CHAPTER XX
On every occasion the Corps had so far been called on to take part in any definite operation, I had felt sure it would acquit itself well, and had cause for satisfaction. But by this time the numbers and composition of the Indian Infantry units had been so reduced that it became a question how to allocate the duties in any offensive movement which might be ordered. At the end of March my recommendation for reorganising the Army Corps had been approved, and the two Divisions had been practically reconstituted. Each of the six Infantry Brigades was now composed of one Regular, one Territorial, and three Indian battalions. In a later chapter I shall give some figures which will show that, notwithstanding a battalion having been added, the strength per Brigade was in most cases so far short of war establishment as to amount to a nominal figure. But still the orders came for a Division to do this and a Brigade something else.
Stern business was before us, and immediately the Lahore Division returned from Ypres it again took its place in the old trenches before Neuve Chapelle, whilst the Meerut Division got ready for the operations about to be undertaken for the capture of the Aubers Ridge and neighbouring villages and farms. The fighting for these lasted, as far as we were concerned, from the 9th to the 22nd of May, and during this period it was almost incessant. One attack succeeded another in monotonous sequence; if it was not on a farm it was on a strong point, or a distillery, or some position in a map square. Anyhow, it was the most unsatisfactory job that fell to our lot in France, and we were not alone in this respect, for the Fourth Corps on our left and the First on our right, as well as the Canadians, were to expend a great many lives and much effort with little gain to any of them.
The French were making an offensive between the right of the British line and Arras, and Sir John French, in pursuance of a promise to support the Allied Commander-in-Chief, directed the First Army to carry out an attack on the German trenches in the neighbourhood of Rouges Banes by the Fourth Corps, and between Neuve Chapelle and Givenchy by the First and Indian Corps. A reason which we all thoroughly appreciated.
What, however, apparently was not appreciated was that we were unlikely to find the Germans napping again as we had at Neuve Chapelle in March, and that the defences of those days had probably been quadrupled in strength. This, in fact, we very soon learned to our cost, and the cheery optimism which named Don and other places we were likely to reach was about to receive a severe shock. But, after all, this is far better than being pessimistic, and even the modern Attila in the very early days of the war probably got more out of his Huns by telling them they would be in Paris before the autumn leaves had fallen, than he would have done by only naming, say, Verdun and Rheims.
The share of the Indian Corps in these operations was to attack between the First Corps on our right and the Fourth Corps on our left. Our immediate objective was the Ferme du Biez, after which we were to direct our advance on Ligny-le-Grand-La Cliqueterie Farm. The Fourth Corps, after carrying out its rôle on our left, was also to advance on Cliqueterie and effect a junction with the Indian Corps. I remember well, in imagination, picturing our Indian soldiers on the Aubers Ridge, the huge delight of the Gurkhas and Pathans at being actually high above a flat bog, and looking down on something instead of always looking up from a fetid trench. When I again visit India to see my friends, many will flatly maintain that the war was fought on a dead plain and the only mountain near it was the poor little Aubers Ridge.
However, to my story. The Meerut Division was detailed for the attack; the Lahore Division to hold the line, and the guns of both Divisions, supplemented by others, were to support the attack. The assault was to be delivered by the Dehra Dun Brigade, the Bareilly Brigade being in support and three battalions of the Garhwal Brigade in reserve. The first attempt was carried out on 9th May on a front of 650 yards. The objectives were successively:
(a) Enemy’s front and support trenches.
(b) La Tourelle and houses near three named points.
(c) The Distillery, Ferme du Biez, S.W. edge of the Bois du Biez.
(d) Ligny-le-Petit.
(e) Ligny-le-Grand-La Cliqueterie Ferme. The Bois du Biez was to be engaged simultaneously with the advance on Ligny-le-Petit by a special body of troops consisting of the Garhwal Rifles and 2/8th Gurkhas with two trench guns, under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Drake-Brockman, 39th Garhwalis.
General Anderson, commanding the Meerut Division, had made every preparation. He, his Staff, his Brigadiers, and his Commanding officers had each and all studied every possible situation that could be imagined, and at dawn I felt that if success did not attend their efforts, they certainly deserved it. As I read the Corps and Divisional Orders now, I do not believe any better could have been written at the time.
All troops were in position as ordered with but trifling casualties and the night of 8th-9th May passed quietly. Our own wire had been cut and bridges laid as directed. The bombardment commenced punctually at 5 A.M. and the enemy’s wire was cut satisfactorily, but many of our rounds were reported as falling short.
At the appointed hour, the battalions of the Dehra Dun Brigade, the 2/2nd Gurkhas, 1/4th Seaforths, 1st Seaforths (6th Jats and 1/9th Gurkhas in support) went over the top preparatory to the assault. Even with the certainty of being met by an inferno of fire within a few seconds, one young officer was heard to ask another if he knew the Report Centre of his Brigade, and on his replying that he was not sure, a laugh was raised by the questioner saying, “Why, you have often been there, it is 96 Piccadilly”; and in fact it was so, but situated for the time being in the Rue du Bois.
The morning was bright, and from all appearances the Germans appeared quite unaware of our concentration and proposed attack. However, immediately the Infantry crossed over the parapet to form up preparatory to the assault, heavy machine-gun fire was opened on them from guns sited almost on the ground level. The enemy’s Infantry also manned the trenches.
The 2nd Gurkhas as they started their rush met a terrific fire, and all the officers who had crossed the parapet were shot down. Lieut. Collins and Captain C. M. Mullaly were killed at this time, and Captain Kenneth Park, a nephew of mine, who had insisted on joining in the battle although in very poor health, was mortally wounded. The men from Nepal, notwithstanding every effort, were literally cut down and unable to advance beyond a ditch in their front.
The 4th Seaforths and 1st Seaforths advanced with their usual bravery but met with the same fate and lay for hours under a leaden sheet, getting back as best they could after dark. In the 4th Seaforths, Lieutenants Tennant, Railton, and Bastian were killed.
Notwithstanding the most gallant efforts to cross the fire-swept ground, by 6 A.M. it was definitely known our attack had failed to reach its first objective. One company 6th Jats, which had been directed between the left of First Corps and our right was practically annihilated, and Captain Dudley and Subadar Lekh Ram were killed. The hostile guns, which up to now had not done much firing, opened a searching and heavy fire on our trenches and the Rue du Bois, in consequence of which the Dehra Dun and Bareilly Brigades suffered numerous casualties; the 41st Dogras being particularly unfortunate in this respect.
Howitzer fire was accordingly turned on to the German trenches, and preparatory arrangements for a fresh assault were commenced. At 6.35 A.M., the G.O.C. 1st Division on our right informed General Anderson that the first assault of that Division had also failed. An hour later the 1st Seaforths made a second attempt to assault, but like the first this attempt also met with little success, and they too had to lie in the open with the other battalions unable to advance or retire. A special Howitzer bombardment of enemy trenches was arranged to commence at 7.45 A.M. and to last for twenty-five minutes, under cover of which it was hoped that the 2nd Gurkhas and 4th Seaforths would be able to advance.
The O.C. 4th Seaforths at this time reported that the enemy was being reinforced and was of opinion they would counter-attack. The G.O.C. Dehra Dun Brigade accordingly sent up two companies 9th Gurkhas to assist the 1st Seaforths, who had suffered very heavy losses, and ordered the O.C. 9th Gurkhas to support the 4th Seaforths with the remainder of his battalion, but owing to the congested state of the communication trenches only 200 men were able to move forward. At 8 A.M. the First British Division informed the G.O.C. Meerut Division that the attack of the 2nd and 3rd Brigades had failed, and that the 1st Brigade would hold the line while they were withdrawn.
At 8.20 A.M. I sent an order directing the further attempt at attack by the Dehra Dun Brigade fixed for 8.45 A.M. to be stayed, and that another assault should be organised to coincide with that of the First Division, which could not be ready for another two hours. The assault was consequently stopped.
As the attack by the 2nd and 3rd Brigades on our right had failed owing to the enemy’s wire not being sufficiently cut, instructions were received from the Army commander to recommence operations at 12 noon after a further bombardment with H.E. 18-pr., by which it was hoped to break down the enemy’s parapets and knock out his machine-guns.
On the urgent representation of the G.O.C. Dehra Dun Brigade, the hour for a fresh attack had been altered to 2.40 P.M. on this same date, 9th May. The Bareilly Brigade was also warned that it would have to relieve the Dehra Dun Brigade, and carry out the next assault. This assault was to be delivered by the 2nd Black Watch on the right, 58th Rifles in the centre, and 41st Dogras on the left, the 1/4th Black Watch and machine-guns of the 125th Rifles being in Brigade reserve. Meanwhile the Germans were reported by G.O.C. 1st Group H.A.R. to be strongly reinforcing their second line, which appeared to be held in strength.
At 10 A.M. the G.O.C. Seventh British Division reported that the Eighth Division on our left was unable to make much headway beyond the front line of German trenches owing to fortified posts in rear, which were being bombarded afresh. The Garhwal Brigade was placed in support of the Bareilly Brigade. The 9th Gurkhas, which so far had not been seriously engaged, was ordered to join the Garhwal Brigade, which was short of Lieut.-Colonel Drake-Brockman’s detachment. The relief of the Dehra Dun by the Bareilly Brigade was commenced and carried out with considerable difficulty as the communication trenches were full of dead and wounded, and the movement being observed by the enemy, a heavy shell-fire was kept up by them. Owing to the destruction of our trenches it was found impossible to carry out the fresh attack, even at the altered hour, and the First Army directed that both the Meerut and First Divisions should assault at 4 P.M.
At 12 noon the G.O.C. Bareilly Brigade reported to General Anderson that in the opinion of the G.O.C. Dehra Dun Brigade (the morning attacking Brigade) the enemy’s position had been in no way weakened and that the machine-gun fire which had caused the check of all efforts of the Dehra Dun Brigade was as heavy as ever. He added that the parapets were somewhat battered by our artillery, but that this was compensated for by the German reinforcements which had since come up; that three of his battalions had been exposed to heavy shell-fire, and that he wished the above situation to be known before the assault commenced.
On receipt of this report General Anderson considered it advisable to inform me, but instructed the G.O.C. Bareilly Brigade that meantime the attack would take place as ordered. Whatever the circumstances, I considered it imperative to carry out this assault, and sent instructions that it was to be pressed at all costs, and the Divisional Commander added to this that it was to be carried on into the night if necessary. The orders of the First Army were distinct, and the movements of the First Division on my right depended on ours. I therefore felt bound to do all in my power to comply with the Army orders.
By 4 P.M. the 2nd Black Watch had relieved the 2/2nd Gurkhas on the right, the 41st Dogras the 1st Seaforths on the left, and the 58th Rifles had taken the place of the 1/4th Seaforths in the centre. The 1/4th Black Watch was in reserve.
The 1st Seaforths, on this 9th May 1915, had, if possible, beaten all their records for dogged valour. Nothing in war could exceed the determination to win through displayed by all ranks, and where they failed no other Corps could have succeeded. When I received their casualty roll I could have wept and felt no sense of weakness: seven officers and 130 other ranks killed or missing; ten officers and 350 other ranks wounded, and mostly within a few short moments.
The bombardment commenced punctually at 3.20 P.M., 9th May, and at 3.40 P.M. the assaulting troops crossed the parapet and formed up prior to the assault. Each battalion was formed in two lines, two companies in each line. The right battalion (2nd Black Watch) and right company of centre battalion (58th Rifles) were met by a heavy, well-directed machine-gun and rifle fire from their front, left front, and left flank directly they showed over the parapets, and but few men succeeded in crossing the ditch to their front, the majority being disabled before reaching it. The left company of the 58th Rifles succeeded in advancing about 100 yards; but when our guns lifted they were at once exposed to a heavy fire and were unable to advance farther. The 41st Dogras on the left, in particular, had been exposed to an extremely heavy shelling from H.E. and shrapnel, both while getting forward and whilst waiting in the front line. In consequence, one company consisted of only twenty-eight men. The companies (what remained of them) crossed the parapet and aligned themselves with the 58th Rifles; but rifle and machine-gun fire brought them to a halt. Further attempts to advance by bringing up men from the rear companies did not help them, as in crossing the parapet most of them were shot down.
Our artillery bombardment at this stage was quite ineffective and short, and the Germans were not appreciably shaken by it. Their infantry was lining the parapets from the time we commenced to assemble in front of our own trenches, and the situation was for the time being entirely in their favour. About 4 P.M. orders were issued for battalions to reorganise, and be prepared for a fresh assault if ordered.
A good instance of the camaraderie between British and Indian soldiers was shown on this day. A Seaforth Highlander, who was badly wounded in the first attack in the morning, was lying out unable to be got in. A Dogra sepoy was wounded in the second assault during the afternoon and was lying near him. Hearing the Highlander groaning, he dragged himself up to him, patted his arm, and said he would stay by him and take him in later on. When darkness came on the Dogra dragged himself back and reported to his own battalion that he wanted some men to come and bring in the wounded Highlander. The officer commanding the company he went to said he would see about it and ordered him to get back to the dressing-station. He refused to go, as he said he had promised the ghāgra (kilted man) to save him, and intended to do that first and then go to hospital. The Highlander was rescued.
In the ranks of the 2nd Black Watch was a Lance-Corporal, David Finlay by name, a fine specimen of a fine Corps. As he topped the parapet a shell exploding near him knocked him flat, but quickly recovering himself he rushed on with his bombing party of a dozen men, defying death. Ten out of his twelve gallant comrades were killed or incapacitated before he cried a halt, but then only to add to his daring, for seeing a badly wounded man he carried him for 100 yards through a whirl of fire and brought him into our own trenches safely. David Finlay did not live long to wear the Victoria Cross he was awarded. Such brave souls never rest as ordinary men can. He lies ’neath the desert sands of Mesopotamia. And of the battalion whose fame he so much enhanced, three officers—Lieutenants W. Brownlow, the Hon. K. Stewart, and Sinclair—and seventy others gave their lives; whilst the total casualties numbered 265, or fifty per cent of the strength which fought that day.
The 41st Dogras, who were engaged in their first offensive battle as a complete battalion, suffered very heavy losses. Lieut.-Colonel Hutchinson, whilst leading a double company, received three wounds, and his company officer, Lieutenant Vaughan, was totally disabled. At one time the only unwounded officer was a Dogra subadar, Jai Singh (attached from 37th Dogras). He behaved splendidly, but was himself twice wounded before the share of the battalion in this day of carnage had ended. The C.O., Colonel Tribe, received a shell-wound and Major Milne (82nd Punjabis), whom I had known well in the Peshawar Division, was severely wounded in the advance. In fact the Dogras were almost broken up as a unit. Five of the ten British officers present and seven of the Indian officers were rendered hors de combat; and the battalion suffered in all over 400 casualties out of a muster roll of 650. I well know the hills and vales from which most of these gallant soldiers came. I can hear ethereal voices, wafted on the warm summer breezes as they top the ridges of the sub-Himalayan hills, soughing, “Well done, loyal Dogras!”
The 58th Rifles had a total of 250 killed, missing, and wounded, including Lieutenant Mackmillan, who died of wounds.
By 5 P.M., 9th May, it was clear from reports received from G.O.C. Bareilly Brigade, Artillery observation-officers, and the First British Division that all attacks, both of the First and Meerut Divisions had failed. After a telephonic conversation with the G.O.C. Meerut Division the Garhwal Brigade was ordered to take over the front line from Bareilly, and this was finally effected by 1 A.M. midnight of the 9th-10th May. The failure of the attacks on this day were due to the insufficient effect produced by the Artillery bombardment and to the great volume of extremely accurate machine-gun fire from front and flanks. As regards the insufficient effect of the Artillery bombardment, it must be remembered that, after their experience in front of Neuve Chapelle on 10th to 13th March, the Germans realised that breastworks of exceptional strength were required, and had accordingly devoted their energies to the construction of improved parapets of great thickness, especially on both sides of the Estaires-La Bassée road, as to the safety of which they were anxious. They had also largely increased the number of machine-guns employed in their front line, locating them in dug-outs heavily strutted with timber, which admitted of the machine-guns being fired just above ground level, and ensured the safety of the detachments during the bombardment. The light shell of our field guns appeared to produce but small results on these improved parapets, and even high-explosive shell had only very local effects. A very considerable proportion of our H.E. shell also failed to detonate satisfactorily. The fire of our 18-pounder guns was accurate enough, as proved by the manner in which the enemy’s wire entanglements had been cut, but owing to some defect in the construction of the shell there were, and continued to be, a very unduly large number of prematures. As regards the fire of our howitzers, both those of 4·5-inch and those of 6·0-inch calibre, the extreme accuracy which we had become accustomed to obtain with them had fallen off considerably as the guns became worn by the large number of rounds fired. In the various intensive bombardments, too, it was reported by the Infantry that a large proportion of our shell had fallen short of the enemy’s front line parapets. This was largely accounted for by the error of the gun, which at the ranges fired at hardly ensured more than twenty-five per cent of shell actually hitting the point aimed at.
The endeavour displayed by the Infantry in the various assaults left nothing to be desired. The successive attempts to reach the enemy trenches were brought to a standstill by the disablement of all but a small percentage of the assaulting columns, and by machine-gun and rifle fire. This fire started from the moment the first of our men showed above our breastworks, and numbers were put out of action within a few yards of our own front line. Of those who succeeded, in spite of the heaviest losses, in getting out half-way between our lines and the Germans, the small number of unwounded men found themselves pinned to the ground, unable to advance or retire in face of the enemy’s fire.
The casualties suffered on the 9th and 10th May were heavy, amounting to sixty-eight British officers, thirty Indian officers, and a total of all ranks, British and Indian, of over 2000, or about thirty-six per cent of strength.
On the 10th May General Anderson came to my Headquarters, and I communicated to him an order I had received, and which stated that it was vitally important not a round of gun ammunition should be wasted. At this interview I told him that no attack would take place on the 10th or night 10th-11th, but that one might take place on the night 11th-12th. That evening the Garhwal Brigade took over some 230 yards’ extra front from the British Division on our right in anticipation of the attack. The Sirhind Brigade was ordered back from Croix Barbée, and again came under the orders of the Lahore Division, while the Dehra Dun Brigade was replaced at the disposal of the Meerut Division.
On the morning of 12th May the situation was as follows: the Garhwal Brigade held the line, the Bareilly Brigade was in support with Headquarters at Lansdowne Post, and the Dehra Dun Brigade in Divisional reserve at La Couture and Vieille Chapelle. I informed the G.O.C. Meerut Division that his Division, less the Dehra Dun Brigade and with the Sirhind Brigade added, would probably attack on a 300 yards’ front on the night 13th-14th May, in co-operation with the First Corps on its right, the front of attack being between two points designated V 5 and V 6, well known to us all.
I have since I first wrote this visited (1919) this bit of ground and located my friends V 5 and V 6, and I touched my hat not only to the brave men who died for us, but also to the German dead who held them so tenaciously and died like gentlemen.
At 4 P.M. this day, 12th May, the Meerut Division was ordered to be prepared to take over the Rue du Bois front, to Chocolat Menier Corner inclusive, during the night. At night I proceeded to Meerut Divisional Headquarters and discussed the arrangements for the attack with Anderson; but next morning, 13th May, I was informed that the proposed night operations were postponed for twenty-four hours, viz. till the night 14th-15th May. Orders were therefore issued directing the bombardment of the enemy’s position which was to be attacked. It was to be deliberate and continuous till the assault was made. This bombardment commenced at 12 noon and was maintained till the attack was delivered, and it drew in reply a strong continuous fire on the trenches held by the Meerut Division.
The general outlines of the operations were as follows:
The First and Indian Corps were to renew the attack and to press forwards towards Violaines and Beau Puits, and to establish a defensive flank along the La Bassée road on the left, maintaining the right at Givenchy. The line to be established in the first instance was the general line of the road Festubert-La Quinque Rue-La Tourelle cross-roads-Port Arthur, which position was to be consolidated. The First Corps was to assault with the Second Division on the right of the Meerut Division, and the assault of both Divisions was to be simultaneous. The subsequent advance was to be with the object of securing the Ferme d’Avoué and certain named roads.
The Seventh Division on our left was to deliver an assault in the early hours of the 15th May.
The Meerut Division, less Dehra Dun Brigade and one Brigade R.F.A., with the Sirhind Brigade added, was ordered to make the attack of the Indian Corps. The assault was to be made against named front-line trenches, all details being given. Should the first two objectives be attained, as the attack of the Second Division progressed our own was to push on and secure the road from Port Arthur to La Tourelle cross-roads inclusive, and consolidate itself thereon.
A deliberate Artillery bombardment was to precede the assault and was to be maintained for thirty-six hours. Owing, however, to the further postponement of the attack for twenty-four hours it was actually maintained for sixty hours.
No. 4 Trench howitzer battery was placed at the disposal of the Garhwal Brigade for the operations, and this Brigade was detailed to carry out the assault on the enemy’s front-line trenches on a two-battalion front.
The Sirhind Brigade was in support of the Garhwal Brigade. The Bareilly Brigade was in Divisional reserve at Croix Barbée, and the Dehra Dun Brigade was in Corps reserve.
The 4th Indian Cavalry rendezvoused on 15th May in fields and orchards between Vieille Chapelle and La Couture. Nos. 3 and 4 Companies Sappers and Miners and the 107th Pioneers rendezvoused at St. Vaast on the evening of the 14th May. All assaulting troops wore masks soaked in solution. These were the early days of gas, and some of the devices to ward off this poisonous innovation were grotesque. Fond parents, wives, and relations had sent out every form of anti-gas invention. A Hindu sepoy best explained what the Indians thought of it all when he said: “I believe the British have been converted to our religion and are trying to imitate our many Gods. I have already seen many ‘Hunumans,’ and ‘Ganesh’ will shortly follow.”
At 3.30 P.M. on the 14th May orders were received from First Army directing the assault to be delayed for another twenty-four hours, as the effect of the bombardment was not considered to have been sufficient; the weather also was wet and the ground was soft and holding.
The night of the 14th-15th passed without any special incident. At 3.30 P.M. on the 15th May I sent the following instructions to the G.O.C. Meerut Division:
(a) If the night attack succeeds, hold on to V 6 at all costs, even if the Second Division on your right fails.
(b) If the night attack fails, you will not persist in it, unless the Second Division on the right has succeeded, when use every endeavour to connect with its left.
(c) If the attack of both the Meerut and Second Divisions fail, make a fresh attack at 3.15 A.M., to synchronise with that of the Seventh Division; this attack is to be preceded by a fresh bombardment, commencing at 2.45 A.M. and lasting till 3.15 A.M.
(d) If you fail again, re-form and prepare for another attack, which should be preceded by a further bombardment, probably six hours later, but further instructions will be issued as to the hour and class of this bombardment.
At 10.50 P.M., 15th May, all troops were in position. The 2nd Leicesters with six machine-guns were to assault with the right in the ditch passing through V 5, and were ordered to get into touch with the Second Division on their right. The Garhwal Rifles, with six machine-guns, were on the left, with their right in touch with the left of the Leicesters. The 3rd Londons and two companies 2/3rd Gurkha Rifles were in support of the Garhwal Rifles and 2nd Leicesters respectively. The remainder of the 3rd Gurkha Rifles was in Brigade reserve. The 2/8th Gurkha Rifles were holding the line in rear. The units of the Sirhind Brigade were disposed as follows:
1st Highland Light Infantry, and 1/1st Gurkha Rifles in assembly trenches east of Garhwal Brigade Reserve.
15th Sikhs in trenches east of Lansdowne Post.
1/4th King’s Liverpools in trenches about Lansdowne Post.
1/4th Gurkha Rifles in Lansdowne Post.
Immediately the bridges were in position the Leicesters and Garhwal Rifles commenced to move out, and by 11.25 P.M. were in position.
The assault started at 11.30 P.M., and at once the German machine-gun and rifle fire commenced, while their trenches appeared full of men. The enemy front was lit, not only by the ordinary flares but also by bombs thrown over the parapet, which burned on the ground. In spite of repeated efforts to reach the German trenches, the advance of both battalions was brought to a standstill, and each successive attempt was similarly stopped.
At 12.30 A.M., 16th May, the G.O.C. Garhwal Brigade reported that the Leicesters were held up and that the Garhwal Rifles had been unable to get forward more than thirty yards owing to heavy machine-gun fire. At this time General Anderson became aware that, though the battalion of the British Division on his immediate right had also not succeeded in reaching the German trenches, others of the 5th and 6th Infantry Brigades had done so. This proved that strong-point V 6 and its vicinity assigned to us were, as I had understood all along, one of the most formidable obstacles on our whole front. The Leicesters and the Garhwal Rifles were accordingly withdrawn and replaced by the 3rd Gurkhas and 1/3rd Londons, and the G.O.C. Brigade was directed to make a further effort at 3.15 A.M.
In the meanwhile touch was maintained with the left of the Second Division, and the G.O.C. was informed that the Garhwal Brigade would again attack at 3.15 A.M. In reply, he stated that his left would simultaneously make another attack. An intense bombardment commenced at 2.45 A.M., 16th May, and at 3 A.M. the battalions detailed to attack were in position with their leading platoons in the firing-trenches. It was impossible, owing to the light, to launch the assault from the enemy’s side of the ditch, as the troops could not reach that position unseen.
At 3.15 A.M. the assault was commenced, but the moment the men showed the enemy opened a heavy rifle, machine-gun, and artillery fire. The majority of them were shot down as they crossed our parapet, and this assault also was entirely held up.
In both advances a certain number of officers and men arrived within a few yards of the German wire before they were shot, but none were able to reach the parapets. The battalions were now ordered to reorganise, and it was decided that no further attempts to break through on this front were to be made, but that troops should be pushed in through the opening already made on our right.
In these assaults the German machine-guns again succeeded, in spite of the previous heavy bombardment by Artillery and bomb-guns, in maintaining themselves in their covered positions and in coming into immediate action on our assault being launched. Both assaults were thus met by heavy fire from the front and from right and left flanks, and were brought to a standstill just as those on the 9th May had been.
The casualties, owing to the smaller front attacked, were not so numerous as those experienced on the 9th, but they were regrettably heavy, namely, twenty-one British officers, five Indian officers, 300 other British ranks, and 590 other ranks Indian, or about thirty per cent of the strength of the Brigade engaged.
In these difficult operations the Garhwal Rifles suffered 150 casualties, and the Leicesters lost in killed four subalterns, viz. Tayler, Brown, Gandy, and Crosse, besides twenty other ranks, and the wounded and missing, including five officers, numbered over 200. It is a sad tale to tell, this continuous long roll of dead and wounded, but it is necessary in order to explain the difficulties we had to encounter and the heroism of the troops, British and Indian, who, notwithstanding the hopelessness of the task, never hesitated to go manfully forward.
The 3rd Londons suffered over 100 casualties, and the 3rd Gurkhas over seventy, including two British officers killed. Lieutenant Nott-Bower was shot whilst bravely trying to save a wounded man of the Leicesters and a brother officer, Captain Grigg, was hit by a splinter of shell. Captain F. Hodgson of the 84th Punjabis, a personal friend, was another gallant soul who passed away in honour this day.
By 4.30 A.M., 16th May, the 6th British Brigade had taken the Orchard and the 5th Brigade had been able to continue its advance, but the battalion on our immediate right had again been unable to get on, as its flank was exposed. The G.O.C. Bareilly Brigade was now directed to be prepared to take over the front held by the Garhwal Brigade. The Army commander had meantime decided to form a flank where the left of the Second Division had got through, and I received orders to hold our trenches as a defensive front.
At 8 A.M., 16th May, the situation was as follows:
Garhwal Brigade was holding the line as a defensive front. The Meerut, Lahore, and Heavy Artillery were shelling the area V 6 and other re-entrant objectives. The Bareilly Brigade was en route to Lansdowne Post. The Sirhind Brigade and 107th Pioneers were under orders of the G.O.C. Second Division. Both companies Sappers and Miners and 125th Rifles were at St. Vaast and Croix Barbée. 4th Indian Cavalry was in its rendezvous at Vieille Chapelle; whilst the left battalion of the Second Division, which could not advance, was still holding its old front line in continuation of our right.
At 11.30 P.M. the Bareilly Brigade relieved the Garhwal Brigade on the front line, with Headquarters at Lansdowne Post.
Before dawn on 17th May I received First Army Operation orders, which directed the Indian Corps to remain in occupation of its line.
At 10 A.M. on 17th May, after a telephonic conversation with General Anderson, it was arranged that we should seize any opportunity of advancing into the enemy trenches. The Sirhind Brigade was again placed at my disposal, for the purpose of ensuring touch being kept with the left of Second Division in any advance which the latter might make.
At 11 A.M. the First Army directed that the duty of gradually establishing a defensive flank on the left as the attack proceeded, was assigned to the Indian Corps, and that as the attack of the Second Division progressed we were to gradually extend to the right and relieve troops of the Second Division as opportunity offered. The Bareilly and Sirhind Brigades were detailed for this duty.
At 3.30 A.M. on 18th May the Germans attempted an attack on one company of the 15th Sikhs, but were bombed and driven back. During the progress of reliefs of certain battalions of the British Brigade on our right the 1st Highland Light Infantry had five officers and seventy other ranks made casualties, including Lieutenant H. S. Davidson killed. It is interesting to note here that the 1st battalion which belonged to the Indian Corps actually relieved their own 2nd battalion which belonged to the British Brigade fighting by our side. A chance meeting under such conditions is rare, even under the varied circumstances in which the British Army serves.
This 18th day of May was to witness a deed of heroism which for sustained gallantry can surely not be surpassed. A British officer and ten men of the 15th Sikhs were those who added a brilliant page to the history of the Indian Army. Of the ten one Lance-Naik Mangal Singh and three sepoys belonged to the battalion, whilst four of the others were attached from the 19th Punjabis and two from the 45th Sikhs.
An isolated trench was held by a company of the 15th Sikhs, opposed to an ever-increasing number of the enemy, who showed signs of an immediate attack. Having expended all his bombs, the officer in command was in urgent need of more, and Lieutenant J. Smyth offered to make the attempt over the 250 yards which intervened. Ten Sikhs volunteered to accompany him, carrying a hundred bombs in boxes between them. Moving for sixty yards under cover, the party diverged, and at once came under heavy fire. Crawling over dead and wounded, through such cover as battered ditches and trenches could afford, they advanced under a galling and aimed fire. Man after man was shot down, and by the time Smyth had got to within thirty yards of his objective there were only three others besides himself unwounded, but the precious boxes were still intact. The Germans had seen and understood the object of this movement, and the ground here was swept by a tornado of bullets, and to carry the boxes any farther was absolutely impossible. Breaking them open, Smyth distributed as many bombs as possible between the survivors. One of the three gallant Sikhs was at the same time killed; and this splendid young officer, with now but two others—a Naik and a sepoy—crawling on through mire and water, reached their goal. Smyth, who is one of the most modest, as he certainly is one of the bravest, of men, received the Victoria Cross, and the Naik the Indian Order of Merit, whilst the Indian Distinguished Service Medal was given to all who lived of that glorious band. The Gurus of the Khalsa could have wished for no greater proof of the right of the Sikh to style himself a Singh (lion).
On 18th May orders were received for the Indian Corps to attack the Ferme du Bois at the same time as attacks were delivered by the Seventh Division and the Guards Brigade more to the south.
The outlines of the operation were as follows: Meerut Division, reinforced by Sirhind Brigade, was to attack the Ferme du Bois at 4.30 P.M., in conjunction with an attack by the Guards Brigade on Cour d’Avoué, with the intention of obtaining possession of the Ferme du Bois and of three trenches up to the La Tourelle-Quinque Rue road. Touch was to be obtained with the Guards at a point marked Q 12.
The Artillery bombardment commenced at 2 P.M. The Sirhind Brigade was directed on the Ferme du Bois and certain other points, and after establishing itself at the Ferme, was to push forward in conjunction with the progress of the attack by the Guards Brigade. The Bareilly Brigade was to assist this attack by fire. The orders of the Sirhind Brigade directed the bombing parties to be supported by half a company 1st Highland Light Infantry; and as the attack progressed the 4th King’s had orders as to the part to be played by them.
At 4.20 P.M., 18th May, the Sirhind Brigade reported that, owing to the heavy German Artillery fire, the bombing parties and troops intended for the attack were being held up in their original trenches, and shortly after communication with the front became very difficult owing to all wires being cut.
By 5.40 P.M., 18th May, it was ascertained that the Guards Brigade were getting forward by short rushes, and the G.O.C. Sirhind Brigade was directed to use every possible endeavour to try and get his own attack forward also.
At 6 P.M. he reported that the bombing parties had made three attempts to cross, but had so far failed. As the attack appeared quite unable to advance, I telephoned that if it could not attain its object by day it must do so by night, and further Artillery support was promised.
As the troops of the Second Division on our right were being relieved during the night 18th-19th May, I sent instructions that no attack should be made till this relief was completed, but added that it must then be made.
At 10 P.M. General Walker, V.C., in command of the Sirhind Brigade, represented that he considered the German position round the Ferme du Bois was such that the success of an attack was very doubtful, and that the probable loss of life would be great until our present position could be consolidated, and a front from which to advance was assured. While again reminding the Division that it was most desirable the attack should be made, I left it to the judgement of General Walker, an experienced officer, on the spot, to decide.
At 11.10 P.M. it was definitely decided that the attack should not be made. Throughout the night the Sirhind Brigade was in close touch with the Germans to its front.
The 15th Sikhs had been undergoing many vicissitudes during all the confused fighting of the past days, and as already related they had given a fine example of the stuff of which the Khalsa is made. Attached to the battalion was Captain F. C. Waterfield, 45th Sikhs, whom I had known for years. This promising officer was killed. His own regiment of Rattray’s Sikhs was the one Corps of the Indian Army which in my young days I had most admired and had served alongside in Afghanistan. It was always a fine battalion, and has on the plains of Mesopotamia added still more to its reputation. As I said earlier in this book, if any Sikh battalions are to remain as Class Corps, none is more worthy of this honour than Rattray’s Sikhs.
On the 19th May the 15th Sikhs lost the services of two officers, Captain Crozier and Lieutenant Thomson.
At dawn on 19th May I received orders to the effect that the Second and Seventh Divisions were consolidating their gains and that operations would continue on that day. The Artillery of the Indian Corps was to assist by firing on the Ferme du Bois and certain named communication trenches.
At 10.5 A.M. the G.O.C. Sirhind Brigade reported that owing to rain the trenches were full of water and the parapets much damaged, and that in consequence of reliefs of Second Division his men had been on the move all night, and that his casualties during the past twenty-four hours had been severe. He added that his battalions in the front line were somewhat shaken, and he considered it essential to relieve the 15th Sikhs by the 1st Gurkhas that night, as they were now reduced to about 250 men. He also recommended that the King’s should be relieved, and stated that he hardly thought an attack could be got out of his men that night.
At 6 P.M. the Germans made another attempt to bomb the left flank of Sirhind Brigade, but this attack was stopped. On the top of all this orders were received from the First Army that the Indian Corps was, at all costs, to capture certain named trenches and points by the morning of 22nd May. During the night 19th-20th the Garhwal Brigade relieved Bareilly Brigade, and certain interbattalion reliefs desired by G.O.C. Sirhind Brigade were also carried out. The situation remained normal during the night.
On the morning of the 20th May I visited General Anderson’s Headquarters and discussed the operations for the capture of the Ferme du Bois which had been ordered by First Army. This was to co-ordinate with the general plan, viz. that the Canadian and Highland Divisions should work southwards and secure the group of houses south of the Ferme Cour d’Avoué, and that the Indian Corps was to carry on active hostilities continuously, with a view to harassing the enemy and wearing down his resistance.
The orders issued by the Meerut Division were to the effect that the Sirhind Brigade as a first objective was to secure named localities about the Ferme du Bois before the morning of 22nd May, and that every endeavour was to be made to carry out this order. The G.O.C. Sirhind Brigade accordingly arranged that the 1st Gurkhas should establish themselves in a named trench overnight, and that patrols were to push on to the Ferme du Bois. Special patrols were also to be sent out to ascertain the nature of obstacles parallel to our front; forming-up trenches were to be dug for the assaulting battalions, and the 4th King’s were to be relieved.
During the night a thorough reconnaissance of the position was carried out and a picquet was established by the Sirhind Brigade 200 yards west of the Ferme du Bois. Operation orders were telephoned to the Meerut Division. The arrangements were as follows:
General Alderson’s force (Canadians, etc.) was to co-operate by carrying out an intensive bombardment on Cour d’Avoué on 22nd May.
The Garhwal Brigade was to detail a bombing party, supported by one company of infantry, and support the attack by bombing along trench V 1 to V 2 with a view to establishing themselves there. This party was not to commence operations until ten minutes after the Sirhind Brigade attack had started, unless the enemy opened fire on our attacking troops, in which case it was to act at once.
A detailed artillery bombardment, which commenced at 1 P.M. on the 21st and was to continue till 5 A.M. on the 22nd, was arranged, on trenches and area in and near the localities to be attacked, and to form barrages to prevent arrival of reinforcements.
The Sirhind Brigade was to attack at 1 A.M. on 22nd May in the following formation:
On the left the Highland Light Infantry had as objectives two named trenches. In the centre were the 1st Gurkhas, and on the right the 4th Gurkhas.
The 4th King’s were in support, and 15th Sikhs in reserve.
All columns were in position correctly, and the attacks were launched at 1 A.M. as arranged, and advanced without at first being fired on. The right attack was checked by a ditch about twenty yards from the enemy’s trenches, and here came under rifle and machine-gun fire from the trenches in front, while the rear and right rear were also heavily fired on; the south-east corner of the Ferme du Bois Orchard, in particular, was under a severe fire, presumably from Cour d’Avoué. This ditch was about six feet deep with three feet of water in it, and the ground between it and the enemy’s trenches was wired. At this obstacle the leading company of the 4th Gurkhas was checked, but Major Moule and Captain Robinson with a detachment broke through the wire and were soon at the German trenches. They had nobly carried out their task and never returned to tell the tale. The battalion had 100 casualties.
Lieutenant Ballinger, 4th King’s, commanding the two machine-guns of his battalion, had been detailed to follow the 4th Gurkhas. In his haste to join in the fight he moved on sooner than his instructions had allowed, and he and many of his men were killed close by the wire adjoining the German trench—another brave set of Englishmen who died as so many others did in the over-zealous discharge of duty.
The attack did not progress beyond this ditch, which perhaps seemed a greater obstacle in the night than it really was. The only remaining British officer with the attacking companies returned at 1.50 A.M. to take up reinforcements, but at 2.20 A.M., the senior officers with the three attacking columns having consulted, decided that as the attack was held up all along, it was inadvisable to send up more troops, and the attackers were ordered to withdraw.
The centre attack reached the Ferme du Bois with but little loss, owing to the protection afforded by the farm and ridge. A ditch was reached, and the assault at once came under heavy fire from the front and right flank. The leading company of the 1st Gurkhas, reinforced by a second, assaulted and captured a line of trench some thirty yards beyond the ditch. This trench had been covered by wire which had been cut by our artillery, whose support had been most effective. About fifteen Germans were killed here and the rest retired to a second trench twenty yards in rear. By this time all the British officers with the attacking companies had been killed or wounded, and Subadar Jit Sing Gurung, 1st Gurkhas, assumed command but was shortly afterwards ordered to retire, an order he carried out with coolness and judgement.
Lieutenant Heyland was killed while endeavouring to alter the configuration of a captured trench in which his men were being mown down. Three other British officers shared the same fate, Lieutenants Fry, Herbert, and Gamble all bravely seconding his efforts. This battalion paid dearly for its short but fierce fight, the total casualties amounting to 120. Subadar Jit Sing Gurung was awarded the Indian Order of Merit, and Captain Mellis earned the Military Cross.
The advance of the Highland Light Infantry on the left of the combined attacks was also held up by the ditch and by machine-gun fire taking the ditch in enfilade from the right and in the rear from the Cour d’Avoué. This battalion was faced by the impossible, but with its proven valour did all that could be done under the conditions, and in the attempt to carry out its task paid with a loss of over 120 of all ranks, including Lieut. J. Agnew killed, four officers wounded, and one wounded and missing, Lieut. B. Ivy.
Communication with the Sirhind Brigade Headquarters was interrupted till 3 A.M., when from all reports that he could receive, the G.O.C. decided that a second attack was impracticable. He directed the original dispositions to be resumed and the trenches to be held, up to where they had been barricaded, and this order was carried out.
In telling the story of incessant attacks or defensive actions in those days the infantry soldier naturally looms large, whilst the less conspicuous units sometimes escape notice. The corps of Indian Sappers and Miners has furnished unlimited material for tales of daring, and on this 22nd day of May 1915 a chivalrous gentleman, Captain Francis Douie of the Royal Engineers, and his equally gallant orderly, Jiwa Khan of No. 3 Company, 1st Sappers and Miners, did what one is proud to record. In broad daylight they noticed a wounded man lying only eighty yards from a German trench from which proceeded a heavy rifle fire, whilst our own guns were shelling the self-same trench: but for such men death has no terrors. They were soon over the parapet, and by sheer pluck and luck combined reached and brought in their helpless comrade. Jiwa Khan may well be proud of the Indian Order of Merit he wears, and Captain Douie of the D.S.O. he that day added to the Military Cross he had already won. I may add that it was only after very searching inquiry I was enabled to get full details of these acts of bravery, as apparently both actors appeared to be unconscious of having done anything beyond their ordinary duty.
The attack failed owing to excessive casualties in British officers of the attacking companies when these companies were held up. Of those with the assault all became casualties except two subalterns. Also the hindrance of a deep ditch in front of the objective under close rifle and machine-gun fire was a very serious obstacle at night, and broke the momentum of the advance. Issue from it would have involved facing frontal rifle fire at very close range, while men in it were taken in enfilade and reverse by machine-guns from south-east of Ferme du Bois and from Cour d’Avoué. The fact that no simultaneous attack was being made on the Cour d’Avoué left the enemy in that direction at liberty to concentrate his fire on our assault at close ranges. Reconnaissance had been unable to ascertain with accuracy where the German trenches and machine-guns were located. Owing to the fact that the advance to the point of attack was carried out deliberately and in complete silence, no fire had opened on it until thirty-five minutes after the start, and the officer commanding the party which was to bomb along the trench in support of the attack, hearing nothing more than general heavy firing, was in doubt whether the attack had actually started. Inquiry from the nearest officer of the neighbouring battalion elicited the reply that it had not done so, and he accordingly delayed starting his operations so as to synchronise the two attacks.
It was now broad daylight and, of course, futile to order this attack to recommence. The officers commanding units on the spot decided that with the situation as it was known to them any further attempt, while the enemy was in undisturbed occupation of the vicinity of Cour d’Avoué, offered no chance of success, and would only have led to greatly enhanced losses, and that withdrawal before it became too late was the best course to pursue. It would, perhaps, have been better to have ordered the attack at an earlier hour of the night, even though the Germans would probably have been found more on the alert than they were. The casualties in this assault were heavy: nine companies were engaged, in which sixteen British officers, two Indian officers, 137 British other ranks, and 173 Indian other ranks were returned as casualties.
Although the British Division on our right had, like ourselves, been unable to make any advance during the early days of these prolonged attacks, there is no doubt that once they got a forward move on, they were severely handicapped by the inability of the Indian Corps to keep up with them, and the left battalion of that Division in consequence could not keep in touch with those farther to the right. The situation, in fact, closely resembled that of our left Brigade at Neuve Chapelle, where we originally reached as far as the Bois du Biez but were obliged to again move back owing to the British Brigade of the Eighth Division on our immediate left finding it impossible to overcome the German defence to its front.
In the case now under review, we did all in our power to keep up with the advance, but the strong point V 6 baffled our efforts. It might possibly have been better if the dividing line between the British and Indian Corps had not run just past this redoubt, but that is a matter of opinion only. Be that as it may, it must be owned that notwithstanding many gallant attempts we could not get on at all, and thus hampered the later attacks of the British Division after it had captured its first objective.