The Project Gutenberg eBook of Early Britain--Roman Britain, by Edward Conybeare

These tribes are described by Vitruvius, at the Christian era, as of huge stature, fair, and red-haired. Skeletons of this race, over six feet in height, have been discovered in Yorkshire buried in "monoxylic" coffins; i.e. each formed of the hollowed trunk of an oak tree. See Elton's 'Origins,' p. 168.

This correspondence, however, is wholly an antiquarian guess, and rests on no evidence. It is first found in the forged chronicle of "Richard of Cirencester." The names are genuine, being found in the 'Notitia,' though dating only from the time of Diocletian (A.D. 296). But, on our theory, the same administrative divisions must have existed all along. See p. 225.

General Pitt Rivers, however, in his 'Excavations in Cranborne Chase' (vol. ii. p. 237), proves that the ancient water level in the chalk was fifty feet higher than at present, presumably owing to the greater forest area. "Dew ponds" may also have existed in these camps. But these can scarcely have provided any large supply of water.

The word is commonly supposed to represent a Celtic form Mai-dun. But this is not unquestionable.

'De Bello Gall.' vi. 13.

'De Bell. Gall.' vi. 14.

Jerome ('Quaest. in Gen.' ii.) says that Varro, Phlegon, and all learned authors testify to the spread of Greek [at the Christian era] "from Taurus to Britain." And Solinus (A.D. 80) tells of a Greek inscription in Caledonia, "ara Graecis literis scripta"—as a proof that Ulysses (!) had wandered thither (Solinus, 'Polyhistoria,' c. 22). See p. 248.

'De Bell, Gall.' vi. 16.

'Celtic Britain,' p. 69.

'Nat. Hist.' xvi. 95.

So Caesar, 'De Bell. Gall.' vi. 17.

Pliny, 'Nat. Hist.' xxiv. 62. Linnaeus has taken selago as his name for club-moss, but Pliny here compares the herb to savin, which grows to the height of several feet. Samolum is water-pimpernel in the Linnaean classification. Others identify it with the pasch-flower, which, however, is far from being a marsh plant.

Suetonius (A.D. 110), 'De xii. Caes.' v. 25.

Pliny, 'Nat. Hist.' xxx. 3.

Tacitus, 'Annals,' xiv. 30. See p. 154.

Pliny, 'Nat. Hist.' xxix. 12.

See Brand, 'Popular Antiquities,' under Ovum Anguinum. He adds that Glune is the Irish for glass.

Lampridius, in his life of Alexander Severus, tells us of a "Druid" sorceress who warned the Emperor of his approaching doom. Another such "Druidess" is said to have foretold Diocletian's rise. See Coulanges, 'Comme le Druidisme a disparu,' in the Revue Celtique, iv. 37.

See Professor Rhys, 'Celtic Britain,' p. 70. The Professor's view that the "schismatical" tonsure of the Celtic clergy, which caused such a stir during the evangelization of England, was a Druidical survival, does not, however, seem probable in face of the very pronounced antagonism between those clergy and the Druids. That tonsure was indeed ascribed by its Roman denouncers to Simon Magus [see above], but this is scarcely a sufficient foundation for the theory.

They may very possibly have been connected with the Veneti of Venice at the other extremity of "the Gauls."

Caesar, 'Bell. Gall.' iii. 9, 13.

Elton, 'Origins of English Hist.,' p. 237. Though less massive, these vessels are built much as the Venetian. But it is just as probable they may really be "picts." See p. 232.

This opening of Britain to continental influences may perhaps account for Posidonius having been able to make so thorough a survey of the islands. See p. 36.

Elton ('Origins of English Hist.') conjectures that these tribes did not migrate to Britain till after Caesar's day. But there is no evidence for this, and my view seems better to explain the situation.

Solinus (A.D. 80) says of Britain, "alterius orbis nomen mereretur." This passage is probably the origin of the Pope's well-known reference to St. Anselm, when Archbishop of Canterbury, as "quasi alterius orbis antistes."

A Roman legion at this date comprised ten "cohorts," i.e. some six thousand heavy-armed infantry, besides a small light-armed contingent, and an attached squadron of three hundred cavalry. Each of Caesar's transports must thus have carried from one hundred and fifty to two hundred men, and at this rate the eighteen cavalry vessels (reckoning a horse as equivalent to five men, the usual proportion for purposes of military transport) would suffice for his two squadrons.

An ancient ship could not sail within eight points of the wind (see Smith, 'Voyage of St. Paul'). Thus a S.W. breeze, while permitting Caesar to leave Boulogne, would effectually prevent these vessels from working out of Ambleteuse.

Hence the name Dubris = "the rivers."

The claims of Richborough [Ritupis] to be Caesar's actual landing-place have been advocated by Archdeacon Baddeley, Mr. G. Bowker, and others. But it is almost impossible to make this place square with Caesar's narrative.

This was four days before the full moon, so that the tide would be high at Dover about 6 p.m.

The "lofty promontory" rounded is specially noticed by Dio Cassius.

The principle of the balista that of the sling, of the catapult that of the bow. Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 12) speaks of "the snowy arms" of the Celtic women dealing blows "like the stroke of a catapult."

Valerius Maximus (A.D. 30) has recorded one such act of daring on the part of a soldier named Scaeva, who with four comrades held an isolated rock against all comers till he alone was left, when he plunged into the sea and swam off, with the loss of his shield. In spite of this disgrace Caesar that evening promoted him on the field. The story has a suspicious number of variants, but off Deal there is such a patch of rocks, locally called the Malms; so that it may possibly be true ('Memorabilia,' III. 2, 23).

Valerius Maximus (A.D. 30) states that the Romans landed on a falling tide, which cannot be reconciled with Caesar's own narrative (see p. 88). The idea may have originated in the fact that it was probably the approaching turn of the tide which forced him to land at Deal. He could not have reached Richborough before the ebb began.

Every soldier was four feet from his nearest neighbour to give scope for effective sword-play. No other troops in history have ever had the morale thus to fight at close quarters.

See Plutarch, 'De placitis philosophorum.'

Each chariot may have carried six or seven men, like those of the Indian King Porus. See Dodge, 'Alexander,' p. 554.

Pomponius Mela ('De Situ Orbis,' I) tells us that by his date (50 A.D.) it had come in: "Covinos vocant, quorum falcatis axîbus utuntur."

It is thus represented by Giraldus Cambrensis, who gives us the story of Caesar's campaigns from the British point of view, as it survived (of course with gross exaggerations) in the Cymric legends of his day.

Lucan, the last champion of anti-Caesarism, sung, two generations after its overthrow, the praises and the dirge of the Oligarchy.

See my 'Alfred in the Chroniclers,' p. 44.

Wace ('Roman de Ron,' 11,567) gives 696 as the exact total.

'Strategemata,' viii. 23.

This was probably not Deal, which had not proved a satisfactory station, but Richborough, where the Wantsum, then a broad arm of the sea between Kent and Thanet, provided an excellent harbour for a large fleet. It was, moreover, the regular emporium of the tin trade (see p. 36), and a British trackway thus led to it.

Otherwise Cadwallon, which, according to Professor Rhys, signifies War King, and may possibly have been a title rather than a personal name. But it remained in use as the latter for many centuries of British history.

Vine, 'Caesar in Kent,' p. 171. The spot is "in Bourne Park, not far from the road leading up to Bridge Hill."

See II. G. 8. The tradition of this sentiment long survived. Hegesippus (A.D. 150) says: "Britanni ... quidesse servitus ignorabant; soli sibi nati, semper sibi liberi" ('De Bello Judiaco,' II. 9).

Polyaenus (A.D. 180) in his 'Strategemata' (viii. 23) ascribes their panic to Caesar's elephant. See p. 107.

At Ilerda. See Dodge, 'Caesar,' xxviii.

Frontinus (A.D. 90), 'Strategemata II.' xiii. II.

Coins of all three bear the words COMMI. F. (Commii Filius), but Verica alone calls himself REX. Those of Eppillus were struck at Calleva (Silchester?).

This is the spelling adopted by Suetonius.

The lion was already a specially British emblem. Ptolemy ('de Judiciis II.' 3) ascribes the special courage of Britons to the fact that they are astrologically influenced by Leo and Mars. It is interesting to remember that our success in the Crimean War was prognosticated from Mars being in Leo at its commencement (March 1854). Tennyson, in 'Maud,' has referred to this—"And pointed to Mars, As he hung like a ruddy shield on the Lion's breast."

The site of this town is quite unknown. Caesar mentions the Segontiaci amongst the clans of S.E. Britain.

In S.E. Essex, near Colchester. See p. 176.

Aelian (A.D. 220), 'De Nat. Animal.' xv. 8.

Ελεφάντινα ψάλια καὶ, περιαυχένια, καὶ νιγγούρια καὶ ὑαλᾶ σκεύη ὑαλᾶ σκεύη, καὶ ῥῶπος τοίουτος [Elephantina psalia, kai periauchenia, kai lingouria kai huala skeuê, kai rhôpos toioutos]. Strabo is commonly supposed to mean that these were the imports from Gaul. But his words are quite ambiguous, and such of the articles he mentions as are found in Britain are clearly of native manufacture. British graves are fertile (see p. 48) in the "amber and glass ornaments" (the former being small roughly-shaped fragments pierced for threading, the latter coarse blue or green beads), and produce occasional armlets of narwhal ivory. Glass beads have been found (1898) in the British village near Glastonbury, and elsewhere.

Propertius, II. 1. 73: Esseda caelatis siste Britanna jugis.

Ibid. II. 18. 23. See p. 47.

Virgil, 'Georg.' III. 24.

Virgil, 'Eccl.' I. 65; Horace, 'Od.' I. 21. 13, 35. 30, III. 5. 3; Tibullus, IV. 1. 147; Propertius, IV. 3. 7.

Suetonius, 'De XII. Caes.' IV. 19.

The lofty spur of the Chiltern Hills which overhangs the church of Ellsborough is traditionally the site of his tomb.

This whole episode is from 'Dio Cassius' (lib. xxxix. Section 50).

He places Cirencester in their territory, while both Bath and Winchester belonged to the Belgae. To secure Winchester, where they would be on the line of the tin-trade road (see p. 36), would be the first object of the Romans if they did land at Portsmouth. Their further steps would depend upon the disposition of the British armies advancing to meet them,—the final objective of the campaign being Camelodune, the capital of the sons of Cymbeline.

This is stated by both Geoffrey of Monmouth and Matthew of Westminster.

For three centuries this legion was quartered at Caerleon-upon-Usk, and the Twentieth at Chester. See Mommsen, 'Roman Provinces,' p. 174.

This was the honorary title of several legions; as there are several "Royal" regiments.

Tac, 'Hist.' III. 44.

The Flavian family was of very humble origin.

Bede, from Suetonius, tells us that Vespasian with his legion fought in Britain thirty-two battles and took twenty towns, besides subduing the Isle of Wight ('Sex. Aet.' A.D. 80).

If the Romans were advancing eastward from the Dobunian territory it may have been the Loddon. Mommsen cuts the knot in true German fashion by refusing to identify the Dobuni of Ptolemy with those of Dion, and placing the latter in Kent on his own sole authority. ('Roman Provinces,' p. 175.)

δυσδιέξοδα [dusdiexoda.]

A victorious Roman general was commonly thus hailed by his troops after any signal victory. But by custom this could only be done once in the same campaign.