267] which is in latitude 44° 40' more or less.
From this place we proceeded to a bay called La Baye de Toutes Isles, [268] of some fourteen or fifteen leagues in extent, a dangerous place on account of the presence of banks, shoals, and reefs. The country presents a very unfavorable appearance, being filled with the same kind of trees which I have mentioned before. Here we encountered bad weather.
Hence we passed on near a river, six leagues distant, called Rivière de l'Isle Verte,[269] there being a green island at its entrance. This short distance which we traversed is filled with numerous rocks extending nearly a league out to sea, where the breakers are high, the latitude being 45° 15'.
Thence we went to a place where there is an inlet, with two or three islands, and a very good harbor, [270] distant three leagues from l'Isle Verte. We passed also by several islands near and in a line with each other, which we named Isles Rangées, [271] and which are distant six or seven leagues from l'Isle Verte. Afterwards we passed by another bay [272] containing several islands, and proceeded to a place where we found a vessel engaged in fishing between some islands, which are a short distance from the main land, and distant four leagues from the Rangées. This place we named Port de Savalette, [273] the name of the master of the vessel engaged in fishing, a Basque, who entertained us bountifully; and was very glad to see us, since there were savages there who purposed some harm to him, which we prevented. [274]
Leaving this place, we arrived on the 27th of the month at Canseau, distant six leagues from Port de Savalette, having passed on our way a large number of islands. At Canseau, we found that the three barques had arrived at port in safety. Champdoré and Lescarbot came out to receive us. We also found the vessel ready to sail, having finished its fishing and awaiting only fair weather to return. Meanwhile, we had much enjoyment among these islands, where we found the greatest possible quantity of raspberries.
All the coast which we passed along from Cape Sable to this place is moderately high and rocky, in most places bordered by numerous islands and breakers, which extend out to sea nearly two leagues in places, and are very unfavorable for the approach of vessels. Yet there cannot but be good harbors and roadsteads along the coasts and islands, if they were explored. As to the country, it is worse and less promising than in other places which we had seen, except on some rivers or brooks, where it is very pleasant; but there is no doubt that the winter in these regions is cold, lasting from six to seven months.
The harbor of Canseau [275] is a place surrounded by islands, to which the approach is very difficult, except in fair weather, on account of the rocks and breakers about it. Fishing, both green and dry, is carried on here.
From this place to the Island of Cape Breton, which is in latitude 45° 45' and 14° 50' of the deflection of the magnetic needle, [276] it is eight leagues, and to Cape Breton twenty-five. Between the two there is a large bay, [277] extending Some nine or ten leagues into the interior and making a passage between the Island of Cape Breton and the main land through to the great Bay of St. Lawrence, by which they go to Gaspé and Isle Percée, where fishing is carried on. This passage along the Island of Cape Breton is very narrow. Although there is water enough, large vessels do not pass there at all on account of the strong currents and the impetuosity of the tides which prevail. This we named Le Passage Courant, [278] and it is in latitude 45° 45'.
The Island of Cape Breton is of a triangular shape, with a circuit of about eighty leagues. Most of the country is mountainous, yet in some parts very pleasant. In the centre of it there is a kind of lake, [279] where the sea enters by the north a quarter north-west, and also by the south a quarter Southeast. [280] Here are many islands filled with plenty of game, and shell-fish of various kinds, including oysters, which, however, are not of very good flavor. In this place there are two harbors, where fishing is carried on; namely, Le Port aux Anglois, [281] distant from Cape Breton some two or three leagues, and Niganis, eighteen or twenty leagues north a quarter north-west. The Portuguese once made an attempt to settle this island, and spent a winter here; but the inclemency of the season and the cold caused them to abandon their settlement.
On the 3rd of September, we set out from Canseau. On the 4th, we were off Sable Island. On the 6th, we reached the Grand Bank, where the catching of green fish is carried on, in latitude 45° 30'. On the 26th, we entered the sound near the shores of Brittany and England, in sixty-five fathoms of water and in latitude 49° 30'. On the 28th, we put in at Roscou, [282] in lower Brittany, where we were detained by bad weather until the last day of September, when, the wind coming round favorable, we put to sea in order to pursue our route to St. Malo, [283] which formed the termination of these voyages, in which God had guided us without shipwreck or danger.
END OF THE VOYAGES FROM THE YEAR 1604 TO 1608.
ENDNOTES:
262. Vide antea, p. 9 and note 22.
263. Sesambre. This name was probably suggested by the little islet, Cézembre, one of several on which are military works for the defence of St. Malo. On De Laet's map of 1633, it is written Sesembre; on that of Charlevoix. 1744, Sincenibre. It now appears on the Admiralty maps corrupted into Sambro. There is a cape and a harbor near this island which bear the same name.
264. The islands stretching along from Cap de la Hève to Sambro Island are
called the Martyres Iles on De Laet's map, 1633.
265. The bay into which this river empties still retains the name of
St. Margaret.
266. Halifax Harbor. Its Indian name was Chebucto, written on the map of the English and French Commissaries Shebûctû. On Champlain's map, 1612, as likewise on that of De Laet, 1633, it is called "Baye Senne," perhaps from saine, signifying the unobstructed bay.
267. Eight leagues from the Island Sesambre or Sambro Island would take them to Perpisawick Inlet, which is doubtless Le Port Saincte Helaine of Champlain. The latitude of this harbor is 44° 41', differing but a single minute from that of the text, which is extraordinary, the usual variation being from ten to thirty minutes.
268. Nicomtau Bay is fifteen leagues from Perpisawick Inlet, but La Baye
de Toutes Isles is, more strictly speaking, an archipelago, extending
along the coast, say from Clam Bay to Liscomb Point, as may be seen by
reference to Champlain's map, 1612, and that of De Laet, 1633,
Cruxius, 1660, and of Charlevoix, 1744. The north-eastern portion of
this archipelago is now called, according to Laverdière, Island Bay.
269. Rivière de l'Isle Verte, or Green Island River, is the River
St. Mary; and Green Island is Wedge Island near its mouth. The
latitude at the mouth of the river is 45° 3'. This little island is
called I. Verte on De Laet's map, and likewise on that of
Charlevoix; on the map of the English and French Commissaries, Liscomb
or Green Island.
270. This inlet has now the incongruous name of Country Harbor: the three islands at its mouth are Harbor, Goose, and Green Islands. The inlet is called Mocodome on Charlevoix's map.
271. There are several islets on the east of St. Catharine's River, near the shore, which Laverdière suggests are the Isles Rangées. They are exceedingly small, and no name is given them on the Admiralty charts.
272. Tor Bay.
273. Le Port de Savalette. Obviously White Haven, which is four leagues from the Rangées and six from Canseau, as stated in the text. Lescarbot gives a very interesting account of Captain Savalette, the old Basque fisherman, who had made forty-two voyages into these waters. He had been eminently successful in fishing, having taken daily, according to his own account, fifty crowns' worth of codfish, and expected his voyage would yield, ten thousand francs. His vessel was of eighty tons burden, and could take in a hundred thousand dry codfish. He was well known, and a great favorite with the voyagers to this coast. He was from St. Jean de Luz, a small seaport town in the department of the Lower Pyrenees in France, near the borders of Spain, distinguished even at this day for its fishing interest.
274. The Indians were in the habit of selecting from day to day the best of Savalette's fish when they came in, and appropriating them to their own use, nolens volens.
275. Canseau. Currency has been given to an idle fancy that this name was derived from that of a French navigator, but it has been abundantly disproved by the Abbé Laverdière. It is undoubtedly a word of Indian origin.
276. The variation of the magnetic needle in 1871, fifteen miles South of the Harbor of Canseau, was, according to the Admiralty charts, 23 degrees west. The magnetic needle was employed in navigation as early as the year 1200, and its variation had been discovered before the time of Columbus. But for a long period its variation was supposed to be fixed; that is to say, was supposed to be always the same in the same locality. A few years before Champlain made his voyages to America, it was discovered that its variation in Paris was not fixed, but that it changed from year to year. If Champlain was aware of this, his design in noting its exact variation, as he did at numerous points on our coast, may have been to furnish data for determining at some future day whether the variation were changeable here as well as in France. But, whether he was aware of the discovery then recently made in Paris or not, he probably intended, by noting the declination of the needle, to indicate his longitude, at least approximately.
277. Chedabucto Bay.
278. The Strait of Canseau. Champlain gives it on his map, 1612. Pasage du glas; De Laet, 1633, Passage du glas; Creuxius, 1660, Fretum Campseium; Charlevoix, 1744, Passage de Canceau. It appears from the above that the early name was soon superseded by that which it now bears.
279. Now called La Bras d'Or, The Golden Arm.
280. There is, in fact, no passage of La Bras d'Or on the south-west; and Champlain corrects his error, as may be seen by reference to his map of 1612. It may also be stated that the sea enters from the north-east. Nordouest in the original is here probably a typographical error for nordest. There are, indeed, two passages, both on the north-east, distinguished as the Great and the Little Bras d'Or.
281. Le Port aux Anglois, the Harbor of the English. On De Laet's map, Port aux Angloix. This is the Harbor of Louisburgh, famous in the history of the Island of Cape Breton.
282. Roscofs, a small seaport town. On Mercator's Atlas of 1623, it is written Roscou, as in the text.
283. According to Lescarbot, they remained at St. Malo eight days, when they went in a barque to Honfleur, narrowly escaping shipwreck. Poutrincourt proceeded to Paris, where he exhibited to Henry IV. corn, wheat, rye, barley, and oats, products of the colony which he had so often promised to cherish, but whose means of subsistence he had now nevertheless ungraciously taken away. Poutrincourt also presented to him five oustards, or wild geese, which he had bred from the shell. The king was greatly delighted with them, and had them preserved at Fontainebleau. These exhibitions of the products of New France had the desired effect upon the generous heart of Henry IV.; and De Monts's monopoly of the fur-trade was renewed for one year, to furnish some slight aid in establishing his colonies in New France.
THE VOYAGES TO THE GREAT RIVER ST. LAWRENCE, MADE BY SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN, CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY TO THE KING IN THE MARINE, FROM THE YEAR 1608 TO THAT OF 1612.
CHAPTER I.
DETERMINATION OF SIEUR DE MONTS TO MAKE EXPLORATIONS IN THE INTERIOR; HIS COMMISSION, AND ITS INFRINGEMENT BY THE BASQUES, WHO DISARMED THE VESSEL OF PONT GRAVÉ; AND THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN THEM WHICH THEY SUBSEQUENTLY MADE.
Having returned to France after a stay of three years in New France, [283] I proceeded to Sieur de Monts, and related to him the principal events of which I had been a witness since his departure, and gave him the map and plan of the most remarkable coasts and harbors there.
Some time afterward, Sieur de Monts determined to continue his undertaking, and complete the exploration of the interior along the great river St. Lawrence, where I had been by order of the late King Henry the Great [284] in the year 1603, for a distance of some hundred and eighty leagues, commencing in latitude 48° 40', that is, at Gaspé, at the entrance of the river, as far as the great fall, which is in latitude 45° and some minutes, where our exploration ended, and where boats could not pass as we then thought, since we had not made a careful examination of it as we have since done. [285]
Now after Sieur de Monts had conferred with me several times in regard to his purposes concerning the exploration, he resolved to continue so noble and meritorious an undertaking, notwithstanding the hardships and labors of the past. He honored me with his lieutenancy for the voyage; and, in order to carry out his purpose, he had two vessels equipped, one commanded by Pont Gravé, who was commissioned to trade with the savages of the country and bring back the vessels, while I was to winter in the country.
Sieur de Monts, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the expedition, obtained letters from his Majesty for one year, by which all persons were forbidden to traffic in peltry with the savages, on penalties stated in the following commission:—
HENRY BY THE GRACE OF GOD KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the officers of our Admiralty in Normandy, Brittany, and Guienne, bailiffs, marshals, prevosts, judges, or their lieutenants, and to each one of them, according to his authority, throughout the extent of their powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, greeting:
Acting upon the information which has been given us by those who have returned from New France, respecting the good quality and fertility of the lands of that country, and the disposition of the people to accept the knowledge of God, We have resolved to continue the settlement previously undertaken there, in order that our subjects may go there to trade without hinderance. And in view of the proposition to us of Sieur de Monts, Gentleman in Ordinary of our chamber, and our Lieutenant-General in that country, to make a settlement, on condition of our giving him means and supplies for sustaining the expense of it, [286] it has pleased us to promise and assure him that none of our subjects but himself shall be permitted to trade in peltry and other merchandise, for the period of one year only, in the lands, regions, harbors, rivers, and highways throughout the extent of his jurisdiction: this We desire to have fulfilled. For these causes and other considerations impelling us thereto, We command and decree that each one of you, throughout the extent of your powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, shall act in our stead and carry out our will in distinctly prohibiting and forbidding all merchants, masters, and captains of vessels, also sailors and others of our subjects, of whatever rank and profession, to fit out any vessels, in which to go themselves or send others in order to engage in trade or barter in peltry and other things with the savages of New France, to visit, trade, or communicate with them during the space of one year, within the jurisdiction of Sieur de Monts, on penalty of disobedience, and the entire confiscation of their vessels, supplies, arms, and merchandise for the benefit of Sieur de Monts; and, in order that the punishment of their disobedience may be assured, you will allow, as We have and do allow, the aforesaid Sieur de Monts or his lieutenants to seize, apprehend, and arrest all violators of our present prohibition and order, also their vessels, merchandise, arms, supplies, and victuals, in order to take and deliver them up to the hands of justice, so that action may be taken not only against the persons, but also the property of the offenders, as the case shall require. This is our will, and We bid you to have it at once read and published in all localities and public places within your authority and jurisdiction, as you may deem necessary, by the first one of our officers or sergeants in accordance with this requisition, by virtue of these presents, or a copy of the same, properly attested once only by one of our well-beloved and faithful councillors, notaries, and secretaries, to which it is Our will that credence should be given as to the present original, in order that none of our subjects may claim ground for ignorance, but that all may obey and act in accordance with Our will in this matter. We order, moreover, all captains of vessels, mates, and second mates, and sailors of the same, and others on board of vessels or ships in the ports and harbors of the aforesaid country, to permit, as We have done, Sieur de Monts, and others possessing power and authority from him, to search the aforesaid vessels which shall have engaged in the fur-trade after the present prohibition shall have been made known to them. It is Our will that, upon the requisition, of the aforesaid Sieur de Monts, his lieutenants, and others having authority, you should proceed against the disobedient and offenders, as the case may require: to this end. We give you power, authority, commission, and special mandate, notwithstanding the act of our Council of the 17th day of July last, [287] any hue and cry, Norman charter, accusation, objection, or appeals of whatsoever kind; on account of which, and for fear of disregarding which, it is Our will that there should be no delay, and, if any of these occur, We have withheld and reserved cognizance of the same to Ourselves and our Council, apart from all other judges, and have forbidden and prohibited the same to all our courts and judges: for this is Our pleasure.
Given at Paris the seventh day of January, in the year of grace, sixteen hundred and eight, and the nineteenth of Our reign. Signed, HENRY.
And lower down, By the King, Delomenie. And sealed with the single label of the great seal of yellow wax.
Collated with the original by me, Councillor, Notary, and secretary of the
King.
I proceeded to Honfleur for embarkation, where I found the vessel of Pont Gravé in readiness. He left port on the 5th of April. I did so on the 13th, arriving at the Grand Bank on the 15th of May, in latitude 45° 15'. On the 26th, we sighted Cape St. Mary,[288] in latitude 46° 45', on the Island of Newfoundland. On the 27th of the month, we sighted Cape St. Lawrence, on Cape Breton, and also the Island of St. Paul, distant eighty-three leagues from Cape St. Mary.[289] On the 30th, we sighted Isle Percée and Gaspé,[290] in latitude 48° 40', distant from Cape St. Lawrence from seventy to seventy-five leagues.
On the 3d of June, we arrived before Tadoussac, distant from Gaspé from eighty to ninety leagues; and we anchored in the roadstead of Tadoussac,[291] a league distant from the harbor, which latter is a kind of cove at the mouth of the river Saguenay, where the tide is very remarkable on account of its rapidity, and where there are sometimes violent winds, bringing severe cold. It is maintained that from the harbor of Tadoussac it is some forty-five or fifty leagues to the first fall on this river, which comes from the north-north-west. The harbor is small, and can accommodate only about twenty vessels. It has water enough, and is under shelter of the river Saguenay and a little rocky island; which is almost cut by the river; elsewhere there are very high mountains with little soil and only rocks and sand, thickly covered with such wood as fir and birch. There is a small pond near the harbor, shut in by mountains covered with wood. There are two points at the mouth: one on the south-west side, extending out nearly a league into the sea, called Point St. Matthew, or otherwise Point aux Allouettes; and another on the north-west side, extending out one-eighth of a league, and called Point of all Devils.[292] from the dangerous nature of the place. The winds from the south-south-east strike the harbor, which are not to be feared; but those, however, from the Saguenay are. The two points above mentioned are dry at low tide: our vessel was unable to enter the harbor, as the wind and tide were unfavorable. I at once had the boat lowered, in order to go to the port and ascertain whether Pont Gravé had arrived. While on the way, I met a shallop with the pilot of Pont Gravé and a Basque, who came to inform me of what had happened to them because they attempted to hinder the Basque vessels from trading, according to the commission obtained by Sieur de Monts from his Majesty, that no vessels should trade without permission of Sieur de Monts, as was expressed in it; and that, notwithstanding the notifications which Pont Gravé made in behalf of his Majesty, they did not desist from forcibly carrying on their traffic; and that they had used their arms and maintained themselves so well in their vessel that, discharging all their cannon upon that of Pont Gravé, and letting off many musket-shots, he was severely wounded, together with three of his men, one of whom died, Pont Gravé meanwhile making no resistance; for at the first shower of musketry he was struck down. The Basques came on board of the vessel and took away all the cannon and arms, declaring that they would trade, notwithstanding the prohibition of the King, and that when they were ready to set out for France they would restore to him his cannon and ammunition, and that they were keeping them in order to be in a state of security. Upon hearing all these particulars, I was greatly annoyed at such a beginning, which we might have easily avoided.
Now, after hearing from the pilot all these things, I asked him why the Basque had come on board of our vessel. He told me that he came in behalf of their master, named Darache, and his companions, to obtain assurance from me that I would do them no harm, when our vessel entered the harbor.
I replied that I could not give any until I had seen Pont Gravé. The Basque said that, if I had need of any thing in their power, they would assist me accordingly. What led them to use this language was simply their recognition of having done wrong, as they confessed, and the fear that they would not be permitted to engage in the whale-fishery. After talking at length, I went ashore to see Pont Gravé, in order to deliberate as to what was to be done. I found him very ill. He related to me in detail all that had happened. We concluded that we could only enter the harbor by force, and that the settlement must not be given up for this year, so that we considered it best, in order not to make a bad cause out of a just one, and thus work our ruin, to give them assurances on my part so long as I should remain there, and that Pont Gravé should undertake nothing against them, but that justice should be done in France, and their differences should be settled there.
Darache, master of the vessel, begged me to go on board, where he gave me a cordial reception. After a long conference, I secured an agreement between Pont Gravé and him, and required him to promise that he would undertake nothing against Pont Gravé, or what would be prejudicial to the King and Sieur de Monts; that, if he did the contrary, I should regard my promise as null and void. This was agreed to, and signed by each.
In this place were a number of savages who had come for traffic in furs, several of whom came to our vessel with their canoes, which are from eight to nine paces long, and about a pace or pace and a half broad in the middle, growing narrower towards the two ends. They are very apt to turn over, in case one does not understand managing them, and are made of birch bark, strengthened on the inside by little ribs of white cedar, very neatly arranged; they are so light that a man can easily carry one. Each can carry a weight equal to that of a pipe. When they want to go overland to a river where they have business, they carry them with them. From Choüacoet along the coast as far as the harbor of Tadoussac, they are all alike.
ENDNOTES:
283. Champlain arrived on the shores of America on the 8th of May, 1604,
and left on the 3rd of September, 1607. He had consequently been on
our coast three years, three months, and twenty-five days.
284. The late King Henry the Great. Henry IV. died in 1610, and this
introductory passage was obviously written after that event, probably
near the time of the publication of his voyages in 1613.
285. In the preliminary voyage of 1603, Champlain ascended the St. Lawrence
as far as the falls of St. Louis, above Montreal.
286. The contribution by Henry IV. did not probably extend beyond the
monopoly of the fur-trade granted by him in this commission.
287. This, we presume, was the act abrogating the charter of De Monts
granted in 1603.
288. This cape still retains its ancient name, and is situated between
St. Mary's Bay and Placentia Bay.
289. Cape St. Lawrence is the northernmost extremity of the Island of Cape
Breton, and the Island of St. Paul is twenty miles north-east of it.
290. The Isle Percée, or pierced island, is a short distance north of the Island of Bonaventure, at the entrance of Mal Bay, near the village of Percée, where there is a government light. Gaspé Bay is some miles farther north. "Below the bay," says Charlevoix, "we perceive a kind of island, which is only a steep rock about thirty fathoms long, ten high, and four in breadth: it looks like part of an old wall, and they say it joined formerly to Mount Ioli, which is over against it on the continent. This rock has in the midst of it an opening like an arch, under which a boat of Biscay may pass with its sail up, and this has given it the name of the pierced island."—Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguières, by Francis Xavier de Charlevoix, London, 1763, p. 12.
291. The position in the roadstead was south-east of the harbor, so that the harbor was seen on the north-west. Charlevoix calls it Moulin Baude. The reader will find the position indicated by the letter M on Champlain's map of the Port of Tadoussac. Baude Moulin (Baude Mill), directly north of it, was probably a mill privilege. Charlevoix, in 1720, anchored there, and asked them to show him the mill; and they showed him some rocks, from which issued a stream of clear water. He adds, they might build a water-mill here, but probably it will never be done.
292. Pointe de tous les Diables. Now known as Pointe aux Vaches, cows. The point on the other side of the river is still called Pointe aux Alouettes, or Lark Point.
CHAPTER II.
OF THE RIVER SAGUENAY, AND THE SAVAGES WHO VISITED US THERE.—OF THE ISLAND OF ORLEANS, AND ALL THAT WE OBSERVED THERE WORTHY OF NOTE.
After this agreement, I had some carpenters set to work to fit up a little barque of twelve or fourteen tons, for carrying all that was needed for our settlement, which, however, could not be got ready before the last of June.
Meanwhile, I managed to visit some parts of the river Saguenay, a fine river, which has the incredible depth of some one hundred and fifty to two hundred fathoms. [293] About fifty leagues from the mouth of the harbor, there is, as is said, a great waterfall, descending from a very high elevation with great impetuosity. There are some islands in this river, very barren, being only rocks covered with small firs and heathers. It is half a league broad in places, and a quarter of a league at its mouth, where the current is so strong that at three-quarters flood-tide in the river it is still running out. All the land that I have seen consists only of mountains and rocky promontories, for the most part covered with fir and birch, a very unattractive country on both sides of the river. In a word, it is mere wastes, uninhabited by either animals or birds; for, going out hunting in places which seemed to me the most pleasant, I found only some very small birds, such as swallows and river birds, which go there in summer. At other times, there are none whatever, in consequence of the excessive cold. This river flows from the north-west.
The savages told me that, after passing the first fall, they meet with eight others, when they go a day's journey without finding any. Then they pass ten others, and enter a lake, [294] which they are three days in crossing, and they are easily able to make ten leagues a day up stream. At the end of the lake there dwells a migratory people. Of the three rivers which flow into this lake, one comes from the north, very near the sea, where they consider it much colder than in their own country; and the other two from other directions in the interior, [295] where are migratory savages, living only from hunting, and where our savages carry the merchandise we give them for their furs, such as beaver, marten, lynx, and otter, which are found there in large numbers, and which they then carry to our vessels. These people of the north report to our savages that they see the salt sea; and, if that is true, as I think it certainly is, it can be nothing but a gulf entering the interior on the north. [296] The savages say that the distance from the north sea to the port of Tadoussac is perhaps forty-five or fifty days' journey, in consequence of the difficulties presented by the roads, rivers, and country, which is very mountainous, and where there is snow for the most part of the year. This is what I have definitely ascertained in regard to this river. I have often wished to explore it, but could not do so without the savages, who were unwilling that I or any of our party should accompany them. Nevertheless, they have promised that I shall do so. This exploration would be desirable, in order to remove the doubts of many persons in regard to the existence of this sea on the north, where it is maintained that the English have gone in these latter years to find a way to China. [297]
* * * * *
CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.
PORT DE TADOUCAC.
The figures indicate the fathoms of water.
A. A round mountain on the bank of the river Saguenay. B. The harbor of Tadoussac. C. A small fresh-water brook. D. The encampment of the savages when they come to traffic. E. A peninsula partly enclosing the port of the river Saguenay. F. Point of All Devils. G. The river Saguenay. H. Point aux Alouettes. I. Very rough mountains covered with firs and beeches. L. The mill Bode. M. The roadstead where vessels anchor while waiting for wind and tide. N. A little pond near the harbor. O. A small brook coming from the pond and flowing into the Saguenay. P. Place without trees near the point where there is a quantity of grass.
* * * * *
I set out from Tadoussac the last day of the month to go to Quebec. [298] We passed near an island called Hare Island, [299] distant six leagues from the above-named port: it is two leagues from the northern, and nearly four leagues from the southern shore. From Hare Island we proceeded to a little river, dry at low tide, up which some seven hundred or eight hundred paces there are two falls. We named it Salmon River, [300] since we caught some of these fish in it. Coasting along the north shore, we came to a point extending into the river, which we called Cap Dauphin, [301] distant three leagues from Salmon River. Thence we proceeded to another, which we named Eagle Cape, [302] distant eight leagues from Cap Dauphin. Between the two there is a large bay, [303] at the extremity of which is a little river dry at low tide. From Eagle Cape, we proceeded to Isle aux Coudres, [304] a good league distant, which is about a league and a half long. It is nearly level, and grows narrower towards the two ends. On the western end there are meadows, and rocky points extending some distance out into the river. On the south-west side it is very reefy, yet very pleasant in consequence of the woods surrounding it. It is distant about half a league from the northern shore, where is a little river extending some distance into the interior. We named it Rivière du Gouffre, [305] since abreast of it the tide runs with extraordinary rapidity; and, although it has a calm appearance, it is always much agitated, the depth there being great: but the river itself is shallow, and there are many rocks at and about its mouth. Coasting along from Isle aux Coudres, we reached a cape which we named Cap de Tourmente, [306] five leagues distant; and we gave it this name because, however little wind there may be, the water rises there as if it were full tide. At this point, the water begins to be fresh. Thence we proceeded to the Island of Orleans, [307] a distance of two leagues, on the south side of which are numerous islands, low, covered with trees and very pleasant, with large meadows, having plenty of game, some being, so far as I could judge, two leagues in length, others a trifle more or less. About these islands are many rocks, also very dangerous shallows, some two leagues distant from the main land on the South. All this shore, both north and South, from Tadoussac to the Island of Orleans, is mountainous, and the soil very poor. The wood is pine, fir, and birch only, with very ugly rocks, so that in most places one could not make his way.
Now we passed along south of the Island of Orleans, which is a league and a half distant from the main land and half a league on the north side, being six leagues in length, and one in breadth, or in some places a league and a half. On the north side, it is very pleasant, on account of the great extent of woods and meadows there; but it is very dangerous sailing, in consequence of the numerous points and rocks between the main land and island, on which are numerous fine oaks and in some places nut-trees, and on the borders of the woods vines and other trees such as we have in France. This place is the commencement of the fine and fertile country of the great river, and is distant one hundred and twenty leagues from its mouth. Off the end of the island is a torrent of water on the north shore, proceeding from a lake ten leagues in the interior: [308] it comes down from a height of nearly twenty-five fathoms, above which the land is level and pleasant, although farther inland are seen high mountains appearing to be from fifteen to twenty leagues distant.
ENDNOTES:
293. The deepest sounding as laid down on Laurie's Chart is one hundred and
forty-six fathoms. The same authority says the banks of the river
throughout its course are very rocky, and vary in height from one
hundred and seventy to three hundred and forty yards above the stream.
Its current is broad, deep, and uncommonly vehement: in some places,
where precipices intervene, are falls from fifty to sixty feet in
height, down which the whole volume of water rushes with tremendous
fury and noise. The general breadth of the river is about two and a
half miles, but at its mouth its width is contracted to three-quarters
of a mile. The tide runs upward about sixty-five miles from its mouth.
294. If the Indians were three days in crossing Lake St. John here referred
to, whose length is variously stated to be from twenty-five to forty
miles, it could hardly have been the shortest time in which it were
possible to pass it. It may have been the usual time, some of which
they gave to fishing or hunting. "In 1647, Father Jean Duquen,
missionary at Tadoussac, ascending the Saguenay, discovered the Lake
St. John, and noted its Indian name, Picouagami, or Flat Lake. He was
the first European who beheld that magnificent expanse of inland
water."—Vide Transactions, Lit. and His. Soc. of Quebec, 1867-68,
p. 5.
295. The first of these three rivers, which the traveller will meet as he passes up the northern shore of the lake, is the Peribonca flowing from the north-east. The second is the Mistassina, represented by the Indians as coming from the salt sea. The third is the Chomouchonan, flowing from the north-west.
296. There was doubtless an Indian trail from the head-waters of the Mistassina to Mistassin Lake, and from thence to Rupert River, which flows into the lower part of Hudson's Bay.
297. The salt sea referred to by the Indians was undoubtedly Hudson's Bay. The discoverer of this bay, Henry Hudson, in the years 1607, 1608, and 1609, was in the northern ocean searching for a passage to Cathay. In 1610, he discovered the strait and bay which now bear his name. He passed the winter in the southern part of the bay; and the next year, 1611, his sailors in a mutiny forced him and his officers into a shallop and abandoned them to perish. Nothing was heard of them afterward. The fame of Hudson's discovery had reached Champlain before the publication of this volume in 1613. This will be apparent by comparing Champlain's small map with the TABULA NAUTICA of Hudson, published in 1612. It will be seen that the whole of the Carte Géographique de la Nouvelle France of Champlain, on the west of Lumley's Inlet, including Hudson's Strait and Bay, is a copy from the Tabula Nautica. Even the names are in English, a few characteristic ones being omitted, such as Prince Henry, the King's Forlant, and Cape Charles.—Vide Henry Hudson the Navigator, by G. M. Asher, LL.D., Hakluyt Society, 1860, p. xliv.
298. This was June 30, 1608.
299. Isle aux Lièvres, or hares. This name was given by Jacques Cartier, and it is still called Hare Island. It is about ten geographical miles long, and generally about half or three-quarters of a mile wide.
300. Rivière aux Saulmons. "From all appearances," says Laverdière, "this Salmon River is that which empties into the 'Port à l'Équilles,' eel harbor, also called 'Port aux Quilles,' Skittles Port. Its mouth is two leagues from Cape Salmon, with which it must not be confounded." It is now known as Black River.
301. Cap Dauphin, now called Cape Salmon, which is about three leagues from Black River.
302. Cap à l'Aigle, now known as Cap aux Oies, or Goose Cape. The Eagle Cape of to-day is little more than two leagues from Cape Salmon, while Goose Cape is about eight leagues, as stated in the text.
303. The bay stretching between Cape Salmon and Goose Cape is called Mal Bay, within which are Cape Eagle, Murray Bay, Point au Ries, White Cape, Red Cape, Black Cape, Point Père, Point Corneille, and Little Mal Bay. In the rear of Goose Cape are Les Éboulemens Mountains, 2,547 feet in height. On the opposite side of the river is Point Ouelle, and the river of the same name.
304. Isle aux Coudres, Hazel Island, so named by Jacques Cartier, still
retains its ancient appellation. Its distance from Goose Cape is about
two leagues. The description of it in the text is very accurate.
305. Rivière du Gouffre. This river still retains this name, signifying
whirlpool, and is the same that empties into St. Paul's Bay, opposite
Isle-aux Coudres.
306. Cap de Tourmente, cape of the tempest, is eight leagues from Isle
aux Coudres, but about two from the Isle of Orleans, as stated in the
text, which sufficiently identifies it.
307. Isle d'Orléans. Cartier discovered this island in 1635, and named it the Island of Bacchus, because he saw vines growing there, which he had not before seen in that region. He says, "Et pareillement y trouuasmes force vignes, ce que n'auyons veu par cy deuant à toute la terre, & par ce la nommasmes l'ysle de Bacchus."—Brief Récit de la Navigation Faite en MDXXXV., par Jacques Cartier, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 1863, pp. 14, 15. The grape found here was probably the Frost Grape, Vitis cordifolia. The "Island of Orleans" soon became the fixed name of this island, which it still retains. Its Indian name is said to have been Minigo.—Vide Laverdière's interesting note, Oeuvres de Champlain, Tome II, p. 24. Champlain's estimate of the size of the island is nearly accurate. It is, according to the Admiralty charts, seventeen marine miles in length, and four in its greatest width.
308. This was the river Montmorency, which rises in Snow Lake, some fifty miles in the interior.—Vide Champlain's reference on his map of Quebec and its environs. He gave this name to the river, which it still retains, in honor of the Admiral Montmorency, to whom he dedicated his notes on the voyage of 1603.—Vide Laverdière, in loco; also Champlain, ed. 1632; Chiarlevoix's Letters, London, 1763, p. 19. The following is Jean Alfonse's description of the fall of Montmorency: "When thou art come to the end of the Isle, thou shall see a great River, which falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke, and maketh a terrible noyse."—_Hakluyt, Vol. III. p. 293. The perpendicular descent of the Montmorency at the falls is 240 feet.
CHAPTER III.
ARRIVAL AT QUEBEC, WHERE WE CONSTRUCTED OUR PLACE OF ABODE; ITS SITUATION. —CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE SERVICE OF THE KING AND MY LIFE. BY SOME OF OUR MEN—PUNISHMENT OF THEM, AND ALL THAT TRANSPIRED OF THE AFFAIR.
From the Island of Orleans to Quebec the distance is a league. I arrived there on the 3d of July, when I searched for a place suitable for our settlement, but I could find none more convenient or better situated than the point of Quebec, so called by the savages, [309] which was covered with nut-trees. I at once employed a portion of our workmen in cutting them down, that we might construct our habitation there: one I set to sawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging ditches, another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque to get supplies. The first thing we made was the storehouse for keeping under cover our supplies, which was promptly accomplished through the zeal of all, and my attention to the work.
* * * * *
CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.
QUEBEC.
The figures indicate the fathoms of water.
A. The site where our habitation is built. [Note 1] B. Cleared land where we sow wheat and other grain. [Note 2] C. The gardens.[Note 3] D. Small brook coming from marshes. [Note 4] E. River where Jacques Cartier passed the winter, which in his time he called St. Croix, and which name has been transferred to a place fifteen leagues above Quebec. [Note 5] F. River of the marshes. [Note 6] G. Place where was collected the grass for the animals brought here. [Note 7] H. The grand fall of Montmorency, which descends from a height of more than twenty-five fathoms into the river. [Note 8] I. The end of the Island of Orleans. L. A very narrow point on the shore east of Quebec. [Note 9] M. Roaring river which extends to the Etechemins. N. The great river of St. Lawrence. O. Lake in the roaring river. P. Mountains in the interior; bay which I named New Biscay, q. Lake of the great fall of Montmorency. [Note 10] R. Bear Brook. [Note 11] S. Brook du Gendre. [Note 12] T. Meadows overflowed at every tide. V. Mont du Gas, very high, situated on the bank of the river. [Note 13] X. Swift brook, adapted to all kinds of mills. Y. Gravelly shore where a quantity of diamonds are found somewhat better than those of Alanson. Z. The Point of Diamonds. 9. Places where the savages often build their cabins. [Note 14]
NOTES. The following notes on Champlain's explanation of his map of Quebec are by the Abbé Laverdière, whose accurate knowledge of that city and its environs renders them especially valuable. They are given entire, with only slight modifications.
1. That is properly the point of Quebec, including what is at present enclosed by La Place, the street Notre Dame, and the river.
2. This first clearing must have been what was called later the Esplanade
du Fort, or Grande Place, or perhaps both. The Grande Place became, in
1658, the fort of the Hurons: it was the space included between the Côte
of the lower town and the Rue du Fort.
3. A little above the gardens, on the slope of the Côte du Saut au Matelot,
a cross is seen, which seems to indicate that at that time the cemetery
was where it is said to be when it is mentioned some years later for the
first time.
4. According to the old plans of Quebec, these marshes were represented to be west of Mont Carmel, and at the foot of the glacis of the Citadel. The brook pulled eastward of the grounds of the Ursulines and Jésuites, followed for some distance the Rue de la Fabrique as far as the enclosure of the Hôtel Dieu, to the east of which it ran down the hill towards the foot of the Côte de la Canoterie.
5. The river St. Charles. The letter E does not indicate precisely the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, but only the mouth of the river.
6. Judging from the outlines of the shore, this brook, which came from the
south-west, flowed into the harbor of the Palais, towards the western
extremity of the Parc.
7. This is probably what was called later the barn of the Messieurs de la
Compagnie, or simply La Grange, and appears to have been somewhere on
the avenue of Mont Carmel.
8. The fall of Montmorency is forty fathoms or two hundred and forty French feet, or even more.
9. Hence it is seen that in 1613 this point had as yet no name. In 1629, Champlain calls it Cap de Lévis: it can accordingly be concluded that this point derives its name from that of the Duc de Ventadour, Henri de Lévis, and that it must have been so named between the years 1625 and 1627, the time when he was regent.
10. The Lake of the Snows is the source of the western branch of the Rivière du Saut.
11. La Rivière de Beauport, which is called likewise La Distillerie.
12. Called later Ruisseau de la Cabaneaux Taupiers. Rivière Chalisour, and
finally Rivière des Fous, from the new insane asylum, by the site of
which it now passes.
13. Height where is now situated the bastion of the Roi à la Citadelle.
This name was given it, doubtless, in memory of M. de Monts, Pierre du
Guast.
14. This figure appears not only at the Point du Cap Diamant, but also along the shore of Beauport, and at the end of the Island of Orleans.
* * * * *
Some days after my arrival at Quebec, a locksmith conspired against the service of the king. His plan was to put me to death, and, getting possession of our fort, to put it into the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, then at Tadoussac, beyond which vessels cannot go, from not having a knowledge of the route, nor of the banks and rocks on the way.
In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped to make his fortune, he suborned four of the worst characters, as he supposed, telling them a thousand falsehoods, and presenting to them prospects of acquiring riches.
These four men, having been won over, all promised to act in such a manner as to gain the rest over to their side; so that, for the time being, I had no one with me in whom I could put confidence, which gave them still more hope of making their plan succeed: for four or five of my companions, in whom they knew that I put confidence, were on board of the barques, for the purpose of protecting the provisions and supplies necessary for our settlement.
In a word, they were so skilful in carrying out their intrigues with those who remained, that they were on the point of gaining all over to their cause, even my lackey, promising them many things which they could not have fulfilled.
Being now all agreed, they made daily different plans as to how they should put me to death, so as not to be accused of it, which they found to be a difficult thing. But the devil, blindfolding them all and taking away their reason and every possible difficulty, they determined to take me while unarmed, and strangle me; or to give a false alarm at night, and shoot me as I went out, in which manner they judged that they would accomplish their work sooner than otherwise. They made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty that the first one who opened his mouth should be poniarded. They were to execute their plan in four days, before the arrival of our barques, otherwise they would have been unable to carry out their scheme.
On this very day, one of our barques arrived, with our pilot, Captain Testu, a very discreet man. After the barque was unloaded, and ready to return to Tadoussac, there came to him a locksmith, named Natel, an associate of Jean du Val, the head of the conspiracy, who told him that he had promised the rest to do just as they did; but that he did not in fact desire the execution of the plot, yet did not dare to make a disclosure in regard to it, from fear of being poniarded.
Antoine Natel made the pilot promise that he would make no disclosure in regard to what he should say, since, if his companions should discover it, they would put him to death. The pilot gave him his assurance in all particulars, and asked him to state the character of the plot which they wished to carry out. This Natel did at length, when the pilot said to him: "My friend, you have done well to disclose such a malicious design, and you show that you are an upright man, and under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. But these things cannot be passed by without bringing them to the knowledge of Sieur de Champlain, that he may make provision against them; and I promise you that I will prevail upon him to pardon you and the rest. And I will at once," said the pilot, "go to him without exciting any suspicion; and do you go about your business, listening to all they may say, and not troubling yourself about the rest."
The pilot came at once to me, in a garden which I was having prepared, and said that he wished to speak to me in a private place, where we could be alone. I readily assented, and we went into the wood, where he related to me the whole affair. I asked who had told it to him. He begged me to pardon him who had made the disclosure, which I consented to do, although he ought to have addressed himself to me. He was afraid, he replied, that you would become angry, and harm him. I told him that I was able to govern myself better than that, in such a matter; and desired him to have the man come to me, that I might hear his statement. He went, and brought him all trembling with fear lest I should do him some harm. I reassured him, telling him not to be afraid; that he was in a place of safety, and that I should pardon him for all that he had done, together with the others, provided he would tell me in full the truth in regard to the whole matter, and the motive which had impelled them to it. "Nothing," he said, "had impelled them, except that they had imagined that, by giving up the place into the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, they might all become rich, and that they did not want to go back to France." He also related to me the remaining particulars in regard to their conspiracy.
After having heard and questioned him, I directed him to go about his work. Meanwhile, I ordered the pilot to bring up his shallop, which he did. Then I gave two bottles of wine to a young man, directing him to say to these four worthies, the leaders of the conspiracy, that it was a present of wine, which his friends at Tadoussac had given him, and that he wished to share it with them. This they did not decline, and at evening were on board the barque where he was to give them the entertainment. I lost no time in going there shortly after; and caused them to be seized, and held until the next day.
Then were my worthies astonished indeed. I at once had all get up, for it was about ten o'clock in the evening, and pardoned them all, on condition that they would disclose to me the truth in regard to all that had occurred; which they did, when I had them retire.
The next day I took the depositions of all, one after the other, in the presence of the pilot and sailors of the vessel, which I had put down in writing; and they were well pleased, as they said, since they had lived only in fear of each other, especially of the four knaves who had ensnared them. But now they lived in peace, satisfied, as they declared, with the treatment which they had received.
The same day I had six pairs of handcuffs made for the authors of the conspiracy: one for our surgeon, named Bonnerme, one for another, named La Taille, whom the four conspirators had accused, which, however, proved false, and consequently they were given their liberty.
This being done, I took my worthies to Tadoussac, begging Pont Gravé to do me the favor of guarding them, since I had as yet no secure place for keeping them, and as we were occupied in constructing our places of abode. Another object was to consult with him, and others on the ship, as to what should be done in the premises. We suggested that, after he had finished his work at Tadoussac, he should come to Quebec with the prisoners, where we should have them confronted with their witnesses, and, after giving them a hearing, order justice to be done according to the offence which they had committed.
I went back the next day to Quebec, to hasten the completion of our storehouse, so as to secure our provisions, which had been misused by all those scoundrels, who spared nothing, without reflecting how they could find more when these failed; for I could not obviate the difficulty until the storehouse should be completed and shut up.
Pont Gravé arrived some time after me, with the prisoners, which caused uneasiness to the workmen who remained, since they feared that I should pardon them, and that they would avenge themselves upon them for revealing their wicked design.
We had them brought face to face, and they affirmed before them all which they had stated in their depositions, the prisoners not denying it, but admitting that they had acted in a wicked manner, and should be punished, unless mercy might be exercised towards them; accursing, above all, Jean du Val, who had been trying to lead them into such a conspiracy from the time of their departure from France. Du Val knew not what to say, except that he deserved death, that all stated in the depositions was true, and that he begged for mercy upon himself and the others, who had given in their adherence to his pernicious purposes.
After Pont Gravé and I, the captain of the vessel, surgeon, mate, second mate, and other sailors, had heard their depositions and face to face statements, we adjudged that it would be enough to put to death Du Val, as the instigator of the conspiracy; and that he might serve as an example to those who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly in future, in the discharge of their duty; and that the Spaniards and Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the country, might not glory in the event. We adjudged that the three others be condemned to be hung, but that they should be taken to France and put into the hands of Sieur de Monts, that such ample justice might be done them as he should recommend; that they should be sent with all the evidence and their sentence, as well as that of Jean du Val, who was strangled and hung at Quebec, and his head was put on the end of a pike, to be set up in the most conspicuous place on our fort.
ENDNOTES:
309. Champlain here plainly means to say that the Indians call the narrow place in the river Quebec. For this meaning of the word, viz., narrowing of waters, in the Algonquin language, the authority is abundant. Laverdière quotes, as agreeing with him in this view, Bellenger, Ferland, and Lescarbot. "The narrowing of the river," says Charlevoix, "gave it the name of Quebeio or Quebec, which in the Algonquin language signifies contraction. The Abenaquis, whose language is a dialect of the Algonquin, call it Quelibec, which signifies something shut up."—Charlevoix's Letters, pp. 18, 19. Alfred Hawkins, in his "Historical Recollections of Quebec," regards the word of Norman origin, which he finds on a seal of the Duke of Suffolk, as early as 1420. The theory is ingenious: but it requires some other characteristic historical facts to challenge our belief. When Cartier visited Quebec, it was called by the natives Stadacone. —Vide Cartier's Brief Récit, 1545, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 1863, p. 14.