P. 53. [par. 118.] Clarendon. Many years after, when he [the Duke of York] ... made the full relation of all the particulars to me, with that commotion of spirit, that it appeared to be deeply rooted in him; [speaking of the King's injunctions to the duke].—Swift. Yet he lived and died a rank Papist, and lost his kingdom.
P. 55. [par. 121.] Clarendon. No men were fuller of professions of duty [to the King], ... than the Scottish commissioners.—Swift The Scots dogs delivered up their King. False-hearted Scots. [This addition obliterated.]
Ibid. [par. 122.] Clarendon. The agitators, and council of officers, sent some propositions to the King.—Swift. Detestable villains, almost as bad as Scots.
P. 64 [par. 136] Clarendon. Mr. Ashburnham had so great a detestation of the Scots.—Swift. So have I.
P. 68. [par. 144.] Clarendon. Hammond,—Swift. A detes Villain, almost as wicked as a Scot.
P. 76. [par. 159.] Clarendon, Marquess of Argyle.—Swift. Always a cursed family.
P. 77 [par. 159.] Clarendon. The commissioners ... were confident that all Scotland would rise as one man for his Majesty's defence and vindication.—Swift. A strange stupidity, to trust Scots at any time.
Ibid. [par. 160.] Clarendon. They required ... "that the Prince of Wales should be present with them, and march in the head of their army." ... The King would by no means consent that the prince should go into Scotland.—Swift. The King acted wisely not to trust the Scots.
P. 79. [par. 162.] Clarendon, Treaty signed, Dec. 26, 1647. They (the Scotch) required:—that an effectual course should be taken ... for the suppressing the opinions and practices of anti-trinitarians, arians, socinians, anti-scripturists, anabaptists, antinomians, arminians, familists, brownists, separatists, independents, libertines, and seekers.—Swift. What a medley of religions! in all thirteen.
P. 80. [par. 163.] Clarendon, the same:—They would assert the right that belonged to the crown, in the power of the militia, the great seal, bestowing of honours and offices of trust, choice of the privy-councillors, and the right of the King's negative voice in Parliament.—Swift. They would rather be hanged than agree.
Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon, the same:—An army should be sent out of Scotland ... for making a firm union between the kingdoms under his Majesty, and his posterity.—Swift. Scotch impudence.
P. 81. [par. 165.] Clarendon, the same:—The King engaged himself to employ those of the Scots nation equally with the English in all foreign employments, and negotiations; and that a third part of all the offices and places about the King, Queen, and Prince, should be conferred upon some persons of that nation.—Swift. Impudent Scottish scoundrels.
P. 83. [par. 169.] Clarendon. The Presbyterians, by whom I mean the Scots, formed all their counsels by the inclinations, and affections of the people.—Swift. Hellish Scotch dogs.
P. 85. [par. 171.] Clarendon. With this universal applause, he [Fairfax] compelled the Scots army to depart the kingdom, with that circumstance as must ever after render them odious and infamous.—Swift. He out-cunninged the Scots.
P. 86. [par. 172.] Clarendon. But the delivery of the King up, besides the infamy of it, etc.—Swift. That infamy is in the scurvy nature of a Scot, and the best ... of their false hearts. [Written in pencil and rubbed out—one word is illegible.]
P. 89. [par. 179.] Clarendon. The vile artifices of the Scottish commissioners to draw the King into their hands.—Swift. Vile, treacherous Scots for ever.
P. 97. [par. 13.] Clarendon, on the discourses against the English in the Scottish Parliament:—This discourse ... was entertained by the rest with so general a reception, that Argyle found it would be to no purpose directly to contradict or oppose it.—Swift. An infamous dog, like all his family.
P. 108. [par. 35.] Clarendon. The Prince [Charles II.] set sail first for Yarmouth road, then for the Downs, having sent his brother, the Duke of York, with all his family, to The Hague.—Swift. A sorry admiral.
P. 109 [ditto] Clarendon. The Prince determining to engage his own person, he [the Duke] submitted to the determination—Swift. Popery and cowardice stuck with him all his life.
Ibid. [par. 36] Clarendon. The Prince came prepared to depend wholly upon the Presbyterian party, which, besides the power of the Scots army, which was every day expected to invade England, was thought to be possessed of all the strength of the City of London.—Swift. Curse on the rogues!
Ibid. [same par.] Clarendon. Sent from the Scots[7]—Swift. So much the worse to rely on the cursed Scots.
[Footnote 7: The words are "sent from thence" in edition of 1888. [T. S.]]
P. 112 [par. 43] Clarendon. Argyle took notice of Sir Marmaduke Langdale's, and Sir Philip Musgrave's being in the town.—Swift. That Scotch dog.
P. 113 [par. 45] Clarendon. They entreated them with all imaginable importunity, that they would take the Covenant.—Swift. Their damned Covenant.
P. 117 [par. 53] Clarendon. Sir Philip Musgrave, that it might appear that they did not exclude any who had taken the Covenant, etc.—Swift. Confound their damnable Covenant!
P. 129 [par. 85] Clarendon. Defeat of the Scots army—Swift. I cannot be sorry.
Ibid. [pars. 86, 87] Clarendon, after the defeat of the Scottish army, the Earl of Lauderdale had been sent to The Hague The Prince of Wales—thought fit, that the earl should give an account of his commission at the board, ... and, that all respect might be shewed to the Parliament of Scotland, he had a chair allowed him to sit upon—Swift. Respect to a Scotch Parliament, with a pox.
P. 130 [par. 87] Clarendon. Redeem His Majesty's person from that captivity, which they held themselves obliged ... to endeavour to do—Swift. Not to do.
P. 133 [par. 96] Clarendon. Within a short time after, orders were sent out of Scotland for the delivery of Berwick and Carlisle to the Parliament—Swift. Cursed Scots.
Ibid. [par. 98] Clarendon. It was generally believed, that the Marquess of Argyle earnestly invited him [Cromwell] to this progress [into Scotland]—Swift. That eternal dog, Argyle.
P. 141 [par. 114] Clarendon. By the time that the commissioners returned from the Isle of Wight, and delivered this answer to the Parliament, news was brought of the defeat of the Scots army, and Cromwell had written to his friends, etc.—Swift. A cursed hell hound.
P. 142. [par. 116.] Clarendon. When there appeared some hopes that the Scots would raise an army for the relief and release of the King.—Swift. Trust them not, for they are Scots.
P. 145. [par. 120.] Clarendon. And himself a prisoner.—Swift. Base.
P. 155. [par. 141.] Clarendon. The Duke [of York], who was not yet above fifteen years of age, was so far from desiring to be with the fleet, that, when there was once a proposition, upon occasion of a sudden mutiny amongst the seamen, that he should go ... amongst them, who professed great duty to his Highness, he was so offended at it that he would not hear of it.—Swift. The Duke's courage was always doubtful.
P. 157. [par. 146.] Clarendon. (Many persons of honour ... the rest had done.)—Swift. Parenthesis eleven lines.
P. 167. [par. 169.] Clarendon. Two of them [the ministers] very plainly and fiercely told the King, "that if he did not consent to the utter abolishing of the Episcopacy, he would be damned."—Swift. Very civil.
P. 168. [par. 172.] Clarendon. [The King] did, with much reluctancy, offer ... "to suspend Episcopacy for three years," etc.—Swift. Prudent concessions.
Ibid. [ditto.] Clarendon, he consented:—likewise, "that money should be raised upon the sale of the Church lands, and only the old rent should be reserved to the just owners and their successors."—Swift. Scotch principles.
Ibid. [par. 173.] Clarendon. They required farther, "that in all cases, when the Lords and Commons shall declare the safety of the kingdom to be concerned, unless the King give his royal assent to such a Bill as shall be tendered to him for raising money, the Bill shall have the force of an Act of Parliament, as if he had given his royal assent."—Swift. English dogs, as bad as Scots.
P. 170. [par. 176.] Clarendon, on the King's concessions.—Swift. After so many concessions, the commissioners shewed themselves most damnable villains.
P. 172. [par. 181.] Clarendon. [The King] confessed, "If they would preserve the Scripture Bishop he would take away the Bishop by Law."—Swift. Indeed! a great concession.
P. 174. [par. 187.] Clarendon. For Scotland, they demanded "the King's consent, to confirm by Act of Parliament such agreements as should be made by both Houses with that kingdom ... for the settling and preserving a happy and durable peace between the two nations, and for the mutual defence of each other."—Swift. A most diabolical alliance.
P. 175. [par. 189.] Clarendon, on the letter from the King to his son, concerning the treaty.—Swift. The whole letter is a most excellent performance.
P. 176. [par. 189.] Clarendon. The major part of both Houses of Parliament was, at that time, so far from desiring the execution of all those concessions, that, if they had been able to have resisted the wild fury of the army, they would have been themselves suitors to have declined the greatest part of them.—Swift. Diabolical villains.
P. 177. [par. 193.] Clarendon. It cannot be imagined how wonderfully fearful some persons in France were that he [the King] should have made his escape, and the dread they had of his coming thither.—Swift. French villains.
P. 180. [par. 198.] Clarendon, the Commons sent to Winchester:—their well tried Serjeant Wild, to be the sole judge of that circuit.—Swift. An infernal dog.
Ibid. [par. 200.] Clarendon. Young Sir Harry Vane had begun the debate [upon the treaty] with the highest insolence, and provocation.—Swift. A cursed insolent villain, worse than even a Scot, or his own father.
P. 183. [par. 206.] Clarendon, on the seizure of many Members entering into the House, by the soldiers.—Swift. Damnable proceeding.
P. 184. [ditto.] Clarendon, the remaining Members vote the contrary to their former votes:—that the answer the King had given to their propositions was not satisfactory.—Swift. Cursed rogues.
P. 189. [par. 221.] Clarendon. Harrison was the son of a butcher.—Swift. The fitter for that office.
P. 195. [par. 233.] Clarendon, Trial of the King:—The King ... told them, "he would first know of them, by what authority they presumed by force to bring him before them, and who gave them power to judge of his actions, for which he was accountable to none but God."—Swift. Very weak.
P. 198. [par. 241] Clarendon. [The King] was always a great lover of the Scottish nation.—Swift. There I differ from him.
Ibid. [ditto.] Clarendon. Having not only been born there, but educated by that people, and besieged by them always.—Swift. Who were the cause of his destruction, like abominable Scotch dogs.
P. 199. [par. 244] Clarendon. In that very hour when he was thus wickedly murdered in the sight of the sun, he had as great a share in the hearts and affections of his subjects ... as any of his predecessors.—Swift. Only common pity for his death, and the manner of it.
P. 208. [par. 261] Clarendon, Lord Capel's trial:—Cromwell, who had known him very well, spoke so much good of him, and professed to have so much kindness and respect for him, that all men thought he was now safe.—Swift. Cursed dog.
P. 217. [par. 4.] Clarendon, Charles II. proclaimed in Scotland: —upon condition of "his good behaviour, and strict observation of the Covenant, and his entertaining no other persons about him but such as were godly men, and faithful to that obligation."—Swift Cursed Scots in every circumstance.
Ibid. [par. 5.] Clarendon. The new Duke [of Hamilton].—Swift. A Scotch duke, celebrated by the author: a perfect miracle.
Ibid. [ditto.] Clarendon. A rare virtue in the men of that time. —Swift. [Of that] nation.
P. 218. [par. 7.] Clarendon, on the commission sent to England when the King was tried:—The Marquess of Argyle had had too deep a share in that wickedness [the delivery of the King], to endure the shock of a new dispute, and inquisition upon that subject; and therefore gave not the least opposition to their passion [of the Scots].—Swift. A true Argyle.
Ibid. [continuation of the same sentence.] Clarendon. But seemed equally concerned in the honour of the nation, to prosecute an high expostulation with those of England, for the breach of faith, and the promises, which had been made for the safety, and preservation of the King's person, at the time he was delivered up.—Swift. The Scots were the cause and chief instruments of the King's murder by delivering him up to the English rebels.
P. 222. [par. 13.] Clarendon. It was very manifest ... that the Marquess of Argyle meant only to satisfy the people, in declaring that they had a King ... but that such conditions should be put upon him, as he knew, he would not submit to.—Swift. Most detestable villain.
P. 224. [par. 17.] Clarendon. As soon as he came into the room where they were.—Swift. Abominable Scotch dogs.
P. 225. [ditto.] Clarendon. A learned and worthy Scottish divine, Dr. Wishart.—Swift. A prodigious rarity.
Ibid. [par. 18.] Clarendon. The Earl [of Lauderdale] told him [one of the council] ... that he could not imagine, or conceive the barbarities and inhumanities Montrose was guilty of, in the time he made a war in Scotland.—Swift. That earl was a beast; I mean Lauderdale.
Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon. That he [Montrose] had in one battle killed fifteen hundred of one family, of the Campbells, of the blood and name of Argyle.—Swift. Not half enough of that execrable breed.
P. 228. [par. 24.] Clarendon, for the embassy from the Parliament: —one Dorislaus, a doctor in the civil law, was named.—Swift. A Dutch fellow, employed by those regicides who murdered the King.
P. 237. [par. 41.] Clarendon. The Prince of Orange ... wished, "that, in regard of the great differences which were in England about matters of religion, the King would offer ... to refer all matters in controversy concerning religion to a national synod."—Swift. I do not approve it.
P. 249. [par. 69.] Clarendon, on the defeat of the Marquess of Ormonde by Jones.—Swift. Ormonde's army discomfited!
P. 265. [par. 119.] Clarendon. And that Committee of the Parliament.—Swift. Scots.
Ibid. [par. 119.] Clarendon. The council of Scotland ... sent a gentleman ... to invite his Majesty again to come into his kingdom of Scotland, not without a rude insinuation that it was the last invitation he should receive.—Swift. Still cursed Scots.
P. 267. [par. 122.] Clarendon, on the conditions sent from Scotland to Breda, in case the King consented to come to Scotland:—The King himself, and all who should attend upon him, were first to sign the Covenant before they should be admitted to enter into the kingdom.—Swift. Damnable Scottish dogs.
P. 268. [par. 125.] Clarendon, some lords warned the King, that it was to be feared that:—Argyle would immediately deliver up the person of the King into the hands of Cromwell.—Swift. That Scotch dog was likely enough to do so, and much worse.
Ibid. [par. 126.] Clarendon, the ambassadors in Spain:—were extremely troubled, both of them having always had a strong aversion that the King should ever venture himself in the hands of that party of the Scottish nation, which had treated his father so perfidiously.—Swift. Damnable nation for ever.
P. 269. [par. 127.] Clarendon. [The King] was before [in Spain] looked upon as being dispossessed, and disinherited of all his dominions, as if he had no more subjects than those few who were banished with him, and that there was an entire defection in all the rest. But now that he was possessed of one whole kingdom, etc.—Swift. Yet all cursed villains; a possession of the Devil's kingdom, where every Scot was a rebel.
Ibid. [par. 128.] Clarendon. There fell out at this time ... an accident of such a prodigious nature, that, if Providence had not, for the reproach of Scotland, determined that the King should once more make experiment of the courage and fidelity of that nation, could not but have diverted his Majesty from that northern expedition; which, how unsecure soever it appeared to be for the King, was predestinated for a greater chastisement and mortification of that people, as it shortly after proved to be: [alluding to Montrose's execution.]—Swift. That is good news.
P. 270. [par. 128.] Clarendon. The Marquess [of Montrose], who was naturally full of great thoughts, and confident of success.—Swift. He was the only man in Scotland who had ever one grain of virtue; and was therefore abhorred, and murdered publicly by his hellish countrymen.
P. 270. [par. 129.] Clarendon. There were many officers of good name and account in Sweden, of the Scottish nation.—Swift. Impossible.
P. 271. [par. 130.] Clarendon. Montrose knew, that of the two factions there, which were not like to be reconciled, each of them were equally his implacable enemies.—Swift. Very certain.
Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon. The whole kirk ... being alike malicious to him.—Swift. Scots damnable kirk.
P. 272. [par. 131]. Clarendon. Many of [the nobility] ... assured him [Montrose], that they would meet him with good numbers; and they did prepare to do so, some really; and others, with a purpose to betray him.—Swift. Much the greater number.
Ibid. [par. 133.] Clarendon. The tyranny of Argyle ... caused very many to be barbarously murdered, without any form of law or justice, who had been in arms with Montrose.—Swift. That perpetual inhuman dog and traitor, and all his posterity, to a man, damnable villains.
P. 273. [par 134.] Clarendon Most of the other officers were shortly after taken prisoners, all the country desiring to merit from Argyle by betraying all those into his hands which they believed to be his enemies.—Swift. The virtue and morality of the Scots.
Ibid, [ditto] Clarendon. And thus, whether by the owner of the house or any other way, the Marquess himself became their prisoner.—Swift. A tyrannical Scottish dog.
P. 274. [par. 137.] Clarendon "That for the League and Covenant, he had never taken it," etc.—Swift. The Devil, their God, I believe had taken it. [This remark is nearly obliterated.]
Ibid. [par. 138] Clarendon, sentence on Montrose:—That he was ... to be carried to Edinburgh Cross, and there to be hanged upon a gallows thirty foot high, for the space of three hours, etc.—Swift. Oh! if the whole nation, to a man, were just so treated! begin with Argyle, and next with the fanatic dogs who teased him with their kirk scurrilities.
Ibid. [par. 139.] Clarendon. After many such barbarities, they [the ministers] offered to intercede for him to the kirk upon his repentance, and to pray with him.—Swift. Most treacherous, damnable, infernal Scots for ever!
P. 275. [par. 140] Clarendon. He bore it [the execution] with ill the courage and magnanimity, and the greatest piety, that a good Christian could manifest.—Swift. A perfect hero; wholly un-Scotified.
Ibid, [ditto] Clarendon. [He] prayed, "that they might not betray him [the King], as they had done his father."—Swift. A very seasonable prayer, but never performed.
P. 275. [par. 142.] Clarendon. The Marquess of Argyle ... wanted nothing but honesty and courage to be a very extraordinary man.—Swift. Trifles to a Scot.
P. 276. [par. 143.] Clarendon. They who were most displeased with Argyle and his faction, were not sorry for this inhuman, and monstrous prosecution [of Montrose].—Swift. Impudent, lying Scottish dogs.
P. 285. [par. 1.] Clarendon. Without he likewise consented to those.—Swift. Bad.
P. 286. [par. 3.] Clarendon. The King was received by the Marquess of Argyle with all the outward respect imaginable.—Swift. That dog of all Scotch dogs.
Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon. They did immediately banish him [Daniel O'Neill] the kingdom, and obliged him to sign a paper, by which he consented to be put to death, if he were ever after found in the kingdom.—Swift. In Scotland, with a pox.
P. 287. [par. 5.] Clarendon. The King's table was well served. —Swift. With Scotch food, etc. etc. etc.
P. 300. [par 36.] Clarendon. The King had left ... the Duke of York with the Queen, with direction "that he should conform himself entirely to the will and pleasure of the Queen his mother, matters of religion only excepted."—Swift. Yet lost his kingdom for the sake of Popery.
P. 301. [par. 37.] Clarendon. The Duke [of York] was full of spirit and courage, and naturally loved designs.—Swift. Quantum mutatus!
P. 304. [par. 42.] Clarendon, on the proposed match between the Duke of York, and the Duke of Lorraine's natural daughter:—Only Sir George Ratcliffe undertook to speak to him about it, who could only make himself understood in Latin, which the Duke cared not to speak in.—Swift. Because he was illiterate, and only read Popish Latin.
P. 305. [par. 44.] Clarendon. [The Queen] bid him [the chancellor of the exchequer] "assure the Duke of York, that he should have a free exercise of his religion, as he had before."—Swift. Who unkinged himself for Popery.
P. 306. [par. 45.] Clarendon. It was indeed the common discourse there [in Holland], "that the Protestants of the Church of England could never do the King service, but that all his hopes must be in the Roman Catholics, and the Presbyterians."—Swift. A blessed pair.
Ibid. [par. 46.] Clarendon. [The Duke of York] was fortified with, a firm resolution never to acknowledge that he had committed any error.—Swift. No, not when he lost his kingdom or Popery.
P. 311. [par. 58.] Clarendon. The King had ... friendship with Duke Hamilton.—Swift. Vix intelligo.
P. 318. [par. 75.] Clarendon, the King's defeat at Worcester, 3d of September.—Swift. September 3d, always lucky to Cromwell.
P. 339. [par. 122.] Clarendon. There was no need of spurs to be employed to incite the Duke [of York]; who was most impatient to be in the army.—Swift How old was he when he turned a Papist, and a coward?
P. 340. [par. 123.] Clarendon. The Duke pressed it [his being allowed to join the army] with earnestness and passion, in which he dissembled not.—Swift. Dubitat Augustinus.
P. 343. [par. 128.] Clarendon, the Duke, in the French army:—got the reputation of a prince of very signal courage, and to be universally beloved of the whole army by his affable behaviour.—Swift. But proved a cowardly Popish king.
P. 348, line 50. Swift. Scots.
P, 349. [par. 140.] Clarendon. The chancellor ... told his Majesty, "this trust would for ever deprive him of all hope of the Queen's favour; who could not but discern it within three or four days, and, by the frequent resort of the Scottish vicar [one Knox; who came with Middleton to Paris,] to him" (who had the vanity to desire long conferences with him) "that there was some secret in hand which was kept from her."—Swift. The little Scottish scoundrel, conceited vicar.
P. 386. [par. 41.] Clarendon. Scotland lying under a heavy yoke by the strict government of Monk.—Swift. I am glad of that.
P. 387. [par. 44.] Clarendon. The day of their meeting [Cromwell's Parliament] was the third of September in the year 1654.—Swift. His lucky day.
P. 394. [par. 56.] Clarendon. The Highlanders ... made frequent incursions in the night into the English quarters; and killed many of their soldiers, but stole more of their horses.—Swift. Rank Scottish thieves.
P. 413. [par. 95.] Clarendon. A bold person to publish, etc.— Swift. Bussy Rabutin, Amours des Gaules.
P. 414. [par. 96.] Clarendon. There was at that time in the court of France, or rather in the jealousy of that court, a lady of great beauty, of a presence very graceful and alluring, and a wit and behaviour that captivated those who were admitted into her presence; [to whom Charles II. made an offer of marriage]—Swift. A prostitute whore.
P. 420. [par. 109.] Clarendon. The chancellor of the exchequer one day ... desired him [the king] "to consider upon this news, and importunity from Scotland, whether in those Highlands there might not be such a safe retreat and residence, that he might reasonably say, that with the affections of that people, which had been always firm both to his father and himself, he might preserve himself in safety, though he could not hope to make any advance."—Swift. The chancellor never thought so well of the Scots before.
Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon. His Majesty discoursed very calmly of that country, ... "that, if sickness did not destroy him, which he had reason to expect from the ill accommodation he must be there contented with, he should in a short time be betrayed and given up"—Swift. But the King knew them better.
P. 425. [par. 118.] Clarendon. [The King's enemies] persuaded many in England, and especially of those of the reformed religion abroad, that his Majesty was in truth a Papist.—Swift. Which was true.
P. 443.[8] Clarendon. The wretch [Manning], soon after, received the reward due to his treason.—Swift. In what manner?
[Footnote 8: This sentence, which follows at the end of par. 146, is omitted in the edition of 1888. [T.S.]]
P. 469. [par. 53.] Clarendon. That which made a noise indeed, and crowned his [Cromwell's] successes, was the victory his fleet, under the command of Blake, had obtained over the Spaniard.—Swift. I wish he were alive, for the dogs the Spaniards' sake, instead of our worthless H——.
P. 495. [par. 119, sec. 3,] Clarendon, in the address of the Anabaptists to the King:—"We ... humbly beseech your Majesty, that you would engage your royal word never to erect, nor suffer to be erected, any such tyrannical, Popish, and Antichristian hierarchy (Episcopal, Presbyterian, or by what name soever it be called) as shall assume a power over, or impose a yoke upon, the consciences of others."—Swift. Honest, though fanatics.
P. 501. [par. 136.] Clarendon, at the siege of Dunkirk:—Marshal Turenne, accompanied with the Duke of York, who would never be absent upon those occasions, ... spent two or three days in viewing the line round,—Swift. James II., a fool and a coward.
P. 502. [par. 137.] Clarendon. There was a rumour.., that the Duke of York was taken prisoner by the English, ... whereupon many of the French officers, and gentlemen, resolved to set him at liberty; ... So great an affection that nation owned to have for his Highness.—Swift. Yet he lived and died a coward.
P. 523. [par. 29.] Clarendon, on the discovery of the treachery of Sir Richard Willis.—Swift. Doubtful.
P. 539. [par. 47.[9]] Clarendon. If it had not been for the King's own steadiness.—Swift. Of which, in religion, he never had any.
[Footnote 9: This was par. 74 in the edition of 1849. [T.S.]]
P. 540. [par. 75.] Clarendon, upon the Duke of York's being invited into Spain, with the office of El Admirante del Oceano, he was warned that he:—would never be suffered to go to sea under any title of command, till he first changed his religion.—Swift. As he did openly in England.
P. 559. [par. 131.] Clarendon. There being scarce a bon-fire at which they did not roast a rump.—Swift. The Rump.
P. 583. [par. 194.] Clarendon, Declaration of the King, April 4-1/4 1660:—"Let all our subjects, how faulty soever, rely upon the word of a King," etc.—Swift. Usually good for nothing.
Ibid. [ditto.] Clarendon, the same:—"A free Parliament; by which, upon the word of a King, we will be advised."—Swift. Provided he be an honest and sincere man.
P. 585. [par. 199.] Clarendon, Letter to the fleet:—"Which gives us great encouragement and hope, that God Almighty will heal the wounds by the same plaster that made the flesh raw."—Swift. A very low comparison.
P. 586. [par. 201.] Clarendon, Letter to the city of London:—"Their affections to us in the city of London; which hath exceedingly raised our spirits, and which, no doubt, hath proceeded from the Spirit of God, and His extraordinary mercy to the nation; which hath been encouraged by you, and your good example ... to discountenance the imaginations of those who would subject our subjects to a government they have not yet devised."—Swift. Cacofonia.
P. 595. [par. 222.] Clarendon, Proclamation of the King, May 8, by the Parliament, Lord Mayor, etc.:—"We ... acknowledge, ... that ... he [Charles II.] is of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, the most potent, mighty, and undoubted King; and thereunto we most humbly and faithfully do submit, and oblige ourselves, our heirs, and posterity for ever."—Swift. Can they oblige their posterity 10,000 years to come?
P. 596. [par. 225]. Clarendon, The case of Colonel Ingoldsby: After he had refused to sign the death-warrant of the King:—Cromwell, and others, held him by violence; and Cromwell, with a loud laughter, taking his hand in his, and putting the pen between his fingers, with his own hand writ Richard Ingoldsby he making all the resistance he could.—Swift. A mistake; for it was his own hand-writ, without any restraint.
The standard edition of Burnet's interesting "History" is that by Dr. Routh, first issued in 1823 and revised in a second edition in 1833. Mr. Osmund Airy is at present engaged on a new edition for the Clarendon Press, but so far only two volumes have been published. It was in Dr. Routh's edition that almost all of Swift's notes first appeared. In the Preface to the issue of 1823, the learned editor informs us that Swift's notes were taken "from his own copy of the history, which had come into the possession of the first Marquis of Lansdowne." A note in the edition of 1833 corrects a statement made in the previous edition that Swift's copy had been burnt. It was not Swift's own copy, but a copy containing a transcript of Swift's notes that was burnt.
In the preparation of the present text every available reference has been searched. Sir Walter Scott's reprint of Swift's "Notes" was sadly inadequate. Not only did he misquote the references to Burnet's work, but he could not have consulted the Lansdowne copy, since fully a third of the "notes" were altogether ignored by him. It is believed that the text here given contains every note accurately placed to its proper account in Burnet's "History." The references are to the edition in folio issued in 1724-1734.
In the twenty-seventh volume of the "European Magazine," and in the two following volumes, a fair proportion of Swift's notes were first published. These were reprinted by Dr. Burnet in 1808, in his "Essay on the Earlier Part of the Life of Swift." Both these authorities have been consulted. Dr. Routh's modesty forbade him including six of the notes, because they were "not written with the requisite decorum." These have been included here. Mr. Osmund Airy has "thought it unadvisable to encumber the pages with simple terms of abuse"; but an editor of Swift's works cannot permit himself this licence. His duty is to include everything.
The text of the "Short Remarks" is taken from vol. viii., Part 1, of the quarto edition of Swift's works, edited by Deane Swift, and published in 1765.
This author is in most particulars the worst qualified for an historian that ever I met with. His style is rough, full of improprieties, in expressions often Scotch, and often such as are used by the meanest people.[1] He discovers a great scarcity of words and phrases, by repeating the same several hundred times, for want of capacity to vary them. His observations are mean and trite, and very often false. His secret history is generally made up of coffeehouse scandals, or at best from reports at the third, fourth, or fifth hand. The account of the Pretender's birth, would only become an old woman in a chimney-corner. His vanity runs intolerably through the whole book, affecting to have been of consequence at nineteen years old, and while he was a little Scotch parson of forty pounds a year. He was a gentleman born, and, in the time of his youth and vigour, drew in an old maiden daughter of a Scotch earl to marry him.[2] His characters are miserably wrought, in many things mistaken, and all of them detracting,[3] except of those who were friends to the Presbyterians. That early love of liberty he boasts of is absolutely false; for the first book that I believe he ever published is an entire treatise in favour of passive obedience and absolute power; so that his reflections on the clergy, for asserting, and then changing those principles, come very improperly from him. He is the most partial of all writers that ever pretended so much to impartiality; and yet I, who knew him well, am convinced that he is as impartial as he could possibly find in his heart; I am sure more than I ever expected from him; particularly in his accounts of the Papist and fanatic plots. This work may be more properly called "A History of Scotland during the Author's Time, with some Digressions relating to England," rather than deserve the title he gives it. For I believe two thirds of it relate only to that beggarly nation, and their insignificant brangles and factions. What he succeeds best in, is in giving extracts of arguments and debates in council or Parliament. Nothing recommends his book but the recency of the facts he mentions, most of them being still in memory, especially the story of the Revolution; which, however, is not so well told as might be expected from one who affects to have had so considerable a share in it. After all, he was a man of generosity and good nature, and very communicative; but, in his ten last years, was absolutely party-mad, and fancied he saw Popery under every bush. He hath told me many passages not mentioned in this history, and many that are, but with several circumstances suppressed or altered. He never gives a good character without one essential point, that the person was tender to Dissenters, and thought many things in the Church ought to be amended.
[Footnote 1: "His own opinion," says my predecessor, Mr Nichols, "was very different, as appears by the original MS of his History, wherein the following lines are legible, though among those which were ordered not to be printed 'And if I have arrived at any faculty of writing clearly and correctly, I owe that entirely to them [Tillotson and Lloyd]. For as they joined with Wilkins, in that noble, though despised attempt, of an universal character, and a philosophical language; they took great pains to observe all the common errors of language in general, and of ours in particular. And in the drawing the tables for that work, which was Lloyd's province, he looked further into a natural purity and simplicity of style, than any man I ever knew; into all which he led me, and so helped me to any measure of exactness of writing, which may be thought to belong to me.' The above was originally designed to have followed the words, 'I know from them,' vol. i. p. 191, 1. 7, fol. ed. near the end of A.D. 1661." [S]]
[Footnote 2: Lady Margaret Kennedy, daughter to the Earl of Cassilis. [S.]]
[Footnote 3: A note in Swift's Works, vol. ix., pt. ii. [1775] says: After "detracting," add "Many of which were stricken through with his own hand, but left legible in the MS.; which he ordered, in his last will, 'his executor to print faithfully, as he left it, without adding, suppressing, or altering it in any particular.' In the second volume, Judge Burnet, the Bishop's son and executor, promises that 'the original manuscript of both volumes shall be deposited in the Cotton Library.' But this promise does not appear to have been fulfilled; at least it certainly was not in 1736, when two letters were printed, addressed to Thomas Burnet, Esq. In p. 8 of the Second Letter, the writer [Philip Beach] asserted, that he had in his own possession 'an authentic and complete collection of the castrated passages.'" [T.S.]]
Setting up for a maxim, laying down for a maxim, clapt up, decency, and some other words and phrases, he uses many hundred times.
Cut out for a court, a pardoning planet, clapt up, left in the lurch, the mob, outed, a great beauty, went roundly to work: All these phrases used by the vulgar, shew him to have kept mean or illiterate company in his youth.
Indeed the peevishness, the ill nature, and the ambition of many clergymen has sharpened my spirits perhaps too much against them; so I warn my reader to take all that I say on these heads with some grains of allowance.—Swift. I will take his warning.
P. 4. Burnet. Over and over again retouched and polished by me.—Swift. Rarely polished; I never read so ill a style.
Ibid. Burnet. That thereby I may awaken the world to just reflections on their own errors and follies.—Swift. This I take to be nonsense.
P. 6. Burnet. That king saw that those who were most in his interests were likewise jealous of his authority, and apt to encroach upon it.—Swift. Nonsense.
P. 10. Burnet says that competent provision to those who served the cure:—was afterwards in his son's time raised to about fifty pounds a year.—Swift. Scotch pounds, I suppose.
P. 11. Burnet. Colonel Titus assured me that he had from King Charles the First's own mouth, that he was well assured he [Prince Henry] was poisoned by the Earl of Somerset's means.—Swift. Titus was the greatest rogue in England.
P. 18. Burnet says that Gowry's conspiracy against King James was confirmed to him by his father.—Swift. Melvil makes nothing of it.
P. 20. Burnet. I turn now to the affairs of Scotland, which are but little known.—Swift. Not worth knowing.
P. 23. Burnet, Archbishop Spotswood began:—his journey as he often did on a Sunday, which was a very odious thing in that country.—Swift. Poor malice.
P. 24. Burnet, Mr. Steward, a private gentleman, became:—so considerable that he was raised by several degrees to be made Earl of Traquair and Lord-Treasurer [of Scotland], and was in great favour; but suffered afterwards such a reverse of fortune, that I saw him so low that he wanted bread, ... and it was believed died of hunger.—Swift. A strange death: perhaps it was of want of meat.
P. 26. Burnet. My father ... carefully preserved the petition itself, and the papers relating to the trial [of Lord Balmerinoch]; of which I never saw any copy besides those which I have. ... The whole record ... is indeed a very noble piece, full of curious matter.—Swift. Puppy.
P. 28. Burnet. The Earl of Argyle was a more solemn sort of man, grave and sober, free of all scandalous vices.—Swift. As a man is free of a corporation, he means.
P. 29. Burnet. The Lord Wharton and the Lord Howard of Escrick undertook to deliver some of these; which they did, and were clapt up upon it.—Swift. Dignity of expression.
P. 30. Burnet. [King Charles I.] was now in great straits ... his treasure was now exhausted; his subjects were highly irritated; the ministry were all frighted, being exposed to the anger and justice of the Parliament. ... He loved high and rough methods, but had neither the skill to conduct them, nor the height of genius to manage them.—Swift. Not one good quality named.
P. 31. Burnet. The Queen [of Charles I.] was a woman of great vivacity in conversation, and loved all her life long to be in intrigues of all sorts.—Swift. Not of love, I hope.
Ibid. Burnet. By the concessions that he made, especially that of the triennial Parliament, the honest and quiet part of the nation was satisfied, and thought their religion and liberties were secured: So they broke off from those violenter propositions that occasioned the war.—Swift. Dark, or nonsense.
Ibid. Burnet. He intended not to stand to them any longer than he lay under that force that visibly drew them from him contrary to his own inclinations.—Swift. Sad trash.
P. 33. Burnet. The first volume of the Earl of Clarendon's "History" gives a faithful representation of the beginnings of the troubles, though writ in favour of the court.—Swift. Writ with the spirit of an historian, not of [a raker] into scandal.
P. 34. Burnet. Dickson, Blair, Rutherford, Baily, Cant, and the two Gillispys ... affected great sublimities in devotion: They poured themselves out in their prayers with a loud voice, and often with many tears. They had but an ordinary proportion of learning among them; something of Hebrew, and very little Greek: Books of controversy with Papists, but above all with the Arminians, was the height of their study.—Swift. Great nonsense. Rutherford was half fool, half mad.
P. 40. Burnet, speaking of the bad effects of the Marquess of Montrose's expedition and defeat, says:—It alienated the Scots much from the King: It exalted all that were enemies to peace. Now they seemed to have some colour for all those aspersions they had cast on the King, as if he had been in a correspondence with the Irish rebels, when the worst tribe of them had been thus employed by him.—Swift. Lord Clarendon differs from all this.
P. 41. Burnet. The Earl of Essex told me, that he had taken all the pains he could to enquire into the original of the Irish massacre, but could never see any reason to believe the King had any accession to it.—Swift. And who but a beast ever believed it?
P. 42. Burnet, arguing with the Scots concerning the propriety of the King's death, observes:—Drummond said, "Cromwell had plainly the better of them at their own weapon."—Swift. And Burnet thought as Cromwell did.
P. 46. Burnet. They [the army] will ever keep the Parliament in subjection to them, and so keep up their own authority.—Swift. Weak.
Ibid. Burnet. Fairfax was much distracted in his mind, and changed purposes often every day.—Swift. Fairfax had hardly common sense.
P. 49. Burnet. I will not enter farther into the military part: For I remember an advice of Marshal Schomberg's, never to meddle in the relation of military matters.—Swift. Very foolish advice, for soldiers cannot write.
P. 50. Burnet. [Laud's] defence of himself, writ ... when he was in the Tower, is a very mean performance. ... In most particulars he excuses himself by this, that he was but one of many, who either in council, star-chamber, or high commission voted illegal things. Now though this was true, yet a chief minister, and one in high favour, determines the rest so much, that they are generally little better than machines acted by him. On other occasions he says, the thing was proved but by one witness. Now, how strong soever this defence may be in law, it is of no force in an appeal to the world; for if a thing is true, it is no matter how full or how defective the proof is.—Swift. All this is full of malice and ill judgement.
Ibid. Burnet, speaking of the "Eikon Basilike," supposed to be written by Charles the First, says:—There was in it a nobleness and justness of thought with a greatness of style, that made it to be looked on as the best writ book in the English language.—Swift. I think it a poor treatise, and that the King did not write it.
P. 51. Burnet. Upon the King's death the Scots proclaimed his son King, and sent over Sir George Wincam, that married my great-aunt, to treat with him while he was in the Isle of Jersey.—Swift. Was that the reason he was sent?
P. 53. Burnet. I remember in one fast-day there were six sermons preached without intermission. I was there myself, and not a little weary of so tedious a service.—Swift. Burnet was not then eight years old.
P. 61. Burnet, speaking of the period of the usurpation in Scotland:—Cromwell built three citadels, at Leith, Ayr, and Inverness, besides many little forts. There was good justice done, and vice was suppressed and punished; so that we always reckon those eight years of usurpation a time of great peace and prosperity.—Swift. No doubt you do.
P. 63. Burnet, speaking of the Scotch preachers at sacrament times during the civil wars, says:—The crowds were far beyond the capacity of their churches, or the reach of their voices.—Swift. I believe the church had as much capacity as the minister.
P. 64. Burnet. The resolutioners sent up one Sharp, who had been long in England, and was an active and eager man.—Swift. Afterwards archbishop, and murdered.
P. 66. Burnet. Thus Cromwell had all the King's party in a net. He let them dance in it at pleasure. And upon occasions clapt them up for a short while.—Swift. Pox of his claps.
P. 87. Burnet, speaking of the Restoration:—Of all this Monk had both the praise and the reward, though I have been told a very small share of it belonged to him.—Swift. Malice.
P. 92. Burnet. I will therefore enlarge ... on the affairs of Scotland; both out of the inbred love that all men have for their native country, etc.—Swift. Could not he keep his inbred love to himself?
Ibid. Burnet. Sharp, who was employed by the resolutioners ... stuck neither at solemn protestations, ... nor at appeals to God of his sincerity in acting for the presbytery both in prayers and on other occasions, etc.—Swift. Sure there was some secret personal cause of all this malice against Sharp.
P. 93. Burnet, speaking of Charles II. says:—He was affable and easy, and loved to be made so by all about him. The great art of keeping him long was, the being easy, and the making everything easy to him.—Swift. Eloquence.
P. 99. Burnet says of Bennet, afterwards Earl of Arlington:—His parts were solid, but not quick.—Swift. They were very quick.
P. 100. Burnet says of the Duke of Buckingham:—Pleasure, frolic, or extravagant diversion was all that he laid to heart. He was true to nothing, for he was not true to himself.—Swift. No consequence. Burnet. He had no steadiness nor conduct: He could keep no secret, nor execute any design without spoiling it.—Swift. Nonsense.
P. 117. Burnet. It was visible that neither the late King nor the present were under any force when they passed ... those Acts [bringing in Presbyterian government].—Swift. Both Kings were under a force.
P. 118. Burnet. To annul a Parliament was a terrible precedent, which destroyed the whole security of government.—Swift. Wrong arguing.
Ibid. Burnet. Distress on his affairs was really equivalent to a force on his person.—Swift. It was so.
P. 119. Burnet. We went into it, he said, as knaves, and therefore no wonder if we miscarried in it as fools.—Swift. True.
Ibid. Burnet. No government was so well established, as not to be liable to a revolution. This [the Rescissory Act] would cut off all hopes of peace and submission, if any disorder should happen at any time thereafter.—Swift. Wrong weak reasoning.
P. 120. Burnet. Such care was taken that no public application should be made in favour of Presbytery. Any attempt that was made on the other hand met with great encouragement.—Swift. Does the man write like a bishop?
P. 126. Burnet, speaking of the execution of the Marquess of Argyle:—After some time spent in his private devotions he was beheaded.—Swift. He was the greatest villain of his age.
Ibid. Burnet. The kirk ... asserted all along that the doctrine delivered in their sermons did not fall under the cognisance of the temporal courts, till it was first judged by the church.—Swift. Popery.
P. 127. Burnet. The proceedings against Wariston were soon dispatched.—Swift. Wariston was an abominable dog.
P. 135. Burnet, of Bishop Leightoun's character:—The grace and gravity of his pronunciation was such, that few heard him without a very sensible emotion. ... His style was rather too fine.—Swift. Burnet is not guilty of that.
P. 140. Burnet. Leightoun did not stand much upon it. He did not think orders given without bishops were null and void. He thought, the forms of government were not settled by such positive laws as were unalterable; but only by apostolical practices, which, as he thought, authorized Episcopacy as the best form. Yet he did not think it necessary to the being of a church. But he thought that every church might make such rules of ordination as they pleased.—Swift. Think, thought, thought, think, thought.
P. 154. Burnet, speaking of a proclamation for shutting up two hundred churches in one day:—Sharp said to myself, that he knew nothing of it. ... He was glad that this was done without his having any share in it: For by it he was furnished with somewhat, in which he was no way concerned, upon which he might cast all the blame of all that followed. Yet this was suitable enough to a maxim that he and all that sort of people set up, that the execution of laws was that by which all governments maintained their strength, as well as their honour.—Swift. Dunce, can there be a better maxim?
P. 157. Burnet, speaking of those who enforced church discipline, says:—They had a very scanty measure of learning, and a narrow compass in it. They were little men, of a very indifferent size of capacity, and apt to fly out into great excess of passion and indiscretion.—Swift. Strange inconsistent stuff.
P. 160. Burnet. One Venner ... thought it was not enough to believe that Christ was to reign on earth, and to put the saints in the possession of the kingdom ... but added to this, that the saints were to take the kingdom themselves.—Swift. This wants grammar.
P. 163. Burnet. John Goodwin and Milton did also escape all censure, to the surprise of all people.—Swift. He censures even mercy.
Ibid. Burnet. Milton ... was ... much admired by all at home for the poems he writ, though he was then blind; chiefly that of "Paradise Lost," in which there is a nobleness both of contrivance and execution, that, though he affected to write in blank verse without rhyme, and made many new and rough words, yet it was esteemed the beautifullest and perfectest poem that ever was writ, at least in our language.—Swift. A mistake, for it is in English.
P. 164. Burnet. The great share he [Sir Henry Vane] had in the attainder of the Earl Strafford, and in the whole turn of affairs to the total change of government, but above all the great opinion that was had of his parts and capacity to embroil matters again, made the court think it was necessary to put him out of the way.—Swift. A malicious turn. Vane was a dangerous enthusiastic beast.
Ibid. Burnet. When he [Sir Henry Vane] saw his death was designed, he composed himself to it, with a resolution that surprised all who knew how little of that was natural to him. Some instances of this were very extraordinary, though they cannot be mentioned with decency.—Swift. His lady conceived of him the night before his execution.
Ibid. Burnet. Sir Henry Vane died with so much composedness, that it was generally thought, the government had lost more than it had gained by his death.—Swift. Vane was beheaded for new attempts, not here mentioned.
P. 179. Burnet. [The Papists] seemed zealous for the Church. But at the same time they spoke of toleration, as necessary both for the peace and quiet of the nation, and for the encouragement of trade.—Swift. This is inconsistent.
P. 180. Burnet says that Mr. Baxter:—was a man of great piety; and, if he had not meddled in too many things, would have been esteemed one of the learned men of the age: He writ near two hundred books.—Swift. Very sad ones.
P. 184. Burnet. The Convocation that prepared those alterations, as they added some new holy days, St. Barnabas, and the Conversion of St. Paul, so they took in more lessons out of the Apocrypha, in particular the story of Bel and the Dragon.—Swift. I think they acted wrong.
Ibid. Burnet. Reports were spread ... of the plots of the Presbyterians in several counties. Many were taken up on those reports: But none were ever tried for them.—Swift. A common practice.
Ibid. Burnet, writing of the ejection of the Nonconformists on St. Bartholomew's Day, 1662, says:—A severity neither practised by Queen Elizabeth in the enacting her Liturgy, nor by Cromwell in ejecting the Royalists.—Swift. But by King William.
P. 186. Burnet, speaking of the great fines raised on the church estates ill applied, proceeds:—If the half had been applied to the buying of tithes or glebes for small vicarages, here a foundation had been laid down for a great and effectual reformation.—Swift. He judges here right, in my opinion.
Ibid. Burnet, continuing the same subject:—The men of merit and service were loaded with many livings and many dignities. With this great accession of wealth there broke in upon the Church a great deal of luxury and high living, on the pretence of hospitality; while others made purchases, and left great estates, most of which we have seen melt away.—Swift. Uncharitable aggravation; a base innuendo.
P. 189. Burnet. Patrick was a great preacher. He wrote ... well, and chiefly on the Scriptures. He was a laborious man in his function, of great strictness of life, but a little too severe against those who differed from him. But that was, when he thought their doctrines struck at the fundamentals of religion. He became afterwards more moderate.—Swift. Yes, for he turned a rank Whig.
P. 190. Burnet. [Archbishop Tenison] was a very learned man.—Swift. The dullest, good-for-nothing man I ever knew.
P. 191. Burnet, condemning the bad style of preaching before Tillotson, Lloyd, and Stillingfleet, says their discourses were:—long and heavy, when all was pie-bald, full of many sayings of different languages.—Swift. A noble epithet. Burnet. The King ... had got a right notion of style.—Swift. How came Burnet not to learn this style?
P. 193. Burnet, speaking of the first formation of the Royal Society:—Many physicians, and other ingenious men went into the society for natural philosophy. But he who laboured most ... was Robert Boyle, the Earl of Cork's youngest son. He was looked on by all who knew him as a very perfect pattern. ... He neglected his person, despised the world, and lived abstracted from all pleasures, designs, and interests.—Swift. Boyle was a very silly writer.
P. 195. Burnet. Peter Walsh, ... who was the honestest and learnedest man I ever knew among [the Popish clergy, often told me] ... there was nothing which the whole Popish party feared more than an union of those of the Church of England with the Presbyterians. ... The Papists had two maxims, from which they never departed: The one was to divide us: And the other was to keep themselves united.—Swift. Rogue.
P. 202. Burnet. The queen-mother had brought over from France one Mrs. Steward, reckoned a very great beauty.—Swift. A pretty phrase.
P. 203. Burnet. One of the first things that was done in this session of Parliament [1663] was the execution of my unfortunate uncle, Wariston.—Swift. Was he hanged or beheaded? A fit uncle for such a bishop.
P. 211. Burnet. Many were undone by it [religious persecution], and went over to the Scots in Ulster, where they were well received, and had all manner of liberty as to their way of religion.—Swift. The more the pity.
P. 214. Burnet. The blame of all this was cast upon Sharp..... And the Lord Lauderdale, to complete his disgrace with the King, got many of his letters ... and laid these before the King; So that the King looked on him as one of the worst of men.—Swift. Surely there was some secret cause for this perpetual malice against Sharp.
P. 220. Burnet. Pensionary De Witt had the notions of a commonwealth from the Greeks and Romans. And from them he came to fancy, that an army commanded by officers of their own country was both more in their own power, and would serve them with the more zeal, since they themselves had such an interest in their success.—Swift. He ought to have judged the contrary.
P. 236. Burnet, speaking of the slight rebellion in the west of Scotland, 1666, says:—The rest [of the rebels] were favoured by the darkness of the night, and the weariness of the King's troops that were not in case to pursue them. ... For they were a poor harmless company of men, become mad by oppression.—Swift. A fair historian!
P. 237. Burnet. They might all have saved their lives, if they would have renounced the Covenant: So they were really a sort of martyrs for it.—Swift. Decent term.
P. 238. Burnet. [Sir John Cunningham] was not only very learned in the civil and canon law ... [but] was above all, a man of eminent probity, and of a sweet temper, and indeed one of the piousest men of the nation.—Swift. Is that Scotch?
P. 242. Burnet. When the peace of Breda was concluded, the King wrote to the Scottish council, and communicated that to them; and with that signified, that it was his pleasure that the army should be disbanded.—Swift. Four thats in one line.
P. 243. Burnet. [Archbishop Burnet] saw Episcopacy was to be pulled down, and ... writ upon these matters a long and sorrowful letter to Sheldon: And upon that Sheldon writ a very long one to Sir R. Murray; which I read, and found more temper and moderation in it than I could have expected from him.—Swift. Sheldon was a very great and excellent man.
P. 245. Burnet. [The Countess of Dysert] was a woman of great beauty, but of far greater parts. ... She had studied not only divinity and history, but mathematics and philosophy. She was violent in everything she set about, a violent friend, but a much more violent enemy. ... [When Lauderdale] was prisoner after Worcester fight, she made him believe he was in great danger of his life, and that she saved it by her intrigues with Cromwell.—Swift. Cromwell had gallantries with her.
P. 248. Burnet. The clergy ... saw designs were forming to turn them all out: And, hearing that they might be better provided in Ireland, they were in many places bought out, and prevailed on to desert their cures.—Swift. So Ireland was well provided.
P. 252. Burnet. The King ... suspecting that Lord Cornbury was in the design, spoke to him as one in a rage that forgot all decency. ... In the afternoon he heard him with more temper, as he himself told me.—Swift. Who told him?
P. 253. Burnet, speaking of Sheldon's remonstrating with the King about his mistresses, adds:—From that day forward Sheldon could never recover the King's confidence.—Swift. Sheldon had refused the sacrament to the King for living in adultery.
Ibid. Burnet. Sir Orlando Bridgman ... was a man of great integrity, and had very serious impressions of religion on his mind. He had been always on the side of the Church.—Swift. What side should he be of?
P. 256. Burnet, speaking of the Earl of Clarendon's banishment:—It seemed against the common course of justice, to make all corresponding with him treason, when he himself was not attainted of treason.—Swift. Bishop of Rochester's case.
P. 257. Burnet. Thus the Lord Clarendon fell under the common fate of great ministers, whose employment exposes them to envy, and draws upon them the indignation of all who are disappointed in their pretensions. Their friends turning as violently against them, as they formerly fawned abjectly upon them.—Swift. Stupid moralist.