connection with assassination story, i. 213, 214.

Lane, James H.,

senator from Kansas, i. 297.

Lane, Joseph,

nominated for Vice-President on Breckinridge ticket in 1860, i. 164.

Lee, Robert E.,

offered command of Union army, i. 263;

opposes secession, 264;

resigns from army and accepts command of State troops, 264;

becomes Confederate general, 264;

commands against Pope, ii. 76;

prepares to invade Maryland, 84;

his contempt for McClellan, 84;

at Antietam, 85-87;

at Fredericksburg, 136, 137;

outmanoeuvred by Hooker, 141;

at Chancellorsville, 141, 142;

hopes to conquer a peace, 143;

enters Pennsylvania, 145;

retreats after Gettysburg, 148;

sends reinforcements to Bragg, 163;

campaign in Virginia against Meade, 168, 169;

his campaign against Grant, 279, 280;

suggests a conference with Grant, 329;

notifies Davis that Richmond must fall, 330, 333;

his chance of escape, 331;

attacks Federal lines, 332;

tries to escape, 336, 337;

surrenders at Appomattox, 338, 339;

asks for food, 339.

Liberia,

recognized, ii. 18.

Lincoln, Abraham,

his ignorance concerning his ancestry i. 1;

sensitive regarding it, 1, 2;

his own statements, 2, 6;

anxious to appear of respectable stock, 2;

his genealogy as established later, 3-6;

his reputed illegitimacy, 7;

his birth, 8;

his references to his mother, 8;

his childhood, 8, 9;

befriended by his step-mother, 12;

his education, 12;

early reading, 12, 13;

early attempts at humorous writing, 13;

storytelling, 14;

youthful exploits, 14;

let out by his father, 15;

helps his father settle in Sangamon County, Ill., 16;

works for himself, 16;

his trip to New Orleans for Offut, 16, 17;

impressed with slavery, 17;

in Offut's store, 18;

fights Armstrong, 18, 19;

later friendship with Armstrong, 19;

borrows a grammar, 19;

his honesty, 19, 20;

loses situation, 20;

involved in border quarrels, 24;

his temperance considered eccentric, 25;

careless habits of dress, 26;

in the country groceries, 28;

coarseness of speech, 28, 29;

his sympathetic understanding of the people, 31-34;

his standards dependent on surroundings, 32;

enlists in Black Hawk war, 35;

chosen captain, 35;

his services, 36.

Frontier Politician.

Announces himself a candidate for the legislature, 37, 38;

a "Clay man," 38;

his campaign and defeat, 39;

enters grocery store, fails, 39, 40;

pays off debt, 40;

studies law, 40;

postmaster at New Salem, 40, 41;

settles account with government, 41;

surveyor, 41, 42;

elected to legislature, 42;

borrows money to ride to capital, 43;

his career in legislature, 43;

love affair with Ann Rutledge, 43, 44;

his gloom, 44-47;

its inexplicable character, 46, 47;

affair with Mary Owens, 48 and n.;

again a candidate, his platform, 49, 50;

calms excitement in campaign, 50, 51;

his fairness, 51;

his retort to Forquer, 52;

elected as one of "Long Nine," 52;

favors unlimited internal improvements, 53;

acknowledges his blunder, 54;

his skill as log-roller, 54, 55;

gains popularity in county, 55;

protests against anti-abolition resolutions, 56;

admitted to bar, settles in Springfield, 56;

partnership with Stuart, 57;

studies debating, 57;

political ambitions, 57, 58;

shows evidences of high ideals, 58, 59;

incidents of his canvass in 1838, 59;

opposes repudiation, in legislature, 59, 60;

reflected in 1840, unsuccessful candidate for speaker, 60;

jumps out of window to break a quorum, 60;

in campaign of 1840, 61;

his courtship of Mary Todd, 62, 63;

fails to appear on wedding day, 63;

married, 63;

character of his married life, 64, 65;

quarrels with Shields, 65, 66;

later ashamed of it, 66;

improves prospects by a partnership with Logan, 67;

later joins with Herndon, 67;

his competitors at the bar, 68;

considers law secondary to politics, 68;

his legal ability, 68-70;

a "case lawyer," 68;

his ability as jury lawyer, 69;

refuses to conduct a bad case, 70;

on Whig electoral ticket in 1844, 71;

later disillusioned with Clay, 71;

fails to get nomination to Congress, 71;

alleged understanding with Baker and others, 72;

renews candidacy in 1846, 72;

nominated, 73;

elected, his vote, 73.

In Congress.

Agrees with Whig programme on Mexican war, 75;

introduces "Spot Resolutions" against Polk, 75;

his speech, 76;

his doctrine of right of revolution, 76, 77;

votes for Ashmun's amendment condemning war, 77;

defends himself from charge of lack of patriotism, 77;

his honesty, 77, 78;

damages Whigs in Illinois, 78;

favors candidacy of Taylor, 78;

his speech in House for Taylor against Cass, 79;

votes for Wilmot Proviso, 79;

his bill to prohibit slave trade in District of Columbia, 79, 80;

obtains support of Giddings, 80;

fails to obtain commissionership in Land Office, 81;

declines governorship of Oregon, 81.

Candidate for Senate.

Accepts compromise although recognizing its futility, 92;

favors Scott in 1852, 93;

answers Douglas's defense of Nebraska bill, 95;

escapes connection with Abolitionists, 95;

renews attack upon Douglas, 96;

candidate for Senate, 96;

leads in first ballots, 96;

injured by Abolitionist praise, 97;

urges friends to secure election of Trumbull, 97;

his alleged bargain with Trumbull, 98;

receives vote for Vice-President in Republican National Convention, 101;

his surprise, 101;

his opinion of Kansas question, 105;

delivers speech at organization of Republican party, 111;

meets disapproval at Springfield, 111, 112;

in campaign of 1856, 112;

encounters hostility of Greeley in the East, 112;

journey of Herndon in his behalf, 113;

nominated by State Convention for senatorship, 114;

damaged by Whig support of Douglas, 116, 117;

prepares letter of acceptance, 117, 118;

reads paragraph on situation to friends, 118;

alarms advisers by his plainness of utterance, 119;

insists on asserting the irrepressible conflict, 119;

statesmanship of his course, 120;

challenges Douglas to joint debate, 121;

misrepresentations of his position on slavery, 122-124;

his appeal to "the fathers," 124, 125;

his accusation against the South, 125-128;

his crucial question to Douglas, 128;

Douglas's reply, 128, 129;

his position on Dred Scott decision, 129, 130;

accused of duplicity, 130;

his views as to slavery under the Constitution considered, 131-136;

on Abolitionists, 134, 135;

on negro race, 136;

his freedom from animosity toward opponents or slaveholders, 137-139;

does not denounce slaveholders, 138;

his fairness a mental trait, 139, 140;

on popular sovereignty, 141;

convicts Douglas of ambiguity, 142;

alleged purpose to discredit Douglas as presidential candidate, 143, 144;

feels himself upholder of a great cause, 144-146;

his moral denunciation of slavery, 145, 146;

his literary form, 147;

elevation of tone, 147, 148;

disappointed at defeat by Douglas, 149;

exhausted by his efforts, 150;

asked to contribute to campaign fund, 150.

Candidate for Presidency.

Makes speeches in Ohio, 151;

calls Douglas pro-slavery, 151, 152;

invited to speak in New York, prepares address, 152;

journey through Kansas, 152, 153;

his New York address, 153-155;

states the situation, 154, 155;

praised by newspapers, 155;

tour in New England, 155;

comprehensive nature of his speeches, 156, 157;

ignores disunion, 157;

by dwelling on wrong of slavery, makes disunion wrong, 159, 160;

slow to admit publicly a desire for presidency, 161;

enters field in 1859, 160;

nominated as candidate by Illinois Republican Convention, 162;

his managers at National Convention, 167;

yelled for by hired shouters, 168;

supposed to be more moderate than Seward, 168;

his own statement of principles, 169;

votes secured for, by bargains, 169, 170;

nominated on third ballot, 170, 171;

accepts nomination in dejection, 171;

his nomination a result of "availability," 172;

little known in country at large, 173;

anxious to avoid discussion of side issues, 175, 176;

opposed by Abolitionists, 176, 177;

supported by Giddings, 177;

elected, 178;

the choice of a minority, 178, 179.

President-elect.

His trying position during interregnum, 181;

his election the signal for secession, 184;

damaged by persistent opposition of New York "Tribune," 191;

his opinion of the proposed constitutional amendment to guarantee slavery, 202;

declared elected by electoral count, 208;

alleged plot to assassinate, 208, 210;

maintains silence during winter, 209, 210;

privately expresses dislike of compromise, 210;

declares against interfering with slavery, 210;

pronounces for coercing seceded States, 211;

his journey to Washington, 211-214;

warned of plot against, 212;

speeches in Pennsylvania, 212;

induced to avoid danger, 213, 214;

accused of cowardice, 214;

his own opinion as to plot, 215;

question of his real danger, 215-217 and n.;

visited by Peace Congress, 217-219;

impresses visitors by his appearance, 219;

inauguration of, 219-222;

his address, 220, 221;

states intention to enforce laws, 221;

repeats opposition to extension only of slavery, 222;

his previous denunciations remembered by South, 223, 224;

shows statesmanship in emphasizing Union, 227, 228.

President--First Term.

Appears tranquil after entering office, 228;

not over-confident, but resolved on doing his duty, 230;

disheartened by lack of support at North, 231, 232;

not trusted by leaders of Republican party, 232, 233;

feels isolation, 233, 234;

his cabinet, 234;

seeks representatives of all views, 234, 235;

prefers individual strength to unity in cabinet, 235;

criticised by radical Republicans, 235;

has difficulties in satisfying Cameron, 236;

dissuades Seward from refusing to join cabinet, 237, 238;

his statement of purpose to Virginia commissioners, 240;

annoys South by failing to notice it, 241;

irritates Northern extremists, 242;

asks opinion of Scott as to relieving Sumter, 244;

asks advice of cabinet, 245, 246;

promises South to take no action without warning, 245;

again asks cabinet, 246;

forms plan to relieve Fort Pickens, 247;

spoils plan to relieve Sumter by sending Powhatan to Pensacola, 248;

announces intention to provision Sumter, 248;

admits blame for failure, 249;

question of his fault in delaying to relieve fort, 250;

issues proclamation calling for volunteers for three months, 252, 253;

his purpose, 253;

expects Northerners to equal Southerners as fighters, 253, 254;

calls Congress for special session, 254;

wishes to gain Kentucky, 254, 255;

dreads effect of Baltimore riot on Border States, 258;

offers to send troops around Baltimore, 259;

soothes Maryland, 260;

cut off from North for a week, 261;

tries in vain to prevent Virginia from seceding, 263;

tries to secure Lee, 263;

successful in his policy for retaining Kentucky in Union, 267;

unable to reach North Carolina, Tennessee, or Arkansas, 269;

tries to aid Missouri loyalists, 270;

confident in efficiency of North, 271;

his capacities unknown to people, 273;

question of his "inspiration," 274;

his masterfulness not realized, 274;

question as to his relations with advisers, 275;

obliged to restrain Chase and Seward, 275-280;

his relations with Chase, 276;

receives Seward's "Thoughts," 276, 277;

his reply to Seward, 279;

realizes his own responsibility and accepts it, 280, 281;

receives absurd advice, 281, 282;

proclaims blockade of Southern ports, 283;

advised to "close" ports, 284;

sees necessity of admitting war, 285;

decides to act efficiently without regard to Constitution, 285, 286;

instructs Scott to watch Maryland legislature, 286;

issues order to arrest Maryland secessionists, 287;

orders Scott to suspend writ of habeas corpus, 287;

denounced by Taney, 288;

issues proclamation authorizing further suspension, 289;

states his argument to Congress, 289, 290;

calls for more volunteers, 291;

takes pains with message which he sends to Congress, 292;

on neutrality of Kentucky, 292;

on blockade, 293;

on secession, 293-295;

appeals for ample means to end war, 296;

appoints McClellan to command Army of Potomac, 303;

avoids connection with Ball's Bluff affair, 309;

appoints McClellan to succeed Scott, 310;

sees that popular demand for action must be followed, 314;

puzzled by McClellan's refusal to move, 316;

forced to bear military responsibility, 318, 319;

his freedom from self-seeking, 320, 321;

urges McClellan to advance, 322, 323;

discouraged by McClellan's illness, consults McDowell and Franklin, 323, 324;

consults McClellan, 325;

exasperates McClellan by his action, 325, 326;

appoints Stanton to succeed Cameron, 326;

his lack of personal feeling against Stanton, 326, 327;

his patience toward Stanton, 328;

his letter to Halleck, 327, 328;

wishes a direct attack, 330;

accused by McClellan's friends of meddling, 331;

decides to force action, 331;

issues General War Order No. 1, 332;

its purpose political rather than military, 332, 333;

orders McClellan to move South, 333;

asks McClellan to justify his plan, 334;

calls council of generals, 335, 336;

accepts McClellan's plan, 337;

insists on preservation of capital, 337;

political reasons for his anxiety to hold Washington, 337-339;

reasons why his plan should have been adopted, 339;

never convinced of superiority of McClellan's scheme, 340;

issues General War Order to secure Washington, 341;

unmoved by abuse of McClellan's enemies, 342;

relieves McClellan of general command, 343;

forced by Congress to divide Army of Potomac into corps, 344;

appreciates importance of Western operations, 347;

urges on Western generals, 347;

unable to supply troops, 348;

appoints Fremont to command Department of West, 349;

tries to guide Fremont, 349;