I had all the reason in the world to be perfectly satisfied with the choice of the officers. The second and third lieutenants, the lieutenant of marines, two of the warrant officers, and several of the petty officers, had been with me during the former voyage. The others were men of known abilities; and all of them, on every occasion, shewed their zeal for the service in which they were employed, during the whole voyage.
In the equipping of these ships, they were not confined to ordinary establishments, but were fitted in the most complete manner, and supplied with every extra article that was suggested to be necessary.
Lord Sandwich paid an extraordinary attention to this equipment, by visiting the ships from time to time, to satisfy himself that the whole was completed to his wish, and to the satisfaction of those who were to embark in them.
Nor were the Navy and Victualling Boards wanting in providing them with the very best of stores and provisions, and whatever else was necessary for so long a voyage.--Some alterations were adopted in the species of provisions usually made use of in the navy. That is, we were supplied with wheat in lieu of so much oatmeal, and sugar in lieu of so much oil; and when completed, each ship had two years and a half provisions on board, of all species.
We had besides many extra articles, such as malt, sour krout, salted cabbage, portable broth, saloup, mustard, marmalade of carrots, and inspissated juice of wort and beer. Some of these articles had before been found to be highly antiscorbutic; and others were now sent out on trial, or by way of experiment;--the inspissated juice of beer and wort, and marmalade of carrots especially. As several of these antiscorbutic articles are not generally known, a more particular account of them may not be amiss.
Of malt is made sweet wort, which is given to such persons as have got the scurvy, or whose habit of body threatens them with it, from one to five or six pints a-day, as the surgeon sees necessary.
Sour krout is cabbage cut small, to which is put a little salt, juniper berries, and anniseeds; it is then fermented, and afterwards close packed in casks; in which state it will keep good a long time. This is a wholesome vegetable food, and a great antiscorbutic. The allowance to each man is two pounds a week, but I increased or diminished their allowance as I thought proper.
Salted cabbage is cabbage cut to pieces, and salted down in casks, which will preserve it a long time.
Portable broth is so well known, that it needs no description. We were supplied with it both for the sick and well, and it was exceedingly beneficial.
Saloup and rob of lemons and oranges were for the sick and scorbutic only, and wholly under the surgeon's care.
Marmalade of carrots is the juice of yellow carrots, inspissated till it is of the thickness of fluid honey, or treacle, which last it resembles both in taste and colour. It was recommended by Baron Storsch, of Berlin, as a very great antiscorbutic; but we did not find that it had much of this quality.
For the inspissated juice of wort and beer we were indebted to Mr Pelham, secretary to the commissioners of the victualling office. This gentleman, some years ago, considered that if the juice of malt, either as beer or wort, was inspissated by evaporation, it was probable this inspissated juice would keep good at sea; and, if so, a supply of beer might be had, at any time, by mixing it with water. Mr Pelham made several experiments, which succeeded so well, that the commissioners caused thirty- one half barrels of this juice to be prepared, and sent out with our ships for trial; nineteen on board the Resolution, and the remainder on board the Adventure. The success of the experiments will be mentioned in the narrative, in the order as they were made.
The frame of a small vessel, twenty tons burthen, was properly prepared, and put on board each of the ships to be set up (if found necessary) to serve as tenders upon any emergency, or to transport the crew, in case the ship was lost.
We were also well provided with fishing-nets, lines, and hooks of every kind for catching of fish.--And, in order to enable us to procure refreshments, in such inhabited parts of the world as we might touch at, where money was of no value, the Admiralty caused to be put on board both the ships, several articles of merchandize; as well to trade with the natives for provisions, as to make them presents to gain their friendship and esteem.
Their lordships also caused a number of medals to be struck, the one side representing his majesty, and the other the two ships. These medals were to be given to the natives of new-discovered countries, and left there as testimonies of our being the first discoverers.
Some additional clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was put on board; to be given to the seamen whenever it was thought necessary. In short, nothing was wanting that could tend to promote the success of the undertaking, or contribute to the conveniences and health of those who embarked in it.
The Admiralty shewed no less attention to science in general, by engaging Mr William Hodges, a landscape painter, to embark in this voyage, in order to make drawings and paintings of such places in the countries we should touch at, as might be proper to give a more perfect, idea thereof, than could be formed from written descriptions only.
And it being thought of public utility, that some person skilled in natural history, should be engaged to accompany me in this voyage, the parliament granted an ample sum for the purpose, and Mr John Reinhold Forster, with his son, were pitched upon for this employment.[15]
[15] Both of these gentlemen published works respecting this second voyage of Cook, to which we shall have occasion to refer in the notes. That of the former is entitled, "Observations made during a Voyage round the World, on Physical Geography, Natural History, and Ethic Philosophy, &c.," and was published at London in 1778, 4to.; that of the latter is, properly speaking, a full relation of the voyage, and appeared in two volumes 4to., at London, the year before. There is good reason for saying. that no account of this voyage can be held complete, that is not materially aided by these two productions, which, with sundry imperfections, and perhaps vices, have very great merit, and are highly interesting. They are accordingly, as well as the work of Mr Wales, freely used for the purpose of this collection.--E.
The Board of Longitude agreed with Mr William Wales and Mr William Bayley, to make astronomical observations; the former on board the Resolution, and the latter on board the Adventure. The great improvements which astronomy and navigation have met with from the many interesting observations they have made, would have done honour to any person whose reputation for mathematical knowledge was not so well known as theirs.
The same Board furnished them with the best instruments, for making both astronomical and nautical observations and experiments; and likewise with four time-pieces, or watch machines; three made by Mr Arnold, and one made by Mr Kendal on Mr Harrison's principles. A particular account of the going of these watches, as also the astronomical and nautical observations made by the astronomers, has been before the public, by order of the Board of Longitude, under the inspection of Mr Wales.[16]
[16] Many readers may desire to know what kind of instruments Captain Cook alludes to above. The following list is taken from Mr Wales's work, which, from the nature of it, has been rarely looked into by any but scientific men.1. A portable observatory. 2. An astronomical clock, made by Mr Shelton. 3. An assistant clock, made by Mr Monk. 4. A transit instrument, made by Mr Bird. 5. An astronomical quadrant, by the same excellent artist. 6. A reflecting telescope, of two feet focal length, by ditto. 7. An achromatic refracting telescope, of three and a half feet, and triple object glass, made by Mr Dollond. 8. A Hadley's sextant, by ditto. 9. Another, by Mr Ramsden. 10. An azimuth compass, by Mr Adams. 11. A pair of globes, by ditto. 12. A dipping needle, by Mr Nairne. I3. A marine barometer, by ditto. 14. A wind gage, invented by Dr Lind of Edinburgh, and made by Mr Nairne. 15. Two portable barometers, made by Mr Burton. 16. Six thermometers, by ditto. 17. A theodolite, with a level, and a Gunter's chain, by ditto. 18. An apparatus for trying the heat of the sea-water at different depths. 19. Two time-keepers, one made by Mr Larcum Kendal, on Mr Harrison's principles, and the other by Mr John Arnold.
Mr Wales has particularly described some of these instruments, and the mode of using them. He has, besides, given a very interesting, though short history of the application of astronomical instruments to navigation, a summary of which, with some additional remarks, could scarcely fail to be valued by any reader concerned for the promotion of useful science. This, accordingly, it is purposed to insert whenever a proper opportunity occurs. It might seem rather a hindrance in this place.--E.
Besides the obligation I was under to this gentleman for communicating to me the observations he made, from time to time, during the voyage, I have since been indebted to him for the perusal of his journal, with leave to take from it whatever I thought might contribute to the improvement of this work.
For the convenience of the generality of readers, I have reduced the time from the nautical to the civil computation, so that whenever the terms A.M. and P.M. are used, the former signifies the forenoon, and the latter the afternoon of the same day.
In all the courses, bearings, &c., the variation of the compass is allowed, unless the contrary is expressed. And now it may be necessary to say, that, as I am on the point of sailing on a third expedition, I leave this account of my last voyage in the hands of some friends, who, in my absence, have kindly accepted the office of correcting the press for me; who are pleased to think that what I have here to relate is better to be given in my own words, than in the words of another person; especially as it is a work designed for information, and not merely for amusement; in which, it is their opinion, that candour and fidelity will counter-balance the want of ornament.[17]
[17] The opinion stated in the memoir of Cook, in the Biographia Britannica, as to his appearance in the character of an author, perfectly concurs with what the writer has elsewhere said on the subject; and it may deserve a place here, as a commendatory testimony, which the modesty of Cook, it is probable, would scarcely have allowed himself to expect. It is inserted, besides, with greater propriety, as specifying one of the friends alluded to, of whom, in the capacity of editor of Cook's third voyage, we shall have another opportunity of speaking with the esteem due to his literary character, and his most praise-worthy exertions in the service of both Cook and his family. "Captain Cook was justly regarded as sufficiently qualified to relate his own story. His journal only required to be divided into chapters, and perhaps to be amended by a few verbal corrections. It is not speaking extravagantly to say, that, in point of composition, his history of his voyage reflects upon him no small degree of credit. His style is natural, clear, and manly; being well adapted to the subject and to his own character: and it is possible, that a pen of more studied elegance would not have given any additional advantage to the narration. It was not till some time after Captain Cook's leaving England, that the work was published; but, in the meanwhile, the superintendance of it was undertaken by his learned and valuable friend, Dr Douglas, whose late promotion to the mitre hath afforded pleasure to every literary man of every denomination." One cannot help regretting, that Cook never returned to meet with the congratulations of a highly-satisfied public, not invidiously disposed, it may readily be imagined, and certainly having no occasion, to see any necessity for the requested indulgences with which he concludes this introduction.--E.
I shall therefore conclude this introductory discourse with desiring the reader to excuse the inaccuracies of style, which doubtless he will frequently meet with in the following narrative; and that, when such occur, he will recollect that it is the production of a man, who has not had the advantage of much school education, but who has been constantly at sea from his youth; and though, with the assistance of a few good friends, he has passed through all the stations belonging to a seaman, from an apprentice boy in the coal trade, to a post-captain in the royal navy, he has had no opportunity of cultivating letters. After this account of myself, the public must not expect from me the elegance of a fine writer, or the plausibility of a professed book-maker; but will, I hope, consider me as a plain man, zealously exerting himself in the service of his country, and determined to give the best account he is able of his proceedings.[18] JAMES COOK.
Plymouth Sound, July 7, 1776.
[18] Is it not both likely and somewhat allowable, that Cook should speak of the fine writer and professed book-maker, with a feeling of disgust or irritation; more especially when he could not but well remember, that his own simple personality had been made the substratum for the flippant flourish of the one character, and the unseemly protuberances of the other?--E.
FROM OUR DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND TO LEAVING THE SOCIETY ISLES THE FIRST TIME.
[1] The reader is desired to remember, that F. placed at a note refers to Forster's Observations; G.F. to the younger Forster's Account of the Voyage; and W. to Mr Wales' works. For notes signed E. the editor, as formerly, must hold himself responsible. Thus much was thought advisable to save unnecessary repetition. This opportunity is taken of stating some circumstances respecting the two former works, of consequence to the parties concerned, and not uninteresting to the general reader. We are informed in the preface to G.F.'s work, that when his father was sent out to accompany Captain Cook as a naturalist, no particular rules were prescribed for his conduct, as they who appointed him conceived he would certainly endeavour to derive the greatest possible advantages to learning from his voyage; that he was only directed therefore, to exercise all his talents, and to extend his observations to every remarkable object; and that from him was expected a philosophical history of the voyage, on a plan which the learned world had not hitherto seen executed. His father, accordingly, he says, having performed the voyage, and collected his observations, in conformity to such opinion and expectations, proceeded, on his return home, to accomplish the remaining task allotted to him--writing the history of the voyage. It was first proposed, we are told, that a single narrative should be composed from his and Cook's papers, the important observations of each being inserted, and ascertained by appropriate marks. Forster, in consequence, received a part of Cook's journal, and drew up several sheets as a specimen; but this plan was soon desisted from, as it was thought more expedient that the two journals should be kept separate. In fartherance, then, of this design, it is said, an agreement was drawn up on the 13th of April, 1776, between Captain Cook and Mr Forster, in the presence, and with the signature, of the Earl of Sandwich, which specified the particular parts of the relations to be prepared by each, and confirmed to both, jointly, the gift of the valuable plates engraved at the expence of the Admiralty, and generously bestowed on these two gentlemen in equal shares. Mr F. soon afterwards presented a second specimen of his narrative to the Earl of Sandwich, but was surprised to find that it was quite disapproved of, though at last he was convinced that, as the word "narrative" had been omitted in the above-mentioned agreement, he was not entitled to compose a connected account of the voyage. He was, moreover, informed, that if he chose to preserve his claim to half of the profits arising from the plates, he must conform to the letter of that agreement. In this he acquiesced for the benefit of his family; and accordingly, though he had understood it was intended he should write the history of the voyage, he found himself confined to the publication of his unconnected philosophical observations. G. Forster adds, it hurt him much to see the chief intent of his father's mission defeated, and the public disappointed in their expectations of a philosophical recital of facts; however, as he himself had been appointed his father's assistant, and was bound by no such agreement as that which restrained him, he thought it incumbent to attempt such a narrative as a duty to the public, and in justice to the ample materials he had collected during the voyage. "I was bound," he concludes, "by no agreement whatever; and that to which my father had signed, did not make him answerable for my actions, nor, in the most distant manner, preclude his giving me assistance. Therefore, in every important circumstance I had leave to consult his journals, and have been enabled to draw up my narrative with the most scrupulous attention to historical truth." Such is the defence which Mr G. Forster sets up in behalf of a conduct, which it is certain was very differently construed by the patrons of the expedition, whose indignant opinions were so far regarded by the public, as to render the residence of both father and son in England no longer pleasant or respectable. They left it and went to the continent; though it is likely they were the more induced to do so by certain family difficulties, and the ill effects of the father's turbulent temper, which speedily lost him the friends his uncommon abilities and erudition had procured. The reader who desires information respecting these two singular men, and the sentiments entertained in general as to their improper conduct in the matter of the publication, may turn to the Supplement to the Encyclopaedia Britannica. It is, however, but justice to inform him, that the account there given, bears decisive indications of party bias in more senses than one; and that the strongest assertions it contains as to the share which Forster the father had in the publication, are not supported on evidence sufficient for the conviction of any unprejudiced mind. The writer of that article, as of several others in that very valuable publication, appears to have given up his imagination to the prevailing terrors of the times, and to have become, at last, almost incapable of discriminating betwixt personal delinquency and epidemic immorality--the misfortunes incident to individuals in every age or country, and the evils arising out of the erroneous creeds and systems of a particular time and place. A single quotation from the article now alluded to, may be conducive to the reader's favourable acceptance of that portion of the Forsters' labours from which it is proposed to supply many of the succeeding notes. "An account of the voyage was published in English and German, by George Forster; and the language, which is correct and elegant, was undoubtedly his; but those who knew both him and his father, are satisfied that the matter proceeded from the joint stock of their observations and reflections. Several parts of the work, and particularly the elaborate investigations relative to the languages spoken by the natives of the South Sea Islands, and the speculations concerning their successive migrations, are thought to be strongly impressed with the genius of the elder Forster." Before concluding this note, it may be proper to say, that Mr Wales conceiving Mr G. Forster had made some misrepresentations of certain facts, wrote some remarks upon his book, to which Mr F. replied. This is said on the authority of the Biog. Brit. for the writer himself has never seen either of the productions alluded to. That work very candidly admits, that the Forsters' books contain much curious and useful information. It is probable, then, that the readers in general will concur with the writer in discarding entirely all consideration of moral conduct as to the agreement, and availing themselves of whatever of utility or amusement the publication in question can afford.--E.
SECTION I.
Passage from Deptford to the Cape of Good Hope, with an Account of several Incidents that happened by the Way, and Transactions there.
I sailed from Deptford, April 9th, 1772, but got no farther than Woolwich, where I was detained by easterly winds till the 23d, when the ship fell down to Long Reach, and the next day was joined by the Adventure. Here both ships received on board their powder, guns, gunners' stores, and marines.
On the 10th of May we left Long Reach, with orders to touch at Plymouth; but in plying down the river, the Resolution was found to be very crank, which made it necessary to put into Sheerness in order to remove this evil, by making some alteration in her upper works. These the officers of the yard were ordered to take in hand immediately; and Lord Sandwich and Sir Hugh Palliser came down to see them executed in such a manner as might effectually answer the purpose intended.
On the 22d of June the ship was again completed for sea, when I sailed from Sheerness; and on the 3d of July joined the Adventure in Plymouth Sound. The evening before, we met, off the Sound, Lord Sandwich, in the Augusta yacht, (who was on his return from visiting the several dock-yards,) with the Glory frigate and Hazard sloop. We saluted his lordship with seventeen guns; and soon after he and Sir Hugh Palliser gave us the last mark of the very great attention they had paid to this equipment, by coming on board, to satisfy themselves that every thing was done to my wish, and that the ship was found to answer to my satisfaction.
At Plymouth I received my instructions, dated the 25th of June, directing me to take under my command the Adventure; to make the best of my way to the island of Madeira, there to take in a supply of wine, and then proceed to the Cape of Good Hope, where I was to refresh the ships' companies, and to take on board such provisions and necessaries as I might stand in need of. After leaving the Cape of Good Hope, I was to proceed to the southward, and endeavour to fall in with Cape Circumcision, which was said by Monsieur Bouvet to lie in the latitude of 54° S. and in about 11° 20' E. longitude from Greenwich. If I discovered this cape, I was to satisfy myself whether it was a part of the continent which had so much engaged the attention of geographers and former navigators, or a part of an island. If it proved to be the former, I was to employ myself diligently in exploring as great an extent of it as I could, and to make such notations thereon, and observations of every kind, as might be useful either to navigation or commerce, or tend to the promotion of natural knowledge. I was also directed to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and number of the inhabitants, if there were any, and endeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendship and alliance with them; making them presents of such things as they might value; inviting them to traffic, and shewing them every kind of civility and regard. I was to continue to employ myself on this service, and making discoveries either to the eastward or westward, as my situation might render most eligible; keeping in as high a latitude as I could, and prosecuting my discoveries as near to the South Pole as possible, so long as the condition of the ships, the health of their crews, and the state of their provisions, would admit of; taking care to reserve as much of the latter as would enable me to reach some known port, where I was to procure a sufficiency to bring me home to England. But if Cape Circumcision should prove to be part of an island only, or if I should not be able to find the said Cape, I was in the first case to make the necessary survey of the island, and then to stand on to the southward, so long as I judged there was a likelihood of falling in with the continent, which I was also to do in the latter case, and then to proceed to the eastward in further search of the said continent, as well as to make discoveries of such islands as might be situated in that unexplored part of the southern hemisphere; keeping in high latitudes, and prosecuting my discoveries, as above mentioned, as near the pole as possible until I had circumnavigated the globe; after which I was to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope, and from thence to Spithead.
In the prosecution of these discoveries, wherever the season of the year rendered it unsafe for me to continue in high latitudes, I was to retire to some known place to the northward, to refresh my people, and refit the ships; and to return again to the southward as soon as the season of the year would admit of it. In all unforeseen cases, I was authorised to proceed according to my own discretion; and in case the Resolution should be lost or disabled, I was to prosecute the voyage on board the Adventure.
I gave a copy of these instructions to Captain Furneaux, with an order directing him to carry them into execution; and, in case he was separated from me, appointed the island of Madeira for the first place of rendezvous; Port Praya in the island of St Jago for the second; Cape of Good Hope for the third; and New Zealand for the fourth.
During our stay at Plymouth, Messrs Wales and Bayley, the two astronomers, made observations on Drake's Island, in order to ascertain the latitude, longitude, and true time for putting the time-pieces and watches in motion. The latitude was found to be 50° 21' 30" N., and the longitude 4° 20' W. of Greenwich, which, in this voyage, is every where to be understood as the first meridian, and from which the longitude is reckoned east and west to 180° each way. On the 10th of July the watches were set a-going in the presence of the two astronomers, Captain Furneaux, the first lieutenants of the ships, and myself, and put on board. The two on board the Adventure were made by Mr Arnold, and also one of those on board the Resolution; but the other was made by Mr Kendal, upon the same principle, in every respect, as Mr Harrison's time-piece. The commander, first lieutenant, and astronomer, on board each, of the ships, kept each of them keys of the boxes which contained the watches, and were always to be present at the winding them up, and comparing the one with the other; or some other officer, if at any time, through indisposition, or absence upon any other necessary duties, any of them could not conveniently attend. The same day, according to the custom of the navy, the companies of both ships were paid two months wages in advance, and, as a further encouragement for their going this extraordinary voyage, they were also paid the wages due to them to the 28th of the preceding May. This enabled them to provide necessaries for the voyage.
On the 13th, at six o'clock in the morning, I sailed from Plymouth Sound, with the Adventure in company; and on the evening of the 29th anchored in Funchiale Road, in the island of Madeira. The next morning I saluted the garrison with eleven guns; which compliment was immediately returned. Soon after I went on shore, accompanied by Captain Furneaux, the two Mr Forsters, and Mr Wales. At our landing, we were received by a gentleman from the vice-consul, Mr Sills, who conducted us to the house of Mr Loughnans, the most considerable English merchant in the place. This gentleman not only obtained leave for Mr Forster to search the island for plants, but procured us every other thing we wanted, and insisted on our accommodating ourselves at his house during our stay.
The town of Funchiale, which is the capital of the island, is situated about the middle of the south side, in the bottom of the bay of the same name, in latitude 32° 33' 34" N., longitude 17° 12-7/8" W. The longitude was deduced from lunar observations made by Mr Wales, and reduced to the town by Mr Kendal's watch, which made the longitude 17° 10' 14" W. During our stay here, the crews of both ships were supplied with fresh beef and onions; and a quantity of the latter was distributed amongst them for a sea-store.
Having got on board a supply of water, wine, and other necessaries, we left Madeira on the 1st of August, and stood to the southward with a fine gale at N.E. On the 4th we passed Palma, one of the Canary isles. It is of a height to be seen twelve or fourteen leagues, and lies in the latitude 28° 38' N., longitude 17° 58' W. The next day we saw the isle of Ferro, and passed it at the distance of fourteen leagues. I judged it to lie in the latitude of 27° 42' N. and longitude 18° 9' W.[2]
[2] The same day we observed several flying fishes, pursued by bonitos and dolphins, rising out of the water in order to escape from them. They were flying in all directions, and not against the wind only, as Mr Kalm seems to think. Neither did they confine themselves to a strait-lined course, but frequently were seen to describe a curve. When they met the top of a wave as they skimmed along the surface of the ocean, they passed through, and continued their flight beyond it. From this time, till we left the torrid zone, we were almost daily amused with the view of immense shoals of these fishes, and now and then caught one upon our decks, when it had unfortunately taken its flight too far, and was spent by its too great elevation above the surface of the sea."--G.F.
I now made three puncheons of beer of the inspissated juice of malt. The proportion I made use of was about ten of water to one of juice. Fifteen of the nineteen half barrels of the inspissated juice which we had on board, were produced from wort that was hopped before inspissated. The other four were made of beer that had been both hopped and fermented before inspissated. This last requires no other preparation to make it fit for use, than to mix it with cold water, from one part in eight to one part in twelve of water, (or in such other proportion as might be liked,) then stop it down, and in a few days it will be brisk and drinkable. But the other sort, after being mixed with water in the same manner, will require to be fermented with yeast, in the usual way of making beer; at least it was so thought. However, experience taught us that this will not always be necessary: For by the heat of the weather, and the agitation of the ship, both sorts were at this time in the highest state of fermentation, and had hitherto evaded all our endeavours to stop it. If this juice could be kept from fermenting, it certainly would be a most valuable article at sea.[3]
[3] "About this time, the captain ordered the ship to be fumigated with gunpowder and vinegar, having taken notice that all our books and utensils became covered with mould, and all our iron and steel, though ever so little exposed, began to rust. Nothing is more probable than that the vapours, which now filled the air, contained some saline particles, since moisture alone does not appear to produce such an effect."--G.F.There can be no doubt that the atmospherical air is capable of sustaining marine salt in a state of solution, and of bearing it off to great distances on land, where it serves important purposes in animal and vegetable economy. The reader will be pleased with some remarks on the subject in Robison's Account of Black's Lectures. The air in the vessel, then, it will be readily imagined will contain it, and hence, as it is known that it is gradually decomposed by iron, the rust that was observed. The process of corroding the iron, &c. as it is commonly called, would be much accelerated by moisture, as the muriatic acid acts most powerfully on bodies capable of decomposing water; and it is no less certain, that the heat of a tropical climate would aid the operation. But it is difficult to explain how any benefit could be derived from the fumigation said to be practised by Cook on this occasion, otherwise than by producing dry warm air. Indeed, many persons will imagine that the circumstances required nothing more than free ventilation, and the occasional use of fires to destroy moisture. Mr Forster takes particular notice of what is mentioned in the text about the fermentation of the inspissated juice of malt, or, as he calls it, essence of beer; and he says, that, by the advice of his father, a vessel strongly fumigated with sulphur was filled with it, and prevented the fermentation for a few days. He does not explain on what principle, and perhaps was not acquainted with it. The fact is, that sulphuric acid, which is produced by the burning of sulphur, has the power of checking, or altogether destroying, the fermentation of substances. In the present case, it seems, enough of it had not been produced to answer the purpose effectually. Some other acids have the same power. Hence the desideratum mentioned in the text is easily supplied. The juice, it may be thought, will be changed by the addition of a strong acid, and rendered unserviceable. There can be no doubt, however, that when it is required for the purpose of making beer, &c. means could be used to neutralize the acid that had been added to it, without materially, or at all, affecting the juice itself.--E.
On finding that our stock of water would not last as to the Cape of Good Hope, without putting the people to a scanty allowance, I resolved to stop at St Jago for a supply. On the 9th, at nine o'clock in the morning, we made the island of Bonavista, bearing S.W. The next day, we passed the isle of Mayo on our right; and the same evening anchored in Port Praya in the island of St Jago, in eighteen fathom water. The east point of the bay bore E.; the west point S.W. 1/2 S.; and the fort N.W. I immediately dispatched an officer to ask leave to water, and purchase refreshments, which was granted. On the return of the officer, I saluted the fort with eleven guns, on a promise of its being returned with an equal number. But by a mistake, as they pretended, the salute was returned with only nine; for which the governor made an excuse the next day. The 14th, in the evening, having completed our water, and got on board a supply of refreshments, such as hogs, goats, fowls, and fruit, we put to sea, and proceeded on our voyage.
Port Praya is a small bay, situated about the middle of the south side of the island of St Jago, in the latitude of 14° 53' 30" N. longitude 23° 30' W. It may be known, especially in coming from the east, by the southernmost hill on the island, which is round, and peaked at top; and lies a little way inland, in the direction of west from the port. This mark is the more necessary, as there is a small cove about a league to the eastward, with a sandy beach in the bottom of it, a valley, and cocoa-nut trees behind, which strangers may mistake for Port Praya, as we ourselves did. The two points which form the entrance of Port Praya Bay are rather low, and in the direction of W.S.W. and E.N.E. half a league from each other. Close to the west point are sunken rocks, on which the sea continually breaks. The bay lies in N.W. near half a league; and the depth of water is from fourteen to four fathoms. Large ships ought not to anchor in less than eight, in which depth the south end of the Green Island (a small island lying under the west shore) will bear W. You water at a well that is behind the beach at the head of the bay. The water is tolerable, but scarce; and bad getting off, on account of a great surf on the beach. The refreshments to be got here, are bullocks, hogs, goats, sheep, poultry, and fruits. The goats are of the antelope kind, so extraordinarily lean, that hardly any thing can equal them; and the bullocks, hogs, and sheep, are not much better. Bullocks must be purchased with money; the price is twelve Spanish dollars a-head, weighing between 250 and 300 pounds. Other articles may be got from the natives in exchange for old clothes, &c. But the sale of bullocks is confined to a company of merchants; to whom this privilege is granted, and who keep an agent residing upon the spot.[4] The fort above mentioned seems wholly designed for the protection of the bay, and is well situated for that purpose, being built on an elevation, which rises directly from the sea on the right, at the head of the bay.
[4] "When we made application to this indolent Don, by the governor's direction, to be supplied with cattle, he indeed promised to furnish us with as many as we wanted, but we never got more than a single lean bullock. The company perfectly tyrannizes over the inhabitants, and sells them wretched merchandize at exorbitant prices."--G.F.This gentleman says there are very few white people in the Cape Verd Islands; that he did not see more than five or six at St Jago, including the governor, commandant, and company's agent; and that in some of the islands even the governors and priests are taken from among the blacks. He draws a moving picture of the wretched condition of these forlorn islanders, under the indolent and yet oppressive government of the court of Lisbon. Mr G.F. be it known, was peculiarly sharp-sighted in discovering, and vehement in inveighing against, every impolitic violation of human liberty. In the judgments of some persons, he had imbibed too readily the intoxicating beverage of revolutionary France. Many strong heads, it is certain, were not proof against its effects.--E.
We had no sooner got clear of Port Praya, than we got a fresh gale at N.N.E. which blew in squalls, attended with showers of rain. But the next day the wind and showers abated, and veered to the S. It was, however, variable and unsettled for several days, accompanied with dark gloomy weather, and showers of rain.[5]
[5] "Before leaving Port Praya, Captain Cook invited the governor- general and the commandant to dinner, and we staid on board in order to act as interpreters on this occasion. The captain sent them his own boat; but when it came on shore the governor begged to be excused, because he was always affected with sickness on board any vessel, whether at sea or in harbour. The commandant promised to come, but having at first neglected to ask the governor's leave, the latter retired to take his siesta, (or afternoon's repose,) and no one ventured to disturb him."--G.F.
On the 19th, in the afternoon, one of the carpenter's mates fell overboard, and was drowned. He was over the side, fitting in one of the scuttles, from whence it is supposed he had fallen; for he was not seen till the very instant he sunk under the ship's stern, when our endeavours to save him were too late. This loss was sensibly felt during the voyage, as he was a sober man and a good workman. About noon the next day, the rain poured down upon us, not in drops but in streams. The wind, at the same time, was variable and squally, which obliged the people to attend the decks, so that few in the ships escaped a good soaking. We, however, benefited by it, as it gave us an opportunity of filling all our empty water-casks. This heavy rain at last brought on a dead calm, which continued twenty-four hours, when it was succeeded by a breeze from S.W. Betwixt this point and S. it continued for several days; and blew at times in squalls, attended with rain and hot sultry weather. The mercury in the thermometers at noon, kept generally from 79 to 82.[6]
[6] "The heavy rains entirely soaked the plumage of a poor swallow, which had accompanied us for several days past; it was obliged, therefore, to settle on the railing of the quarter-deck, and suffered itself to be caught. From the history of this bird, which was of the common species, we may deduce the circumstances that bring solitary land-birds a great way out to sea. It seems to be probable, that they begin with following a ship, from the time she leaves the land; that they are soon lost in the great ocean, and are thus obliged to continue close to the ship, as the only solid mass in this immense fluid expanse. If two or more ships are in company, it is also easy to account for the expression of meeting with land-birds at a great distance from land, because they may happen to follow some other ship from the shore, than that which carries the observer; thus they may escape observation for a day or two, or perhaps longer, and when noticed, are supposed to be met with at sea. However, great storms are sometimes known to have driven single birds, nay, vast flocks, out to sea, which are obliged to seek for rest on board of ships at considerable distances from any land. Captain Cook very obligingly communicated to me a fact which confirms the above assertion. "Being on board of a ship between Norway and England, he met with a violent storm, during which a flight of several hundred birds covered the whole rigging of the ship. Among numbers of small birds he observed several hawks, which lived very luxuriously by preying on those poor defenceless creatures."--G.F.To record incidents such as these, will not seem unimportant or injudicious to any one who knows the philosophical value of facts in the formation of just theories.--E.
On the 27th, spoke with Captain Furneaux, who informed us that one of his petty officers was dead. At this time we had not one sick on board, although we had every thing of this kind to fear from the rain we had had, which is a great promoter of sickness in hot climates. To prevent this, and agreeable to some hints I had from Sir Hugh Palliser and from Captain Campbell, I took every necessary precaution by airing and drying the ship with fires made betwixt decks, smoaking, &c. and by obliging the people to air their bedding, wash and dry their clothes, whenever there was an opportunity. A neglect of these things causeth a disagreeable smell below, affects the air, and seldom fails to bring on sickness, but more especially in hot and wet weather.
We now began to see some of those birds which are said never to fly far from land; that is, man-of-war and tropic birds, gannets, &c. No land, however, that we knew of, could be nearer than eighty leagues.
On the 3Oth at noon, being in the latitude of 2° 35' N., longitude 7° 30' W., and the wind having veered to the east of south, we tacked and stretched to the S.W. In the latitude of 0° 52' N., longitude 9° 25' W., we had one calm day, which gave us an opportunity of trying the current in a boat. We found it set to the north one-third of a mile an hour. We had reason to expect this from the difference we frequently found between the observed latitude, and that given by the log; and Mr Kendal's watch shewed us that it set to the east also. This was fully confirmed by the lunar observations; when it appeared that we were 3° 0' more to the east than the common reckoning. At the time of trying the current, the mercury in the thermometer in the open air stood at 75-1/2; and when immerged in the surface of the sea, at 74; but when immerged eighty fathoms deep (where it remained fifteen minutes) when it came up, the mercury stood at 66.[7] At the same time we sounded, without out finding the bottom, with a line of two hundred and fifty fathoms.
[7] "This morning, 5th September, I let down a thermometer, suspended in the middle of a strong wooden case, of such a construction as to let the water pass freely through it in its descent, but which shut close the instant it began to be drawn up. By this means the thermometer was brought up in a body of water of the same heat with that it had been let down to. The results were as above."--W.This opportunity may be used for introducing the following table and remarks, which are certainly deserving attention. "To ascertain the degree of warmth of the sea-water, at a certain depth, several experiments were made by us. The thermometer made use of, was of Fahrenheit's construction, made by Mr Ramsden, and furnished with an ivory scale; it was, on these occasions, always put into a cylindrical tin case, which had at each end a valve, admitting the water as long as the instrument was going down, and shutting while it was hauling up again. The annexed table will at once shew the result of the experiments.
| Degrees of Fahrenheit's | |Stay of |Time in|
| Thermometer. | |the |hauling|
|--------------------------| |Thermo- |the |
| |On the | |Depth |meter |Thermo-|
| In the |Surface |At a |in |in the |meter |
| Air. |of the |certain |Fathoms. |Deep. |up. |
Date |Latitude | |Sea. |Depth. | | | |
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1772
Sept. 5 00°52'N. 75° 74° 66° 85 F. 30' 27-1/2'
Sept.27. 24°44'S. 72-1/2 70° 68° 80 F. 15' 7'
Oct. 12. 34°48'S. 60° 59° 58° 100 F. 2O' 6'
Dec. 15. 55°00'S. 30-1/2° 30° 34° 100 F. 17' 5-1/2'
Dec. 23. 55°26'S 33° 32° 34-1/2° 100 F. 16' 6-1/2'
1773
Jan. 13. 61°00'S. 37° 33-1/2° 32° 100 F. 20' 7'
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From this table it appears, that under the Line and near the tropics, the water is cooler at a great depth than at its surface. In high latitudes, the air is cooler sometimes, sometimes very near upon a par, and sometimes warmer than the sea-water at the depth of about 100 fathoms, according as the preceding changes of the temperature of the air, or the direction and violence of the wind happen to fall out. For it is to be observed, that these experiments were always made when we had a calm, or at least very little wind; because in a gale of wind, we could not have been able to make them in a boat. Another probable cause of the difference in the temperature of the sea-water in the same high latitude, undoubtedly must be sought in the ice; in a sea covered with high and extensive ice islands, the water should be colder than in a sea which is at a great distance from any ice."--F.
This table is evidently too confined, and made up of too few elements, to justify almost any general inferences. The subject is certainly a curious one, and merits full investigation, but presents very considerable difficulties, as many circumstances, which are likely to modify the result, may escape notice during the experiments. It has been said, that as water is most dense at from 37 to 39 Fahrenheit, this may be presumed to be the mean temperature at the bottom of the sea; but such hypothetical deductions are, perhaps, entitled to little confidence. It may however be safely enough presumed, that the temperature of the sea is kept tolerably uniform on the well-known principle of statics, that the heavier columns of any fluid displace those that are lighter. The waters of the ocean, perhaps, are the great agent by which the average temperature of our globe is preserved almost entirely invariable. We shall have an opportunity, in the account of another voyage, to make some remarks on this subject, and to notice more exact experiments than those just now mentioned.--E.
The calm was succeeded by a light breeze at S.W., which kept veering by little and little to the south, and at last to the eastward of south, attended with clear serene weather. At length, on the 8th of September, we crossed the Line in the longitude of 8° W.; after which, the ceremony of ducking, &c., generally practised on this occasion, was not omitted.
The wind now veering more and more to the east, and blowing a gentle top- gallant gale, in eight days it carried us into the latitude 9° 30' S., longitude 18° W. The weather was pleasant; and we daily saw some of those birds which are looked upon as signs of the vicinity of land; such as boobies, man of war, tropic birds, and gannets. We supposed they came from the isle of St Matthew, or Ascension; which isles we must have passed at no great distance.
On the 27th, in the latitude of 25° 29', longitude 24° 54', we discovered a sail to the west standing after us. She was a snow; and the colours she shewed, either a Portuguese or St George's ensign, the distance being too great to distinguish the one from the other, and I did not choose to wait to get nearer, or to speak with her.
The wind now began to be variable. It first veered to the north, where it remained two days with fair weather. Afterwards it came round by the west to the south, where it remained two days longer, and, after a few hours calm, sprung up at S.W. But here it remained not long, before it veered to S.E.E. and to the north of east; blew fresh, and by squalls, with showers of rain.
With these winds we advanced but slowly; and, without meeting with anything remarkable till the 11th of October, when, at 6h 24m 12s, by Mr Kendal's watch, the moon rose about four digits eclipsed, and soon after we prepared to observe the end of the eclipse, as follows, viz.