Ib. p. 47.
In Cornwall Sir Richard Grenvill, having taken many soldiers of the
Earl of Essex's army, sentenced about a dozen to be hanged. When they
had hanged two or three, the rope broke which should have hanged the
next. And they sent for new ropes so oft to hang him, and all of them
still broke, that they durst go no further, but saved all the rest.
The soldiers, doubtless, contrived this from the aversion natural to
Englishmen of killing an enemy in cold blood; and because they foresaw
that there would be Tit for Tat.
Ib. p. 59.
It is easy to see from Baxter's own account, that his party ruined their
own cause and that of the kingdom by their tenets concerning the right
and duty of the civil magistrate to use the sword against such as were
not of the same religion with themselves.
Ib. p. 62.
They seem not to me to have answered satisfactorily to the main
argument fetched from the Apostle's own government, with which Saravia
had inclined me to some Episcopacy before: though miracles and
infallibility were Apostolical temporary privileges, yet Church
government is an ordinary thing to be continued. And therefore as the
Apostles had successors as they were preachers, I see not but that
they must have successors as Church governors.
Was not Peter's sentence against Ananias an act of Church government?
Therefore though Church government is an ordinary thing in some form or
other, it does not follow that one particular form is an ordinary thing.
For the time being the Apostles, as heads of the Church, did what they
thought best; but whatever was binding on the Church universal and in
all times they delivered as commands from Christ. Now no other command
was delivered but that all things should conduce to order and
edification.
Ib. p. 66.
And therefore how they could refuse to receive the King, till he
consented to take the Covenant, I know not, unless the taking of the
Covenant had been a condition on which he was to receive his crown by
the laws or fundamental constitutions of the kingdom, which none
pretendeth. Nor know I by what power they can add anything to the
Coronation Oath or Covenant, which by his ancestors was to be taken,
without his own consent.
And pray, how and by whom were the Coronation Oaths first imposed? The
Scottish nation in 1650 had the same right to make a bargain with the
claimant of their throne as their ancestors had. It is strange that
Baxter should not have seen that his objections would apply to our
Magna Charta
. So he talks of the "fundamental constitutions,"
just as if these had been aboriginal or rather
sans
origin, and
not as indeed they were extorted and bargained for by the people. But
throughout it is plain that Baxter repeated, but never appropriated, the
distinction between the King as the executive power, and as the
individual functionary. What obligation lay on the Scottish Parliament
and Church to consult the man Charles Stuart's personal likes and
dislikes? The Oath was to be taken by him as their King. Doubtless, he
equally disliked the whole Protestant interest; and if the Tories and
Church of England Jacobites of a later day had recalled James II., would
Baxter have thought them culpable for imposing on him an Oath to
preserve the Protestant Church of England and to inflict severe
penalties on his own Church-fellows?
Ib. p. 71.
And some men thought it a very hard question, whether they should
rather wish the continuance of a usurper that will do good, or the
restoration of a rightful governor whose followers will do hurt.
And who shall dare unconditionally condemn those who judged the former
to be the better alternative? Especially those who did not adopt
Baxter's notion of a
jus divinum
personal and hereditary in the
individual, whose father had broken the compact on which the claim
rested.
Ib. p. 75.
One Mrs. Dyer, a chief person of the Sect, did first bring forth a
monster, which had the parts of almost all sorts of living creatures,
some parts like man, but most ugly and misplaced, and some like
beasts, birds and fishes, having horns, fins and claws; and at the
birth of it the bed shook, and the women present fell a vomiting, and
were fain to go forth of the room.
This babe of Mrs. Dyer's is no bad emblem of Richard Baxter's own
credulity. It is almost an argument on his side, that nothing he
believed is more strange and inexplicable than his own belief of them.
Ib. p. 76.
The third sect were the Ranters. These also made it their business, as
the former, to set up the light of nature under the name of Christ in
men, and to dishonour and cry down the Church, &c.
But why does Baxter every where assert the identity of the new light
with the light of nature? Or what does he mean exclusively by the
latter? The source must be the same in all lights as far as it is light.
Ib. p. 77.
And that was the fourth sect, the Quakers; who were but the Ranters
turned from horrid profaneness and blasphemy to a life of extreme
austerity on the other side.
Observe the
but
.
Ib.
Their doctrine is to be seen in Jacob Behmen's books by him that hath
nothing else to do, than to bestow a great deal of time to understand
him that was not willing to be easily understood, and to know that his
bombasted words do signify nothing more than before was easily known
by common familiar terms.
This is not in all its parts true. It is true that the first principles
of Behmen are to be found in the writings of the Neo-Platonists after
Plotinus, and (but mixed with gross impieties) in Paracelsus;—but it is
not true that they are easily known, and still less so that they are
communicable in common familiar terms. But least of all is it true that
there is nothing original in Behmen.
Ib.
The chiefest of these in England are Dr. Pordage and his family.
It is curious that Lessing in the Review, which he, Nicolai, and
Mendelssohn conducted under the form of Letters to a wounded Officer,
joins the name of Pordage with that of Behmen. Was Pordage's work
translated into German?
Ib. p. 79.
Also the Socinians made some increase by the ministry of one Mr.
Biddle, sometimes schoolmaster in Gloucester; who wrote against the
Godhead of the Holy Ghost, and afterwards of Christ; whose followers
inclined much to mere Deism.
For the Socinians till Biddle retained much of the Christian religion,
for example, Redemption by the Cross, and the omnipresence of Christ as
to this planet even as the Romanists with their Saints. Luther's
obstinate adherence to the ubiquity of the Body of Christ and his or
rather its real presence in and with the bread was a sad furtherance to
the advocates of Popish idolatry and hierolatry.
Ib. p. 80.
Many a time have I been brought very low, and received the sentence of
death in myself, when my poor, honest, praying neighbours have met,
and upon their fasting and earnest prayers I have been recovered. Once
when I had continued weak three weeks, and was unable to go abroad,
the very day that they prayed for me, being Good Friday, I recovered,
and was able to preach, and administer the Sacrament the next Lord's
Day, and was better after it, &c.
Strange that the common manuals of school logic should not have secured
Baxter from the repeated blunder of
Cum hoc, ergo, propter hoc
;
but still more strange that his piety should not have revolted against
degrading prayer into medical quackery.
Before the Revolution of 1688, metaphysics ruled without experimental
psychology, and in these curious paragraphs of Baxter we see the effect:
since the Revolution experimental psychology without metaphysics has in
like manner prevailed, and we now feel the result. In like manner from
Plotinus to Proclus, that is, from A. D. 250 to A. D. 450, philosophy
was set up as a substitute for religion: during the dark ages religion
superseded philosophy, and the consequences are equally instructive. The
great maxim of legislation, intellectual or political, is
Subordinate, not exclude
. Nature in her ascent leaves nothing
behind, but at each step subordinates and glorifies:—mass, crystal,
organ, sensation, sentience, reflection.
Ib. p. 82.
Another time, as I sat in my study, the weight of my greatest folio
books brake down three or four of the highest shelves, when I sat
close under them, and they fell down every side me, and not one of
them hit me, save one upon the arm; whereas the place, the weight, the
greatness of the books was such, and my head just under them, that it
was a wonder they had not beaten out my brains, &c.
Greek: Méga biblíon méga kakón.dokei
Ib. p. 84.
For all the pains that my infirmities ever brought upon me were never
half so grievous an affliction to me, as the unavoidable loss of my
time, which they occasioned. I could not bear, through the weakness of
my stomach, to rise before seven o'clock in the morning, &c.
Alas! in how many respects does my lot resemble Baxter's; but how much
less have my bodily evils been; and yet how very much greater an
impediment have I suffered them to be! But verily Baxter's labours seem
miracles of supporting grace. Ought I not therefore to retract the note
p. 80? I waver.
Ib. p. 87.
For my part, I bless God, who gave me even under a Usurper, whom I
opposed, such liberty and advantage to preach his Gospel with success,
which I cannot have under a King to whom I have sworn and performed
true subjection and obedience; yea, which no age since the Gospel came
into this land did before possess, as far as I can learn from history.
Sure I am that when it became a matter of reputation and honour to be
godly, it abundantly furthered the successes of the ministry. Yea, and
I shall add this much more for the sake of posterity, that as much as
I have said and written against licentiousness in religion, and for
the magistrate's power in it, and though I think that land most happy,
whose rulers use their authority for Christ as well as for the civil
peace; yet in comparison of the rest of the world, I shall think that
land happy that hath but bare liberty to be as good as they are
willing to be; and if countenance and maintenance be but added to
liberty, and tolerated errors and sects be but forced to keep the
peace, and not to oppose the substantials of Christianity, I shall not
hereafter much fear such toleration, nor despair that truth will bear
down adversaries.
What a valuable and citable paragraph! Likewise it is a happy instance
of the force of a cherished prejudice in an honest mind—practically
yielding to the truth, but yet with a speculative, "Though I still
think, &c."
Ib. p. 128.
Among truths certain in themselves, all are not equally certain unto
me; and even of the mysteries of the Gospel I must needs say, with Mr.
Richard Hooker, that whatever some may pretend, the subjective
certainty cannot go beyond the objective evidence. * * * Therefore I
do more of late than ever discern the necessity of a methodical
procedure in maintaining the doctrine of Christianity. * * * My
certainty that I am a man is before my certainty that there is a God.
* * * My certainty that there is a God is greater than my certainty
that he requireth love and holiness of his creature, &c.
There is a confusion in this paragraph, which asks more than a marginal
note to disentangle. Briefly, the process of acquirement is confounded
with the order of the truths when acquired. A tinder spark gives light
to an Argand's lamp: is it therefore more luminous?
Ib. p. 129.
And when I have studied hard to understand some abstruse admired book,
as de Scientia Dei, de Providentia circa malum, de Decretis, de
Prædeterminatione, de Libertate creaturæ, &c. I have but attained
the knowledge of human imperfection, and to see that the author is but
a man as well as I.
On these points I have come to a resting place. Let such articles, as
are either to be recognized as facts, for example, sin or evil having
its origination in a will; and the reality of a responsible and (in
whatever sense freedom is presupposed in responsibility,) of a free will
in man;—or acknowledged as laws, for example, the unconditional
bindingness of the practical reason;—or to be freely affirmed as
necessary through their moral interest, their indispensableness to our
spiritual humanity, for example, the personeity, holiness, and moral
government and providence of God;—let these be vindicated from
absurdity, from self-contradiction, and contradiction to the pure
reason, and restored to simple incomprehensibility. He who seeks for
more, knows not what he is talking of; he who will not seek even this is
either indifferent to the truth of what he professes to believe, or he
mistakes a general determination not to disbelieve for a positive and
especial faith, which is only our faith as far as we can assign a reason
for it. O! how impossible it is to move an inch to the right or the left
in any point of spiritual and moral concernment, without seeing the
damage caused by the confusion of reason with the understanding.
Ib. p. 131.
My soul is much more afflicted with the thoughts of the miserable
world, and more drawn out in desire of their conversion than
heretofore. I was wont to look but little further than England in my
prayers, as not considering the state of the rest of the world;—or if
I prayed for the conversion of the Jews, that was almost all. But now
as I better understand the care of the world, and the method of the
Lord's Prayer, so there is nothing in the world that lieth so heavy
upon my heart, as the thought of the miserable nations of the earth.
I dare not not condemn myself for the languid or dormant state of my
feelings respecting the Mohammedan and Heathen nations; yet know not in
what degree to condemn. The less culpable grounds of this languor are,
first, my utter ignorance of God's purposes with respect to the
Heathens; and second, the strong conviction, I have that the conversion
of a single province of Christendom to true practical Christianity would
do more toward the conversion of Heathendom than an army of
Missionaries. Romanism and despotic government in the larger part of
Christendom, and the prevalence of Epicurean principles in the
remainder;—these do indeed lie heavy on my heart.
Ib. p. 135.
Therefore I confess I give but halting credit to most histories that
are written, not only against the Albigenses and Waldenses, but
against most of the ancient heretics, who have left us none of their
own writings, in which they speak for themselves; and I heartily
lament that the historical writings of the ancient schismatics and
heretics, as they were called, perished, and that partiality suffered
them not to survive, that we might have had more light in the Church
affairs of those times, and been better able to judge between the
Fathers and them.
It is greatly to the credit of Baxter that he has here anticipated those
merits which so long after gave deserved celebrity to the name and
writings of Beausobre and Lardner, and still more recently in this
respect of Eichhorn, Paulus and other Neologists.
Ib. p. 136.
And therefore having myself now written this history of myself,
notwithstanding my protestation that I have not in anything wilfully
gone against the truth, I expect no more credit from the reader than
the self-evidencing light of the matter, with concurrent rational
advantages from persons, and things, and other witnesses, shall
constrain him to.
I may not unfrequently doubt Baxter's memory, or even his competence, in
consequence of his particular modes of thinking; but I could almost as
soon doubt the Gospel verity as his veracity.
Book I. Part II. p.139.
The following Book of this Work is interesting and most instructive as
an instance of Syncretism, and its Epicurean
clinamen
, even when
it has been undertaken from the purest and most laudable motives, and
from impulses the most Christian, and yet its utter failure in its
object, that of tending to a common centre. The experience of eighteen
centuries seems to prove that there is no practicable
medium
between a Church comprehensive (which is the only meaning of a Catholic
Church visible) in which A. in the North or East is allowed to advance
officially no doctrine different from what is allowed to B. in the South
or West;—and a co-existence of independent Churches, in none of which
any further unity is required but that between the minister and his
congregation, while this again is secured by the election and
continuance of the former depending wholly on the will of the latter.
Perhaps the best state possible, though not the best possible state, is
where both are found, the one established by maintenance, the other by
permission; in short that which we now enjoy. In such a state no
minister of the former can have a right to complain, for it was at his
own option to have taken the latter;
et volenti nulla fit
injuria
. For an individual to demand the freedom of the independent
single Church when he receives £500 a year for submitting to the
necessary restrictions of the Church General, is impudence and
Mammonolatry to boot.
Ib. p. 141.
They (the Erastians) misunderstood and injured their brethren,
supposing and affirming them to claim as from God a coercive power
over the bodies or purses of men, and so setting up imperium in
imperio; whereas all temperate Christians (at least except
Papists) confess that the Church hath no power of force, but only to
manage God's word unto men's consciences.
But are not the receivers as bad as the thief? Is it not a poor evasion
to say:—"It is true I send you to a dungeon there to rot, because you
do not think as I do concerning some point of faith;—but this only as a
civil officer. As a divine I only tenderly entreat and persuade you!"
Can there be fouler hypocrisy in the Spanish Inquisition than this?
Ib. p. 142.
That hereby they (the Diocesan party) altered the ancient species of
Presbyters, to whose office the spiritual government of their proper
folks as truly belonged, as the power of preaching and worshiping God
did.
I could never rightly understand this objection of Richard Baxter's.
What power not possessed by the Rector of a parish, would he have wished
a parochial Bishop to have exerted? What could have been given by the
Legislature to the latter which might not be given to the former? In
short Baxter's plan seems to do away Archbishops—
Greek: koinoì epískopoi
—but for the rest to name our present Rectors and Vicars
Bishops. I cannot see what is gained by his plan. The true difficulty is
that Church discipline is attached to an Establishment by this world's
law, not to the form itself established: and his objections from
paragraph 5 to paragraph 10 relate to particular abuses, not to
Episcopacy itself.
Ib. p. 143.
But above all I disliked that most of them (the Independents) made the
people by majority of votes to be Church governors in
excommunications, absolutions, &c., which Christ hath made an act of
office; and so they governed their governors and themselves.
Is not this the case with the Houses of Legislature? The members taken
individually are subjects; collectively governors.
Ib. p. 177.
The extraordinary gifts of the Apostles, and the privilege of being
eye and ear witnesses to Christ, were abilities which they had for the
infallible discharge of their function, but they were not the ground
of their power and authority to govern the Church. * * * Potestas
clavium was committed to them only, not to the Seventy.
I wish for a proof, that all the Apostles had any extraordinary gifts
which none of the LXX. had. Nay as an Episcopalian of the Church of
England, I hold it an unsafe and imprudent concession, tending to weaken
the governing right of the Bishops. But I fear that as the law and right
of patronage in England now are, the question had better not be stirred;
lest it should be found that the true power of the keys is not, as with
the Papists, in hands to which it is doubtful whether Christ committed
them exclusively; but in hands to which it is certain that Christ did
not commit them at all.
Ib. p. 179.
It followeth not a mere Bishop may have a multitude of Churches,
because an Archbishop may, who hath many Bishops under him.
What then does Baxter quarrel about? That our Bishops take a humbler
title than they have a right to claim;—that being in fact Archbishops,
they are for the most part content to be styled as one of the brethren!
Ib. p. 185.
I say again, No Church, no Christ; for no body, no head; and if no
Christ then, there is no Christ now.
Baxter here forgets his own mystical regenerated Church. If he mean
this, it is nothing to the argument in question; if not, then he must
assert the monstrous absurdity of, No unregenerate Church, no Christ.
Ib. p. 188.
Or if they would not yield to this at all, we might have communion
with them as Christians, without acknowledging them for Pastors.
Observe the inconsistency of Baxter. No Pastor, no Church; no Church, no
Christ; and yet he will receive them as Christians: much to his honor as
a Christian, but not much to his credit as a logician.
Ib. p. 189.
We are agreed that as some discovery of consent on both parts (the
pastors and people) is necessary to the being of the members of a
political particular Church: so that the most express declaration of
that consent is the most plain and satisfactory dealing, and most
obliging, and likest to attain the ends.
In our Churches, especially in good livings, there is such an
overflowing fullness of consent on the part of the Pastor as supplies
that of the people altogether; nay, to nullify their declared dissent.
Ib. p. 194.
By the establishment of what is contained in these twelve propositions
or articles following, the Churches in these nations may have a holy
communion, peace and concord, without any wrong to the consciences or
liberties of Presbyterians, Congregational, Episcopal, or any other
Christians.
Painfully instructive are these proposals from so wise and peaceable a
divine as Baxter. How mighty must be the force of an old prejudice when
so generally acute a logician was blinded by it to such palpable
inconsistencies! On what ground of right could a magistrate inflict a
penalty, whereby to compel a man to hear what he might believe dangerous
to his soul, on which the right of burning the refractory individual
might not be defended as well?
Ib. p. 198.
To which ends * * I think that this is all that should be required of
any Church or member ordinarily to be professed: In general I do
believe all that is contained in the sacred canonical Scriptures, and
particularly I believe all explicitly contained in the ancient Creed,
&c.
To a man of sense, but unstudied in the context of human nature, and
from having confined his reading to the writers of the present and the
last generation unused to live in former ages, it must seem strange that
Baxter should not have seen that this test is either all or nothing. And
the Creed! Is it certain that the so called Apostles' Creed was more
than the mere catechism of the Catechumens? Was it the Baptismal Creed
of the Eastern or Western Church, especially the former? The only test
really necessary, in my opinion, is an established Liturgy.
Ib. p. 201.
As reverend Bishop Ussher hath manifested that the Western Creed, now
called the Apostles' (wanting two or three clauses that now are in it)
was not only before the Nicene Creed, but of much further antiquity,
that no beginning of it below the Apostles' days can be found.
Remove these two or three clauses, and doubtless the substance of the
remainder must have been little short of the Apostolic age. But so is
one at least of the writings of Clement.
great question is: Was this
the Baptismal Symbol, the
Regula Fidei
, which it was forbidden to
put in writing;—or was it not the Christian A. B. C. of the
Catechumeni
previously to their Baptismal initiation into the
higher mysteries, to the
strong meat
which was not for
babes
?
Ib. p. 203.
Not so much for my own sake as others; lest it should offend the
Parliament, and open the mouths of our adversaries, that we cannot
ourselves agree in fundamentals; and lest it prove an occasion for
others to sue for a universal toleration.
That this apprehension so constantly haunted, so powerfully actuated,
even the mild and really tolerant Baxter, is a strong proof of my old
opinion,—that the dogma of the right and duty of the civil magistrate
to restrain and punish religious avowals by him deemed heretical,
universal among the Presbyterians and Parliamentary Churchmen, joined
with the persecuting spirit of the Presbyterians,—was the main cause of
Cromwell's despair and consequent unfaithfulness concerning a
Parliamentary Commonwealth.
Ib. p. 222.
I tried, when I was last with you, to revive your reason by proposing
to you the infallibility of the common senses of all the world; and I
could not prevail though you had nothing to answer that was not
against common sense. And it is impossible any thing controverted can
be brought nearer you, or made plainer than to be brought to your eyes
and taste and feeling; and not yours only, but all men's else. Sense
goes before faith. Faith is no faith but upon supposition of sense and
understanding: if therefore common sense be fallible, faith must needs
be so.
This is one of those two-edged arguments, which not indeed began, but
began to be fashionable, just before and after the Restoration. I was
half converted to Transubstantiation by Tillotson's common senses
against it; seeing clearly that the same grounds
totidem verbis et
syllabis
would serve the Socinian against all the mysteries of
Christianity. If the Roman Catholics had pretended that the phenomenal
bread and wine were changed into the phenomenal flesh and blood, this
objection would have been legitimate and irresistible; but as it is, it
is mere sensual babble. The whole of Popery lies in the assumption of a
Church, as a numerical unit, infallible in the highest degree, inasmuch
as both which is Scripture, and what Scripture teaches, is infallible by
derivation only from an infallible decision of the Church. Fairly
undermine or blow up this: and all the remaining peculiar tenets of
Romanism fall with it, or stand by their own right as opinions of
individual Doctors.