The New Zealanders mentioned in the preceding account of the Flax Manufactory at Norfolk Island, remained, as has been already shown, six months at that settlement. As they resided at the Lieutenant-governor's, and under his constant observation some information respecting New Zealand, and its inhabitants, was procured, which was obligingly communicated by Governor King, in substance as follows:

Hoo-doo Co-co-ty To-wa-ma-how-ey is about twenty-four years of age; five feet eight inches high; of an athletic make; his features like those of an European, and very interesting. He is of the district of Teer-a-witte, which, by the chart of Too-gee the other New Zealander, is a district of the same name, but does not lie so far to the southward as the part of Ea-hei-no-mawe, called Teer-a-witte by Captain Cook; for we are certain that Too-gee's residence is about the Bay of Islands; and they both agree that the distance between their dwellings is only two days journey by land, and one day by water.* That part called by Captain Cook Teer-a-witte is at a very considerable distance from the Bay of Islands.

[* Since the return of the Fancy from New Zealand, it appears that Too-gee's residence is at Doubtless Bay, in which place the Fancy anchored, and Too-gee with his wife went on board; but he said that he would not return to Norfolk Island until Lieutenant-governor King came to fetch him. Two lads, at Too-gee's recommendation, were going thither; but as they became sea-sick were set on shore again. Hoo-doo's residence must be between the Bay of Islands and Doubtless Bay, according to the information given by Too-gee to the master of the Fancy.]

Hoo-doo is nearly related to Po-vo-reek, who is the principal chief of Teer-a-witte. He had two wives and one child, about whose safety he seemed very apprehensive; and almost every evening at the close of the day, he, as well as Too-gee, lamented their separation in a sort of half-crying and half-singing, expressive of grief, and which was at times very affecting.

Too-gee Te-ter-re-nu-e Warri-pe-do is of-the same age as Hoo-doo; but about three inches shorter; he is stout and well made, and like Hoo-doo of an olive complexion, with strong black hair. Both are tattooed on the hips. Too-gee's features are rather handsome and interesting; his nose is aquinine, and he has good teeth. He is a native of the district of Ho-do-doe, (which is in Doubtless Bay,) of which district Too-gee's father is the Etang-a-roah, or chief priest; and to that office the son succeeds on his father's death. Beside his father, who is a very old man, he has left a wife and child; about all of whom he is very anxious and uneasy, as well as about the chief, (Moo-de-wy,) whom he represents as a very worthy character. Too-gee has a decided preference to Hoo-doo both in disposition and manners; although the latter is not wanting in a certain degree of good-nature, but he can at times be very much of the savage. Hoo-doo, like a true patriot, thinks there is no country, people, nor customs, equal to his own; on which account he is much less curious as to what he sees about him than his companion Too-gee, who has the happy art of insinuating himself into every person's esteem. Except at times, when he is lamenting the absence of his family and friends, he is cheerful, often facetious, and very intelligent. And were it not for the different disposition of Hoo-doo, the most favourable opinion might be formed of the New Zealanders in general. It is not, however, meant to be said, that if Too-gee were not present, an indifferent opinion would have been formed of Hoo-doo; on the contrary, the manners and disposition of the latter are far more pleasing than could have been expected to be found in a native of that country.

At the time they were taken from New Zealand, Too-gee was on a visit to Hoo-doo; and the mode of their capture was thus related by them*: The Daedalus appeared in sight of Hoo-doo's habitation in the afternoon, and was seen the next morning, but at a great distance from the main land. Although she was near two islands which are inhabited, and which Toogee in his chart calls Ko-mootu-Kowa, and Opan-a-ke, curiosity, and the hopes of getting some iron, induced Povoreek the chief, Too-gee, and Hoo-doo, with his brother, one of his wives, and the priest, to launch their canoes. They went first to the largest of the two islands, where they were joined by Tee-ah-wor-rack, the chief of the island, by Komootookowa, who is Hoo-doo's father-in-law, and by the son of that chief who governs the smaller island, called Opan-a-ke. They were some time about the ship before the canoe in which were Too-gee and Hoo-doo ventured alongside, when a number of iron tools and other articles were given into the canoe. The agent, Lieutenant Hanson, (of whose kindness they speak in the highest terms,) invited and pressed them to go on board, with which Too-gee and Hoo-doo were anxious to comply immediately, but were prevented by the persuasion of their countrymen. At length they went on board, and, according to their own expression, they were blinded by the curious things they saw. Lieutenant Hanson prevailed on them to go below, where they ate some meat. At this time the ship made sail. One of them saw the canoes astern; and when they perceived that the ship was leaving them, they both became frantic with grief, and broke the cabin windows with an intention of leaping overboard, but were prevented. While those in the canoes remained within hearing, they advised Povereek to make the best of his way home, for fear that he also should be taken.

[* This account has since been corroborated by Lieutenant Hanson.]

For some time after their arrival at Norfolk Island they were very sullen, and as anxiously avoided giving any information respecting the flax, as our people were desirous of obtaining it. The apprehension of being obliged to work at it was afterwards found to have been a principal reason for their not complying so readily as was expected. By kind treatment, however, and indulgence in their own inclinations, they soon began to be more sociable. They were then given to understand the situation and short distance of New Zealand from Norfolk Island, and were assured that as soon as they had taught our women 'emou-ka ea-ra-ka-ke,' (i.e. to work the flax), they should be sent home again. On this promise they readily consented to give all the information they possessed, and which turned out to be very little. This operation was found to be among them the peculiar province of the women; and as Hoo-doo was a warrior, and Too-gee a priest, they gave the governor to understand that dressing of flax never made any part of their studies.

When they began to understand each other, Too-gee was not only very inquisitive respecting England, etc. (the situation of which, as well as that of New Zealand, Norfolk Island, and Port Jackson, he well knew how to find by means of a coloured general chart); but was also very communicative respecting his own country. Perceiving he was not thoroughly understood, he delineated a sketch of New Zealand with chalk on the floor of a room set apart for that purpose. From a comparison which Governor King made with Captain Cook's plan of those islands, a sufficient similitude to the form of the northern island was discoverable to render this attempt an object of curiosity; and Too-gee was persuaded to describe his delineation on paper. This being done with a pencil, corrections and additions were occasionally made by him, in the course of different conversations; and the names of districts and other remarks were written from his information during the six months he remained there. According to Too-gee's chart and information, Ea-hei-no-maue, the place of his residence, and the northern island of New Zealand, is divided into eight districts governed by their respective chiefs, and others who are subordinate to them. The largest of those districts is T'Souduckey, the inhabitants of which are in a constant state of warfare with the other tribes, in which they are sometimes joined by the people of Moo-doo When-u-a, Tettua Whoo-doo, and Wangaroa; but these tribes are oftener united with those of Choke-han-ga, Teer-a-witte, and Ho-do-doe against T'Souduckey (the bounds of which district Governor King inclines to think is from about Captain Cook's Mount Egmont, to Cape Runaway). They are not, however, without long intervals of peace, at which times they visit, and carry on a traffic for flax and the green talc-stone, of which latter they make axes and ornaments. Toogee obstinately denied that the whole of the New Zealanders were cannibals*; it was not without much difficulty that he could be persuaded to enter on the subject, or to pay the least attention to it; and whenever an inquiry was made, he expressed the greatest horror at the idea. A few weeks after, he was brought to own, that all the inhabitants of Poo-nam-moo (i.e. the southern island) and those of T'Souduckey ate the enemies whom they took in battle, which Hoo-Doo corroborated, for his father was killed and eaten by the T'Souduckey people. 'Notwithstanding the general probity of our visitors, particularly Too-gee, (says Captain King,) I am inclined to think that horrible banquet is general through both islands.'

[* During the Fancy's stay in the river Thames, they had many and almost daily proofs of Too-gee's want of veracity on this head.]

Too-gee described a large fresh-water river on the west side of Ea-hei-no-maue; but he said it was a bar river, and not navigable for larger vessels than the war canoes. The river, and the district around it, is called Cho-ke-han-ga. The chief, whose name is To-ko-ha, lives about half-way up on the north side of the river. The country he stated to be covered with pine-trees of an immense size. Captain King says, that he made Too-gee observe, that Captain Cook did not in his voyage notice any river on the west side, although he coasted along very near the shore. On this Too-gee asked with much earnestness, if Captain Cook had seen an island covered with birds. Gannet Island being pointed out, he immediately fixed on Albatross Point as the situation of the river, which Captain Cook's account seems to favour, who says, 'On the north side of this point (Albatross) the shore forms a bay, in which there appears to be anchorage and shelter for shipping.' Governor King on this subject remarks as follows:

The probable situation of this river (if there be one) being thus far ascertained, leads me to suppose, that the district of T'Souduckey extends from Cape Runaway on the east side, to Cape Egmont on the west, and is bounded by Cook's Strait on the south side, which is nearly one half of the northern island. Of the river Thames I could not obtain any satisfactory account; but I have great reason to suppose, that the river he has marked in the district of Wonga-ro-ah is the Thames. Toogee's residence appears to be on the north side of the Bay of Islands, in the district called by him Ho-do-do, which he says contains about a thousand fighting men, and is subject to the following chiefs; i.e. Te-wy-te-wye, Wy-to-ah, Moo-de-wye, Wa-way, To-mo-co-mo-co, Pock-a-roo, and Tee-koo-ra, the latter of whom is the principal chief's son. The subordinate distinctions of persons at New Zealand are as follow: (We are told, that the inferior classes are perfectly subordinate to their superiors; and such I suppose to be the case by the great deference always paid by Too-gee to Hoo-doo.)

Etang-a-teda Eti-ket-ti-ca, a principal chief, or man in very great authority. His superior consequence is signified by a repetition of the word eti-ket-ti-ca. This title appears hereditary.

Etanga-roah, or E-ta-hon-ga, a priest, whose authority in many cases is equal, and in some superior to the etiketica.

Etanga-teda Epo-di, a subordinate chief or gentleman.

Ta-ha-ne Emo-ki, a labouring man.'

Respecting the customs and manners of these people, the governor favoured the writer with the following particulars:

The New Zealanders inter their dead; they also believe that the third day after the interment the heart separates itself from the corpse; and that this separation is announced by a gentle breeze of wind, which gives warning of its approach to an inferior Ea-tooa (or dinity) that hovers over the grave, and who carries it to the clouds. In his chart Too-gee has marked an imaginary road which goes the lengthways of Ea-hei-no-maue, viz from Cook's Strait to the North Cape, which Too-gee calls Terry-inga. While the soul is received by the good Ea-tooa, an evil spirit is also in readiness to carry the impure part of the corpse to the above road, along which it is carried to Terry-inga, whence it is precipitated into the sea.

Suicide is very common among the New Zealanders, and this they often commit by hanging themselves on the slightest occasions; thus a woman who has been beaten by her husband will perhaps hang herself immediately. In this mode of putting an end to their existence, both our visitors seemed to be perfect adepts, having often threatened to hang themselves, and sometimes made very serious promises of putting it into execution if they were not sent to their own country. As these threats, however, were used in their gloomy moments, they were soon laughed out of them.

It could not be discovered that they have any other division of time than the revolution of the moon, until the number amounted to one hundred, which they term "Ta-iee E-tow," i.e. one Etow or hundred moons; and it is thus they count their age, and calculate all other events.

Hoo-doo and Too-gee both agreed that a great quantity of manufactured flax might be obtained for trifles*, such as axes, chisels, etc., and said, that in most places the flax grows naturally in great quantities; in other parts it is cultivated by separating the roots, and planting them out, three in one hole, at the distance of a foot from each other. They give a decided preference to the flax-plant that grows here, both for quantity and size.

[* This circumstance all the people belonging to the Fancy fully confirmed; for during the three months that vessel lay in the Thames, they replaced all their running-rigging by ropes made of the flax-plant.]

It may be expected (says Governor King) that after a six months acquaintance between us and the two New Zealanders, we should not be ignorant of each other's language. Myself and some of the officers (who were so kind as to communicate the observations they obtained from our visitors) could make our ideas known, and tolerably well understood by them. They too, by intermixing what English words they knew with what we knew of their language, could make themselves sufficiently understood by us. During the time they were with us I did not possess any account of Captain Cook's voyages; but since their departure, I find from his first voyage, that it has great similitude to the general language spoken in those seas. The vocabulary which I have appended to these memoranda was collected by myself and the surgeon, and is, I believe, very correct, particularly the numerals. Much other information was given us by our two friends; but as it may be liable to great errors, I forbear repeating it.

It has been already said*[Footnote refers to Page 347 of the book, but there was no reference to this subject on that page. Ed.], that Governor King went himself to New Zealand to return Hoo-doo and Too-gee to their country and friends. The following are the governor's remarks on his voyage thither:

Having rounded the north cape of New Zealand on the 12th of November 1793, the fourth day after leaving Norfolk, we saw a number of houses and a small hippah on an island which lies off the north cape, and called by Too-gee, Moo-de Moo-too. Soon after we opened a very considerable hippah or fortified place, situated on a high round hill, just within the cape, whence six large canoes were seen coming toward the ship. As soon as they came within hail, Too-gee was known by those in the canoes, which were soon increased to seven, with upwards of twenty men in each. They came alongside without any intreaty, and those who came on board were much rejoiced to meet with Too-gee whose first and earnest inquiries were after his family and chief. On those heads he received the most satisfactory intelligence from a woman, who, as he informed us, was a near relation of his mother. His father and chief were still inconsolable for his loss; the latter (whom Too-gee always mentioned in the most respectful manner) had been about a fortnight past on a visit to the chief of the hippah above mentioned, where he remained four days; and Te-wy-te-wye, the principal chief of Too-gee's district, was daily expected. With this information he was much pleased. It was remarked, that although there were upward of a hundred New Zealanders on board and alongside, yet Too-gee confined his caresses and conversation to his mother's relation, and one or two chiefs, who were distinguished by the marks (a-mo-ko) on their faces, and by the respectful behaviour which was shown them by the emokis (i.e. the working men who paddled the canoes, and who at times were beaten most unmercifully by the chiefs. To those who by Too-gee's account were epodis (subaltern chiefs), and well known to him, I gave some chissels, hand-axes, and other articles equally acceptable. A traffic soon commenced. Pieces of old iron hoop were given in exchange for abundance of manufactured flax, cloth, patoo-patoos, spears, talc ornaments, paddles, fish-hooks, and lines. At seven in the evening they left us, and we made sail with a light breeze at west, intending to run for the Bay of Islands (which we understood was Too-gee's residence,) and from which we were twenty-four leagues distant. At nine o'clock a canoe with four men came alongside, and jumped on board without any fear. The master of the Britannia being desirous to obtain their canoe, the bargain was soon concluded (with Too-gee's assistance) much to the satisfaction of the proprietors, who did not discover the least reluctance at sleeping on board, and being carried to a distance from their homes. Our new guests very satisfactorily corroborated all the circumstances that Too-gee had heard before. After supper Too-gee and Hoo-doo asked the strangers for the news of their country since they had been taken away. This was complied with by the four strangers, who began a song, in which each of them took a part, sometimes using fierce and savage gestures, and at other times sinking their voices, according to the different passages or events that they were relating. Hoo-doo, who was paying great attention to the subject of their song, suddenly burst into tears, occasioned by an account which they were giving of the T'Souduckey tribe having made an irruption on Teer-a-witte (Hoo doo's district) and killed the chief's son with thirty warriors. He was too much affected to hear more; but retired into a corner of the cabin, where he gave vent to his grief, which was only interrupted by his threats of revenge.

Owing to calm weather, little progress was made during the night. At daylight on the 13th, a number of canoes were seen coming from the hippah; in the largest of which was thirty-six men and a chief, who was standing up making signals with great earnestness. On his coming alongside, Too-gee recognised the chief to be Ko-to-ko-ke, who is the etiketica, or principal chief of the hippah whence the boats had come the preceding evening. The old chief, who appeared to be about seventy years of age, had not a visible feature, the whole of his face being tatooed with spiral lines. At his coming on board he embraced Too-gee with great affection; Too-gee then introduced me to him; and after the ceremony of 'ehong-i,' i.e. joining noses, he took off his ah-a-how, or mantle, and put it on my shoulders. In return I gave him a mantle made of green baize, and decorated with broad arrows. Soon after seven, other canoes, with upwards of twenty men and women in each, came alongside. At Too-gee's desire the poop was 'eta-boo,' i.e. all access to it by any others than the old chief forbidden. Not long before Ko-to-ko-ke came on board, I asked Too-gee and Hoo-doo if they would return to Norfolk Island or land at Moo-dee When-u-a in case the calm continued, or the wind came from the southward, of which there was some appearance. Too-gee was much averse to either. His reason for not returning to Norfolk was the natural wish to see his family and chief, nor did he like the idea of being landed at Moo-dee When-u-a, as, notwithstanding what he had heard respecting the good understanding there was between his district and that of Moo-dee When-u-a, the information might turn out to be not strictly true. Nothing more was said about it; and it was my intention to land them nearer to their homes, if it could be done in the course of the day, although it was then a perfect calm. Soon after the chief came on board they told me with tears of joy that they wished to go with Ko-toko-ke, who had fully confirmed all they had heard before, and had promised to take them the next morning to Too-gee's residence, where they would arrive by night. To wait the event of the calm, or the wind coming from the northward, might have detained the ship some days longer. Could I have reached in four days from leaving Norfolk the place where Too-gee lived, I certainly should have landed him there; but that not being the case (as this was the fifth day) I did not consider myself justifiable in detaining the ship longer than was absolutely necessary to land them in a place of safety, and from which they might get to their homes.

Notwithstanding the information Too-gee had received, and the confidence he placed in the chief, I felt much anxiety about our two friends, and expressed to Too-gee my apprehensions that what he had heard might be an invention of Ko-to-ko-ke's and his people to get them and their effects into their power. I added, that as the ship could not be detained longer, I would rather take them back than leave them in the hands of suspicious people. To this Too-gee replied with an honest confidence, that 'etiketica no eteka,' i.e. a chief never deceives. I then took the chief into the cabin, and explained to him, assisted by Too-gee (who was present with Hoo-doo), how much I was interested in their getting to Ho-do-do; and added, that in two or three moons I should return to Ho-do-do, and if I found Too-gee and Hoo-doo were safe arrived with their effects, I would then return to Moo-dee When-u-a and make him some very considerable presents, in addition to those which I should now give him and his people for their trouble in conducting our two friends to their residence. I had so much reason to be convinced of the old man's sincerity, that I considered it injurious to threaten him with punishment for failing in his engagement. The only answer Ko-to-ko-ke made was, by putting both his hands to the sides of my head (making me perform the same ceremony) and joining our noses; in which position we remained three minutes, the old chief muttering what I did not understand. After this he went through the same ceremony with our two friends, which ended with a dance, when the two latter joined noses with me, and said that Ko-to-ko-ke was now become their father, and would in person conduct them to Ho-do-doe.* While I was preparing what I meant to give them, Too-gee (who I am now convinced was a priest) had made a circle of the New Zealanders round him, in the centre of which was the old chief, and recounted what he had seen during his absence. At many passages they gave a shout of admiration. On his telling them, that it was only three days sail from Norfolk to Moo-doo When-u-a, whether his veracity was doubted, or that he was not contented with the assertion alone, I cannot tell, but with much presence of mind he ran upon the poop, and brought a cabbage, which he informed them was cut five days ago in my garden. This convincing proof produced a general shout of surprise.

[* Which was very faithfully performed.]

Every thing being now arranged, and ready for their departure, our two friends requested that Ko-to-ko-ke might see the soldiers exercise and fire. To this I could have no objection, as the request came from them; but I took that opportunity of explaining to the chief (with Toogee's help) that he might see, by our treatment of him and his two countrymen, that it was our wish and intention to be good neighbours and friends with all Ea-hei-no-mau-e; that these weapons were never used but when we were injured, which I hoped would never happen; and that no other consideration than the satisfying of his curiosity could induce me to show what those instruments were intended for.

About one hundred and fifty of the New Zealanders were seated on the larboard side of the deck, and the detachment paraded on the opposite side. After going through the manual, and firing three volleys, two great guns were fired, one loaded with a single ball, and the other with grape-shot, which surprised them greatly, as I made the chief observe the distance at which the shot fell from the ship. The wind had now the appearance of coming from the southward; and as that wind throws a great surf on the shore, they were anxious to get away. Too-gee and Hoo-doo took an affectionate leave of every person on board, and made me remember my promise of visiting them again, when they would return to Norfolk Island with their families. The venerable chief, after having taken great pains to pronounce my name, and made me well acquainted with his, got into his canoe and left us. On putting off from the ship, they were saluted with three cheers, which they returned as well as they could, by Toogee's directions. It was now seven in the morning of the 13th: at nine a breeze came from the north, with which we stood to the eastward. After a passage of five days from New Zealand (having had light winds) and ten days absence from Norfolk Island, I landed at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 18th.

The little intercourse that I had with the New Zealanders (as I was only eighteen hours off that island, twelve of which were in the night) does not enable me to say much respecting them, or to form any decisive opinion of them, as much of their friendly behaviour in this slight interview might be owing to our connexion with Too-gee and Hoo-doo, and their being with us. These two worthy savages (if the term may be allowed) will, I am confident, ever retain the most grateful remembrance of the kindnesses they received on Norfolk Island; and if the greater part of the countrymen have but a small portion of the amiable disposition of Too-gee and Hoo-doo, they certainly are a people between whom and the English colonists a good understanding may with common prudence and precaution be cultivated. I regret very much that the service on which the Britannia was ordered did not permit me to detain her longer; as in a few days, with the help of our two friends, much useful information might have been obtained respecting the quantity of manufactured flax that might be procured, which I think would be of high importance if better known. The great quantity that was procured in exchange for small pieces of iron hoop is a proof, that an abundance of this valuable article is manufactured among them.

The articles that I gave Too-gee and Hoo-doo consisted of hand-axes; a small assortment of carpenters' tools, six spades, some hoes, with a few knives, scissors, and razors; two bushels of maize, one of wheat, two of peas, and a quantity of garden feeds; ten young sows, and two boars, which Too-gee and the chief faithfully promised should be preserved for breeding, a promise which I am inclined to think they will strictly observe.*

[* The first place the Fancy made at New Zealand was Doubtless Bay, which the master describes as a very dangerous place for a vessel to go into, and still worse to lie at, as it is open to the easterly winds. On their coming to an anchor, which was not till late in the evening (in December 1795), several canoes came round the vessel, but did not venture alongside until Too-gee was inquired for, when the New Zealanders exclaimed 'My-ty Governor King! My-ty Too-gee! My-ty Hoo-doo!' Some went on board, and others put in to shore, returning soon after with Too-gee and his wife. He had not forgotten his English, at least the more common expressions. He informed Captain Dell, that he had one pig remaining alive, and some peas growing; but what became of the rest of his stock he did not say. As Doubtless Bay was found a bad place to remain in, the Fancy endeavoured to get out, but was obliged to return, when the two lads who wished to see Norfolk Island, being sea-sick, left her.]

A SHORT VOCABULARY OF THE NEW ZEALAND LANGUAGE

[* A compliment is paid by the New Zealanders when one of the company
sneezes, by repeating the following lines:
'Tee-zee, Tee-zee, Pa-way, Pa-way,
wa-cou-te-ma-he co-to-ko-eee,
drawn out very long.
'Tu-tu-ro a-te na tan-ga-ta kiti-po,
Tu-tu-ra ma-hie na-ta-na-ta kit-eao
Tee-zee, Tee-zee, etc.' as in the first line.
All which means wishes for health from night to morning, and that
no bones may be broken by the shock of sneezing.]

E seems to be used as the article, pronounced as in the English. A is always sounded long, as in the French.

{Thus far Lieutenant-Governor King.}

From the 25th of October, the day on which the ships made sail from Norfolk Island, till the 31st of the same month, nothing material occurred. On that day Mr. Raven stated to Captain Waterhouse, the commander of the Reliance, the necessity there was for the Britannia's making the best of her way to England; and as he thought she sailed rather better than that ship, he requested permission to part company, which Captain Waterhouse not objecting to, we separated and made sail from them.

On the 5th of November we passed an island named by Lieutenant Watts (who first saw it in the Lady Penrhyn transport) Macauley Island.

Sunday the 6th was passed in examining an island, which Mr. Raven was decidedly of opinion had never been seen before. It was situated in the latitude of 29 degrees 15 minutes and longitude of 181 degrees 56 minutes E. We found the land high, and it appeared to be well covered with wood. On the south-west side of it is a bay in which, from the colour of the water, Mr. Raven thought there was good anchorage; but at this time there was too much surf breaking on the beach to render it prudent to send a boat in. The aspect on this side of the island was romantic and inviting; but on the other side the shore was bold, and in many parts rugged and bare. The whole appeared to consist, like Norfolk Island, of hills and dales. We conjectured that there was fresh water in the bay on the south-west side. The knowledge of the existence of this island can be of no other importance, than to cause navigators sailing in that route to keep a good look-out, particularly in the night-time, as many straggling rocks lie off the north side.

From the circumstance of its being seen on a Sunday it obtained the name of Sunday island.

Leaving this, we proceeded toward Cape Horn; but it was not till the 16th of December that we saw the southern part of the vast continent of America. Mr. Raven intended to have made the Jasons, and touched at Falkland's Islands in the hope of procuring some information respecting the Cape of Good Hope; but, after passing Cape Horn, and finding the wind hang to the northward, he altered his course for the Island of St Helena, or the Cape of Good Hope, as circumstances might direct.

On the 21st, in latitude 51 degrees 56 minutes S and longitude 306 degrees 25 minutes E to our great surprise, we fell in with and joined our companions the Reliance and Supply. We found that, by keeping nearer to the north end of New Zealand than we had done, they had met with more favourable winds. We now proceeded together toward the Cape of Good Hope.

On the 23rd, being about the latitude of 50 degrees S we fell in with several islands of ice; which, however, we cleared without any accident, and stood more to the northward. Mr. Raven was of opinion, that ice would always be found in or about those latitudes, and recommended that all ships, after passing Cape Horn, should keep more to the northward than we did.

On the 9th ofJanuary we crossed the three hundred and sixtieth degree of east longitude. Our weather now was much too moderate; for it was not till the 15th of January that we saw the coast of Africa. Some necessary precautions were taken by the king's ship on coming in with it; and, finding every thing as we wished, on the next day we completed our long voyage of sixteen weeks from Port Jackson by anchoring safely in Table Bay.

Here, almost the whole of our ship's company having been pressed, or voluntarily entered into the king's service, and with difficulty getting some necessary repairs done to the ship, we were compelled most reluctantly to remain for eight weeks. The place was very unhealthy, and lodging and every article of comfort extravagantly high.

A few days before we sailed, the ship Ganges, commanded by Mr. Patrickson, arrived with convicts from Cork. She sailed from Ireland with another ship, the Britannia, having on board a similar cargo; but the master, intending to touch at Rio de Janeiro, had parted company with the Ganges off Palma. We learned by the Ganges, that two storeships, the Sylph and Prince of Wales, had sailed in June last for New South Wales. Much as Governor Hunter wanted labourers, the provisions would be more welcome to him than the Irish convicts, who had hitherto always created more trouble than any other.

Before we sailed we had the satisfaction of seeing seventy head of very fine young Cape cattle purchased by Mr. Palmer, the commissary for the colony, to be sent thither in the Reliance and Supply; the latter of which ships sailed with her proportion a few days before we left Table Bay. These ships would return well stored with useful articles for the settlement, and comforts for every officer in it.

We left the Cape on the 16th of March, and arrived at the pleasant island of St Helena on the 26th of the same month. Here we remained till the 17th of April, having waited some time for a convoy, and sailed at last without any, in company with the ship Brothers, a South-Sea whaler, who was returning loaded.

During our stay at St Helena we made several excursions into the interior part of the island. A visit from the French was daily expected; but we saw with pleasure preparations made for their reception that caused every one to treat the probability of their coming as an event more to be wished for than dreaded. From the hospitality of Governor Brooke and his family, and the pleasant society of this place, we felt a regret at leaving the island, which nothing but the prospect of soon reaching our own happy shores alleviated.

Every one now was anxious for the successful termination of the passage before us. On the 27th of April we crossed the equator in the longitude of 19 degrees 02 minutes W. On the 4th of May we spoke the ship Elizabeth, (an American,) Isaac Stone master. They had only been twenty-eight days from Dover, and gave us the first intelligence we received of the victory obtained by our fleet under Earl St. Vincent over that of the Spaniards.

On the 7th of June we spoke a schooner under American colours, the Federal George of Duxbury from Bourdeaux, bound to Boston. The master informed, us that the channel was full of the enemy's cruisers, who were looking out for our West-India fleet, then expected home. Though we felt persuaded that our cruisers would counteract their designs, Mr. Raven determined, from this information, and from the wind having long hung to the eastward, to stand to the northward. From this time to the 18th our weather was very unfavourable, and our wind mostly contrary. On the 18th we saw the rock laid down in the charts by the name of Isle Rokal, being then in the latitude of 57 degrees 51 minutes N and longitude 13 degrees 56 minutes W. The rock then bore N 23 degrees distant eight miles and a half. Our foul wind continued many days; but on the 23rd we found ourselves off Innishone on the north part of Ireland. Here a man came off, who, to our inquiries respecting the progress of the war, answered, that he knew nothing about war, except that the strongest party always got the better of the weakest, thus uttering a truth in the midst of the profoundest ignorance. We now determined to steer for Liverpool, at which port, after much anxiety, we arrived in safety on the 27th.

On the 29th the judge-advocate delivered at the Duke of Portland's office the dispatches with which he was charged.

He now learned, that previous to his arrival in London there had sailed for New South Wales, exclusive of the ships Sylph and Prince of Wales, Ganges and Britannia, the Lady Shore transport, having on board two male and sixty-six female convicts. On the 6th of last November the Barwell sailed, having on board Mr. Dore, the present judge-advocate of that territory, and two hundred and ninety-eight male convicts. The Britannia, a ship belonging to the house of Enderby and Co. sailed on the 17th of last February with ninety-six female convicts on board. This ship went out with orders to try the whale-fishery on the coast of New South Wales for one season. If this should succeed, the settlement and the public at large will owe much to the spirited exertions of the house of Enderby to promote a beneficial commerce from that country.

The king's ships on that station being ill calculated for the services expected from them, having on board expensive complements of men and officers, and consequently but little room for cattle; and being beside so defective and impaired by time as to be unsafe to navigate much longer; two others have been provided, newer and more capable of rendering service to the colony. One of them, the Buffalo, commanded by Mr. William Raven, late master of the Britannia, is on the point of sailing, and is to take cattle to New South Wales from the Cape of Good Hope. The other is named the Porpoise, and has the same service to perform. A ship, called the Minerva, is also proceeding to Cork to take in a number of Irish convicts.

Letters have been received from New South Wales, dated about six weeks after the author sailed from that colony. Governor Hunter had received by the Sylph and Prince of Wales storeships two thousand six hundred and fifty casks of salted provisions. Several persons had been tried by the court of criminal judicature for robbing the public stores, and had been found guilty. One man had been executed for murder, and his body hung in chains on Rock Island, a small spot at the mouth of Sydney Cove, and by which every boat and ship coming into the cove must necessarily pass. The governor was on the point of visiting Portland Head, some high land on the banks of the Hawkesbury, where he purposed establishing a settlement.

Had that river and its fertile banks been discovered before the establishment at Sydney Cove had proceeded too far to remove it, how eligible a place would it have been for the principal settlement! A navigable river possesses many advantages that are unknown in other situations. Much benefit, however, was to be derived from this even as an inferior settlement. Its extreme fertility would always insure a certain supply of grain; and the settlers on its banks must produce a quantity equal to the consumption of the civil and Military, and of their own families; and thus, while rendering a service to the state, they might in time become opulent farmers. Yet our pity is excited, when it is considered, that they are of so unworthy a description as has clearly been made appear in the preceding narrative. That a river justly termed the Nile of New South Wales should fall into such hands is to be lamented. In process of time, however, their productive farms will have yielded them all that they aspire to, and may then fall into the possession of persons who will look beyond the mere gratification of the moment, and cause the settlements in New South Wales to stand as high in the public estimation as any colonies in his Majesty's dominions.