XXXI. These things, however, were still in the future. Now when Lucullus was engaged in a contest with Pompeius respecting the arrangements made in Pontus, for each of them wished his own arrangements to be confirmed, and Cato gave his aid to Lucullus, who was manifestly wronged, Pompeius being worsted in the Senate and seeking to make himself popular, proposed a division of lands among the soldiery. But when Cato opposed him in this measure also and frustrated the law, Pompeius next attached himself to Clodius, the boldest of the demagogues at that time, and gained over Cæsar,[702] to which Cato in a manner gave occasion. For Cæsar, who had returned from his prætorship in Iberia, at the same time wished to be a candidate for the consulship and asked for a triumph. But as it was the law that those who were candidates for a magistracy should be present, and those who were going to have a triumph should stay outside the walls, Cæsar asked permission of the Senate to solicit the office through means of others. Many were willing to consent, but Cato spoke against it, and when he saw that the Senators were ready to oblige Cæsar, he took up the whole day in talking, and thus frustrated the designs, of the Senate. Cæsar accordingly giving up his hopes of a triumph, entered the city, and immediately attached himself to Pompeius, and sought the consulship. Being elected consul, Cæsar gave Julia in marriage to Pompeius, and the two now coalescing against the state, the one introduced laws for giving to the poor allotments and a distribution of land, and the other assisted in supporting these measures. But Lucullus and Cicero siding with Bibulus, the other consul, opposed the measures, and Cato most of all, who already suspected that the friendship and combination of Cæsar and Pompeius had no just object, and said that he was not afraid of the distribution of the land, but of the reward for it which those would claim who were gratifying the multitude, and alluring them by this bait.

XXXII. By these arguments Cato brought the Senate to an unanimous opinion; and of those without the Senate no small number supported the senators, being annoyed at the unusual measures of Cæsar: for what the boldest and most reckless tribunes were used to propose for popularity's sake, these very measures Cæsar in the possession of consular power adopted, basely and meanly endeavouring to ingratiate himself with the people. Cæsar's party, therefore, being alarmed, had recourse to violence, and first of all a basket of ordure was thrown upon Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum, and then the people fell on his lictors and broke the fasces; finally missiles being thrown about, and many being wounded, all the rest ran away from the Forum except Cato, who walked away slowly, every now and then turning round and cursing the citizens. Accordingly Cæsar's partisans not only passed the law for the distribution of land,[703] but they added to it a clause to compel all the Senate to swear that they would maintain the law, and give their aid against any one who should act contrary to it, and they enacted heavy penalties against those who did not swear. All swore to maintain the law under compulsion, bearing in mind what befell Metellus of old, whom the people allowed to be driven from[704] Italy because he would not swear to observe a like enactment. For this reason the women of Cato's family with tears earnestly entreated him to yield and take the oath, and also his friends and intimate acquaintance. But the person who most persuaded and induced Cato to take the oath was Cicero the orator, who argued and urged that perhaps it was not even right for him to think that he was the only man who ought to refuse obedience to what had been determined by the common voice; and when it was impossible to undo what had been done, it was altogether senseless and mad to have no regard for himself; and of all evils, he argued, it was the greatest to give up and surrender the state, to the interests of which all his actions were directed, to those who were plotting against it, as if he were glad to be released from all struggles in its behalf; for if Cato did not stand in need of Rome, Rome stood in need of Cato, and all his friends also did; and among them Cicero said that he was the first, being the object of the designs of Clodius, who was clearly proceeding to attack him by means of the tribunitian office. By these and the like arguments and entreaties, both at home and in the Forum, it is said that Cato was induced to relent, and was prevailed upon with difficulty, and that he came forward to take the oath last of all, except Favonius, one of his friends and intimates.

XXXIII. Cæsar being encouraged, introduced another law for the division of nearly the whole of Campania among the poor and needy. Nobody spoke against it except Cato; and him Cæsar caused to be dragged from the Rostra to prison, Cato the while remitting nothing of his freedom of speech, but as he went along, at the same time speaking about the law and advising them to cease attempting such political measures. The Senate followed with downcast countenances, and the best part of the people, much annoyed and troubled, though they said nothing, so that Cæsar did not fail to see that they were displeased; but out of self-will and expectation that Cato would appeal and have recourse to entreaties, he continued leading him to prison. But when it was plain that Cato intended to do nothing at all, Cæsar, overcome by shame and the ill opinion of the thing, privately persuaded one of the tribunes to rescue Cato. By these laws, however, and these grants of land, they so cajoled the people, that they voted to Cæsar the government of Illyricum and all Gaul with four legions for five years, though Cato warned them that they would by their own votes plant the tyrant in the Acropolis; and they transferred by illegal means Publius Clodius from the patrician order to the plebeians, and made the man a tribune, who was willing to do anything in his public capacity to serve them, on condition that they would let Cicero be driven out; and they made consuls Piso[705] Calpurnius, the father of Cæsar's wife, and Gabinius Aulus, a man from the lap of Pompeius, as those say who were acquainted with his habits and life.

XXXIV. But though Cæsar and his party had thus violently got possession of the power, and had one part of the citizens at their command through their grants, and another part through fear, they still dreaded Cato. For even when they did get the advantage over him, the fact that it was with difficulty and labour, and not without shame and exposure that they hardly forced their purpose, was annoying and vexatious. Clodius, indeed, did not expect to be able to put down Cicero so long as Cato was at home, and as he was contriving how to effect this, he sent for Cato as soon as he was in his office, and addressed him to the effect that he considered Cato to be the purest man of all the Romans, and he was ready to prove the sincerity of his opinion by his acts, and he said that though many persons were soliciting the commission to Cyprus and Ptolemæus,[706] and asking to be sent, he thought Cato alone worthy of it, and that he gladly offered him the favour. On Cato crying out that the thing was a snare and insult and not a favour, Clodius replied in an insolent and contemptuous manner, "Well, if you don't like it, you shall make the voyage against your liking;" and immediately going before the people he got the mission of Cato confirmed by a law. When Cato was leaving Rome, Clodius allowed him neither ship nor soldier nor attendant except two clerks, one of whom was a thief and a thorough knave, and the other was a client of Clodius. And as if he had given him but small occupations with the affairs of Cyprus and Ptolemæus, Clodius commissioned him also to restore the Byzantine fugitives, his wish being that Cato should be as long as possible from Rome during his tribuneship.

XXXV. Being under such compulsion, Cato advised Cicero, who was pressed by his enemies, not to raise any commotion nor to involve the city in a contest and bloodshed, but by yielding to the times to be again the saviour of his country; and sending forward to Cyprus Canidius,[707] one of his friends, he prevailed on Ptolemæus[708] to yield without a struggle, assuring him that he should want neither money nor respect, for that the people would give him the priesthood of the goddess at Paphos.[709] Cato himself stayed in Rhodes making preparation and waiting for the answers. In the meantime Ptolemæus,[710] King of Egypt, left Alexandria in anger after quarrelling with the citizens, and set sail for Rome in the hope that Cæsar and Pompeius would restore him with a military force; and as he wished to see Cato he sent a message, expecting that Cato would come to him. Cato happened to be then undergoing a purging,[711] and he answered that Ptolemæus must come, if he wished to see him; and when the king did come, Cato neither advanced to meet him nor rose, but saluted him as one of his ordinary visitors and bade him be seated; and by this behaviour the king was at first disturbed, and was amazed at the contrast between Cato's haughty behaviour and rough manners, and the meanness and simplicity of the man's attire. But when he had begun to talk with him about his own affairs, and listened to words full of wisdom and plain-speaking, for Cato reproved him and showed what a happy condition he had left and to what servitude and toils and corruption and love of aggrandisement in the chief men of the Romans he was subjecting himself, whom scarcely Egypt would satisfy if it were all turned into silver, and Cato advised the king to return and be reconciled to his people, and said that he was ready to sail with him and assist in bringing about an accommodation, the king, as if he had been brought to his senses from some madness or delirium by the words of Cato, and perceiving the integrity and judgment of the man, was resolved to follow his advice. However, the king was again turned by his friends to his original design, but as soon as he was in Rome and was approaching the door of one of the magistrates, he groaned over his ill resolve, as if he had rejected, not the advice of a good man, but the prophetic warning of a deity.

XXXVI. The Ptolemæus in Cyprus, to Cato's good luck, poisoned himself; and as it was said that he had left a large sum of money, Cato determined to go to Byzantium himself, and he sent his nephew Brutus[712] to Cyprus, because he did not altogether trust Canidius. After bringing the exiles to terms with their fellow-citizens and leaving Byzantium at peace with itself, he sailed to Cyprus. Now as there was a great quantity of movables, such as suited a royal household, consisting of cups, tables, precious stones and purple, all which was to be sold and turned into money, Cato being desirous to do everything with the greatest exactness and to bring up everything to the highest price, and to be present everywhere and to apply the strictest reckoning, would not trust even to the usages of the market, but suspecting all alike, assistants, criers, purchasers and friends, in fine, by talking to the purchasers singly and urging them to bid, he in this way got most of the things sold that were put up for sale. Cato thus offended the rest of his friends by showing that he did not trust them, and Munatius, the most intimate of all, he put into a state of resentment that was well nigh past cure; so that when Cæsar was writing his book against Cato, this passage in the charges against him furnished matter for the most bitter invective.

XXXVII. Munatius, however, states that his anger against Cato arose not by reason of Cato's distrust of him, but his contemptuous behaviour, and a certain jealousy of his own in regard to Canidius; for Munatius also published a book about Cato, which Thrasea chiefly followed. He says that he arrived after the rest in Cyprus and found very poor accommodation prepared for him; and that on going to Cato's door he was repulsed, because Cato was engaged about some matters in the house with Canidius, and when he complained of this in reasonable terms, he got an answer which was not reasonable and to the effect: That excessive affection, as Theophrastus says, is in danger of often becoming the cause of hatred, "for," continued Cato, "you, by reason of your very great affection for me, are vexed when you suppose that you receive less respect than is your due. But I employ Canidius because I have made trial of him and trust him more than others, for he came at the first and has shown himself to be an honest man." This, says Munatius, Cato said to him, when they two were alone, but that Cato afterwards told it to Canidius; and accordingly when Munatius heard of it, as he says, he did not go to Cato's table nor to his counsels when he was invited; and when Cato threatened that he would take pledges[713] from him, which the Romans do in the case of those who refuse to obey a command, that without caring for Cato's threats he sailed away from Cyprus and for a long time continued to be angry with him. That afterwards Marcia, for she was still the wife of Cato, having spoken with Cato, both Cato and he happened to be invited to supper by Barcas;[714] and Cato, who came in after the guests were seated, asked where he should recline. Upon Barcas answering, "Where he pleased," Cato looking about him said he would take his place near Munatius; and going round he did take his place near him, but showed him no other sign of friendly feeling during the supper. However, upon Marcia preferring a second request, Cato wrote to him to say that he wished to see him on some matter, and that he went early in the morning to the house and was detained by Marcia till all the rest went way, when Cato came in and throwing both his arms round him saluted and received him with all signs of friendship. Now I have told this at some length, because I consider such things to contain a certain evidence for the exhibition and perception of character no less than public and great acts.

XXXVIII. Cato[715] got together nearly seven thousand talents of silver, and being afraid of the length of the voyage, he had many vessels made, each of which contained two talents and five hundred drachmæ, and he fastened to each vessel a long rope, to the end of which was attached a very large piece of cork, with the view, that if the ship were wrecked, the cork holding the vessels suspended in the deep sea might indicate the place. Now the money, with the exception of a small part, was safely conveyed; but though he had accounts of all his administration carefully drawn up in two books, he saved neither of them. One of them was in the care of his freedman Philargyros, who set sail from Kenchreæ,[716] but was wrecked, and lost the book and all the cargo with it: the other he had safely carried as far as Corcyra, where he pitched his tent in the Agora; but the sailors on account of the cold having lighted many fires, the tents were burnt in the night, and the book was destroyed. The king's managers who were present were ready to stop the mouths of the enemies and detractors of Cato; but the matter gave him annoyance for other reasons. For it was not to prove his own integrity, but to set an example of exact dealing to others that he was ambitious to produce his accounts, and this was the cause of his vexation.

XXXIX. Cato's arrival with the ships did not pass unobserved by the Romans, for all the magistrates and priests, and all the Senate and a great part of the people met him at the river, so that both the banks were covered, and Cato's voyage upwards was not inferior to a triumph in show and splendour. Yet it seemed to some to be a perverse and stubborn thing, that though the consuls and prætors were present, Cato neither landed to meet them nor stopped his course, but sweeping along the shore in a royal galley of six banks, he never stopped till he had moored his ships in the dockyard. However, when the money was carried along through the Forum, the people were amazed[717] at the quantity, and the Senate assembling voted together with suitable thanks that an extraordinary prætorship[718] should be given to Cato, and that he should wear a dress with a purple border when he was present at the public spectacles. Cato protested against both these distinctions, but he recommended the Senate to emancipate Nikias, the king's steward, to whose care and integrity he bore testimony. At that time Philippus, the father of Marcia, was consul, and in a manner the dignity and power of the office were transferred to Cato, for the colleague of Philippus[719] paid no less respect to Cato on account of his merit than on account of his relationship to Philippus.

XL. When Cicero[720] had returned from the exile into which he was driven by Clodius, and was now a powerful man, he forcibly pulled down and destroyed in the absence of Clodius, the tribunitian tablets which Clodius had recorded and placed in the Capitol; and the Senate having been assembled about this business, and Clodius making it a matter of accusation, Cicero said that inasmuch as Clodius had been made tribune in an illegal manner, all that had been done during his tribunate and recorded ought to be ineffectual and invalid. But Cato took exception to what Cicero said, and at length he rose and declared, that he was of opinion that there was nothing sound or good in any degree in the administration of Clodius, but that if any man was for rescinding all that Clodius had done in his tribunate, all his own measures relating to Cyprus were thereby rescinded, and his mission had not been legal, having been proposed by a man who was not legally tribune: he maintained that Clodius had not been illegally elected tribune by virtue of being adopted out of the patrician body into a plebeian family, for the law allowed this; but if he had been a bad magistrate, like others, it was fitting to call to account the man who had done wrong, and not to annul the office which had been wronged also. In consequence of this, Cicero was angry with Cato, and for a long time ceased all friendly intercourse with him: however, they were afterwards reconciled.

XLI. After this Pompeius and Crassus[721] had a meeting with Cæsar, who had come across the Alps, in which they agreed that they should seek a second consulship; and when they were established in it, they should cause another period in Cæsar's government as long as the first to be given him by the vote of the people, and to themselves the chief of the provinces and money and military forces: the which was a conspiracy for the division of the supreme power and the destruction of the constitution. Now though many honest men were at this time preparing to be candidates for the consulship, they were deterred by seeing Pompeius and Crassus canvassing; but Lucius Domitius alone, the husband of Porcia, the sister of Cato, was induced by Cato not to give way or to yield, as the contest was not for office but for the liberty of Rome. And indeed it was currently said among that part of the citizens who were still of sober thoughts, that they ought not to allow the consular office to become completely overbearing and oppressive by permitting the power of Crassus and Pompeius to be combined, but that they should deprive one of them of the office. And they ranged themselves on the side of Domitius, urging and encouraging him to keep to his purpose; for many, they argued, even of those who said nothing by reason of fear, would help him with their votes. The party of Pompeius and Crassus fearing this, laid an ambuscade for Domitius as he was going down to the Campus Martius early in the morning, by torch-light. First of all the man who was lighting Domitius and standing close by him was struck and fell down dead; and after him others also being wounded, there was a general flight of all except Cato and Domitius; for Cato held Domitius though he himself was wounded in the arm, and urged him to stay and so long as there was breath in them, not to give up the struggle for liberty against the tyrants who showed how they would use their power, by making their way to it through such acts of wrong.

XLII. Domitius, however, did not face the danger, but fled to his house, upon which Pompeius and Crassus,[722] were elected. Yet Cato did not give up the contest, but came forward as a candidate for a prætorship, because he wished to have a strong position in his struggles with them and not to be himself a private man while he was opposing those who were in office. Pompeius and Crassus being afraid of this, and considering that the prætorship by reason of Cato would become a match for the consulship, in the first place on a sudden and without the knowledge of many of the body, summoned the Senate, and got a vote passed that those who were elected prætors should enter on office forthwith and should not let the time fixed by law intervene, during which time prosecutions were allowed of those who had bribed the people. In the next place, now that they had by the vote of the Senate made bribery free from all responsibility, they brought forward their own tools and friends as candidates for the prætorship, themselves giving the bribe-money, and themselves standing by while the voting was going on. But when the merit and good name of Cato were getting the superiority even over all this, the many for very shame considering it a great crime by their votes to sell Cato, whom it were even honourable to purchase for the state as prætor, and the tribe which was first called voted for him, Pompeius all at once, falsely saying he had heard thunder, dissolved the assembly, for it was the custom of the Romans to view such tokens as inauspicious, and not to ratify anything when there had been signs from heaven. Thereafter, by employing excessive bribery and driving all the honest folks from the Campus they brought about by violence that Vatinius should be elected prætor instead of Cato. Upon this it is said that those who had given their votes thus illegally and dishonestly, forthwith skulked away; and a certain tribune forming on the spot a meeting of those who were assembling together and expressing their dissatisfaction, Cato came before them, and as if inspired by the gods, foretold everything that would happen to the state, and urged the citizens to oppose Pompeius and Crassus as being privy to such measures and engaging in a course of policy, on account of which they feared Cato lest, if he were prætor, he should get the advantage over them. And finally as he went home, he was attended by such a crowd as not even all the prætors together, who were elected, had to accompany them.

XLIII. When Caius Trebonius[723] drew up a law for the division of the provinces between the consuls, to the effect that one of them should have the government of Iberia and Libya, and the other Syria and Egypt, to attack and carry on war against whom they pleased with naval and military forces, the rest despairing of all opposition and hindrance even desisted from speaking against the measure, and when Cato got up on the Rostra before the question was put to the vote, and expressed a wish to speak, he with difficulty obtained leave to speak for two hours.[724] After Cato had occupied this time with much speaking, and alleging of arguments and prophetic warnings, they would not let him speak longer, but an officer went up and pulled him down while he was still keeping his place on the Rostra. But inasmuch as he continued to cry out from the place where he was standing below, and had persons to listen to him and join in his dissatisfaction, the officer again laid hold of him and taking him away, put him out of the Forum. But scarcely was he let loose when he returned and made his way to the Rostra with loud shouts, urging the citizens to aid him. This being repeated several times, Trebonius in a passion ordered him to be led to prison, and the crowd followed listening to him talking as he went along, so that Trebonius was afraid and let him go. In this manner Cato took up all that day: but on the following days by terrifying some of the citizens and gaining over others by favours and by bribes, and with armed men preventing Aquilius[725] one of the tribunes from coming out of the senate house, and by ejecting from the Forum Cato himself, who called out that there had been thunder, and by wounding no small number, and even killing some, they forcibly carried the law, in consequence of which many persons in passion crowded together and pelted the statues of Pompeius. Cato, however, who came up to them stopped this; and further, when a law was proposed respecting the provinces and armies of Cæsar, Cato no longer addressed himself to the people, but turning to Pompeius himself he adjured and forewarned him, that he did not see that he was now taking up Cæsar on his shoulders, but that when he began to feel the weight of his burden and to be mastered by it, having neither power to rid himself of it nor strength to bear it, he would fall with it upon the state, and then he would remember Cato's advice and see that it concerned no less the interests of Pompeius than honour and justice. Though Pompeius heard this often, he cared not for it and let it pass, not believing there would be any change in Cæsar, because he trusted in his own good fortune and power.

XLIV. For the following year Cato was chosen prætor,[726] but he was considered not to add so much dignity and honour to the office by his good administration, as to detract from it and bring it into disrepute by often going to the Rostra without his shoes and his tunic, and in this attire presiding at trials of men of rank in matters of life and death. Some also say that even after dinner, when he had drunk wine, he would transact business; but this at least is untruly said. The people being now corrupted by the bribery of those who were ambitious of office, and the majority being accustomed to receive money for their votes as if in the way of a regular trade, Cato wishing to eradicate completely this disease in the state, persuaded the Senate to make a decree, that if those who were elected magistrates should have none ready to accuse them, they should themselves be compelled to come forward before a sworn court and give an account of their election. The candidates for magistracies were vexed at this, and still more vexed were the mass who received the bribe-money. Accordingly in the morning when Cato had gone to the tribunal, the people in a body pressing upon him, cried out, abused him, and pelted him so that every person fled from the tribunal, and Cato himself being shoved from his place by the crowd and carried along with it, with difficulty laid hold of the Rostra. Thereupon getting up, by the boldness and firmness of his demeanour, Cato forthwith mastered the tumult, and stopped the shouting, and after saying what was suitable to the occasion and being listened to with perfect quiet, he put an end to the disturbance. When the Senate were bestowing praise upon him, he said, "But I cannot praise you, who left a prætor in danger and did not come to his help." But of the candidates for magistracies every man felt himself in a difficult position, being afraid to give bribes himself, and being afraid that he should lose the office if another did it. Accordingly it was agreed among them that they should come together to one place, and each lay down one hundred and twenty-five thousand drachmæ of silver, and all should then seek the office in a right and just way, and that he who broke the terms and employed bribery, should lose his money. Having agreed to these terms they chose Cato as depositary and umpire and witness, and bringing the money, they offered to place it with him; and they had the terms of the agreement drawn up before him, but Cato took sureties instead of the money, and would not receive the money itself. When the day for the election came, Cato taking his place by the presiding tribune and watching the vote, discovered that one of those who had entered into the engagement, was playing foul, and he ordered him to pay the money to the rest. But they, commending his uprightness and admiring it, waived the penalty, considering that they had sufficient satisfaction from the wrong-doer; but Cato offended all the rest and got very great odium from this, it being as if he assumed to himself the power of the Senate and of the courts of justice and of the magistrates. For the opinion and the credit of no one virtue makes people more envious than that of justice,[727] because both æpower and credit among the many follow it chiefly. For people do not merely honour the just, as they do the brave, nor do they admire them, as they do the wise, but they even love the just, and have confidence in them and give them credit. But as to the brave and wise, they fear the one, and give no credit to the other; and besides this, they think that the brave and the wise excel by nature rather than by their own will; and with respect to courage and wisdom, they consider the one to be a certain sharpness, and the other a firmness of soul; but inasmuch as any man who chooses, has it in his power to be just, they have most abhorrence of injustice as badness that is without excuse.

XLV. Wherefore all the great were enemies of Cato, as being reproved by his conduct: and as Pompeius viewed Cato's reputation even as a nullification of his own power, he was continually setting persons on to abuse him, among whom Clodius also was one, the demagogue, who had again insensibly attached himself to Pompeius, and was crying out against Cato on the ground that he had appropriated to his own purposes much money in Cyprus, and was hostile to Pompeius because Pompeius had rejected a marriage with Cato's daughter. Cato replied that he had brought to the city from Cyprus, without the aid of a single horse or soldier, more money than Pompeius had brought back from so many wars and triumphs after disturbing the habitable world, and that he never chose Pompeius to make a marriage alliance with, not because he considered Pompeius unworthy, but because he saw the difference between his polity and that of Pompeius. "For my part," continued Cato, "I declined a province when it was offered to me after my prætorship, but Pompeius has got some provinces, and he also offers some to others; and now, last of all, he has lent to Cæsar a force of six thousand legionary soldiers for Gaul, which neither did Cæsar ask of you, nor did Pompeius give with your assent; but forces to such an amount and arms and horses are gifts from private persons and things of mutual exchange. And being called Imperator and governor he has given up to others the armies and the provinces, and he himself sits down close to the city raising commotions at the elections and contriving disturbances, from which it is manifest that he is intriguing to get by means of anarchy a monarchy for himself."

XLVI. In this fashion Cato defended himself against Pompeius. But Marcus Favonius, an intimate friend and admirer of Cato, just as Apollodorus[728] of Phalerum is said to have been of Socrates of old, being a passionate man and one who was violently moved by his principles, did not with any temper or moderation, but intemperately attack Pompeius, like a man under the influence of drink and somewhat mad. Favonius was a candidate for the ædileship and was losing his election, when Cato, who was present, observed that the voting tablets were written in one hand, and so proved the knavery, and by appealing to the tribunes stopped the return. Afterwards when Favonius was made ædile, Cato both administered the other duties of the ædileship, and superintended the exhibitions in the theatre, giving to the actors not crowns of gold, but as is the fashion of Olympia, crowns of wild olive, and instead of costly presents, giving to the Greeks, turnips and lettuces and radishes and parsley;[729] and to the Romans, earthen jars of wine, and hogs' flesh, and figs and gourds, and bundles of wood, at the thrift of which gifts some laughed, but others treated the matter in a respectful way, seeing the austere and serious countenance of Cato imperceptibly assuming a pleasant expression. Finally, Favonius, mingling with, the crowd and sitting among the spectators, applauded Cato, and called out to him to give to those who were distinguishing themselves, and to honour them, and he urged the spectators to the same effect, inasmuch as he had surrendered all his authority to Cato. Now in the other theatre, Curio, the colleague of Favonius, was conducting the celebration in splendid style, but still the people left him to go to the other place, and they readily joined in the amusement of Favonius playing a private part and Cato the part of the superintendent of the exhibitions. And Cato did this to disparage the thing and to show that when a man is in sport he should use sportive ways, and accompany it with unpretending kindness rather than with much preparation and great cost, bestowing great care and trouble on things of no value.

XLVII. Now when Scipio and Hypsæus and Milo[730] were candidates for the consulship, and were employing not merely those wrongful ways that were now familiar and had become usual in matters political, the giving of gifts and bribery, but were plainly pushing on through arms and slaughter to civil war, in their daring and madness, and some persons were urging Pompeius to preside over the comitia, Cato at first opposed this and said, that the laws should not owe their maintenance to Pompeius, but that Pompeius should owe his security to the laws. However, when there had been an anarchy for some time, and three armies were occupying the Forum daily, and the mischief had well nigh become past checking, he determined in favour of putting affairs in the hands of Pompeius before the extreme necessity arrived, by the voluntary favour of the Senate, and by employing the most moderate of unconstitutional means as a healing measure for the settlement of what was most important, to bring on the monarchy rather than to let the civil dissensions result in a monarchy. Accordingly Bibulus, who was a friend of Cato, proposed that they ought to elect Pompeius sole consul, for that either matters would be put into a good condition by his settlement of them, or that the state would be enslaved by the best man in it. Cato rose and spoke in favour of the proposal, which nobody could have expected, and recommended any government as better than no government; and he added, that he expected that Pompeius would manage present affairs best, and would protect the state with which he was intrusted.

XLVIII. Pompeius[731] being thus declared consul prayed Cato to come to him to the suburbs: and on his arrival Pompeius received him in a friendly manner with salutations and pressing of hands, and after acknowledging his obligations he entreated Cato to be his adviser and his assessor in the consulship. But Cato replied, that neither had he said what he first said out of evil disposition towards Pompeius, nor had he said what he last said in order to win his favour, but everything for the interest of the state; accordingly he observed that he would give Pompeius his advice when he was privately invited, but that in public, even if he should not be invited, he would certainly say what he thought. And he did as he said. In the first place, when Pompeius was proposing laws with new penalties and severe proceedings against those who had already bribed the people, Cato advised him not to care about the past, but to attend to the future, for he said, it was not easy to determine at what point the inquiry into past offences should stop, and if penalties be imposed after the offences, those would be hardly dealt with who were punished by a law which they were not breaking at the time of their wrong-doing. In the next place, when many men of rank were under trial, some of whom were friends and relations of Pompeius, Cato observing that Pompeius was giving way to the greater part of them and yielding, rebuked him firmly and roused him up. Though Pompeius himself had caused a law to be passed which did not allow the panegyrics which used to be pronounced on those who were under trial, he wrote a panegyric on Munatius Plancus[732] on the occasion of his trial and handed it in, but Cato by stopping his ears with his hands, for he happened to be one of the judices, prevented the testimonial from being read. Plancus challenged Cato as one of the judices after the speeches, but nevertheless he was convicted. And altogether Cato was a kind of thing difficult and unmanageable for persons accused, as they were neither willing to have him to be a judex, nor could they venture to challenge him. For not a few were convicted because, by being unwilling to have Cato for one of their judices, they were considered to show that they had no confidence in the justice of their cause; and their revilers even charged it upon some as matter of great reproach that they would not have Cato as one of their judices when he was proposed.

XLIX. Now when Cæsar, though he kept close to his armies in Gaul and stuck to arms, was still employing gifts and money and friends to secure his power in the city, Cato's admonitions roused Pompeius from his former long continued state of incredulity, and he began to be afraid of the danger; but as he was somewhat hesitating and spiritlessly procrastinating all attempts at prevention, Cato resolved to be a candidate for the consulship with the view of either forthwith wresting Cæsar's arms from him or demonstrating his designs. But the rival candidates were both popular men: and Sulpicius[733] had already derived much advantage from Cato's reputation in the state and his influence. He therefore seemed to be doing what was neither just nor grateful, but yet Cato found no fault with him. "What is it strange," said he, "if a man does not give up to another the thing which he thinks to be the greatest of goods?" But Cato by persuading the Senate to pass a Consultum that those who were candidates for the office should canvass the people themselves, and should not solicit through any other person, not even by such person going about to see the citizens on their behalf, still more irritated the citizens, in that by depriving them not only of the opportunity of receiving money, but even of conferring a favour, he rendered the people at once poor and dishonoured. In addition to this, as Cato had neither any persuasive manners in canvassing for himself, but wished to maintain the dignity of his life in his character rather than to add to it that of the consulship by shaking hands with the electors, and as he would not allow his friends to do the things by which the mass are taken and gained over, he lost the office.

LI. When Cæsar had attacked warlike nations and had conquered them with great hazard, and when it was the opinion that he had fallen upon the Germans even after a truce had been made, and had destroyed three hundred thousand[734] of them, the rest indeed were promising to the people to offer sacrifices for the victory, but Cato urged that they should give up Cæsar to those who had been wronged, and should not turn the guilt upon themselves nor allow it to fall on the state. "However," said he, "let us still sacrifice to the gods, that they do not turn their vengeance for the madness and desperation of the commander upon the soldiers, and that they spare the city." Upon this Cæsar wrote and sent a letter to the Senate; and when the letter had been read, which contained much abuse of Cato and many charges against him, Cato got up, and not under the influence of passion or personal animosity, but as if it were on good consideration and due preparation, showed that the charges against him were in the nature of abuse and insult, and were pure trifling and mockery on Cæsar's part. Then taking hold of all Cæsar's measures from the first, and unveiling all his plans, not as if he were an enemy, but a fellow conspirator and participator, he proved to them that they had no reason to fear the sons of the Britons nor yet the Celts, but Cæsar himself, if they were prudent; and he so worked on and excited them that the friends of Cæsar repented of having read the letter in the Senate, and so given Cato an opportunity of making a fair statement and true charges. Nothing, however, was done, but it was merely said that it would be well for a successor to Cæsar to be appointed. But when Cæsar's friends required that Pompeius also should lay down his arms and give up his provinces, or that Cæsar should not, Cato cried out, that now what he foretold them had come to pass, and that the man was having recourse to force and was openly employing the power which he had got by deceiving and gulling the state; yet Cato could do nothing out of doors, because the people all along wished Cæsar to have the chief power, and he found the Senate ready to assent to his measures, but afraid of the people.

LII. But when Ariminum[735] was captured, and news came that Cæsar with his army was advancing against the city, then indeed all men turned their eyes on Cato, both the people and Pompeius, as the only man who from the first had foreseen and who had first clearly shown the designs of Cæsar. Accordingly Cato said, "Men, if any among you had listened to what I had all along been foretelling and advising, you would neither have to fear a single man now, nor would you have to rest all your hopes on a single man." Upon Pompeius saying that Cato had indeed spoken more like a prophet, but that he had acted more like a friend, Cato advised the Senate to place affairs in the hands of Pompeius alone, for it was the business of those who caused great evils to put an end to them. Now as Pompeius had not a force in readiness, and he saw that the troops which he was then levying had no zeal, he left Rome. Cato having determined to follow Pompeius in his flight, sent his younger son into the country of the Bruttii[736] to Munatius for safe keeping, but the elder he took with him. And as his household and daughters required some one to look after them, he took again Marcia, who was now a widow with a large estate, for Hortensius at his death had made her his heir. It was with reference to this that Cæsar[737] vented most abuse on Cato, and charged him with covetousness and making a traffic of his marriage; for why should he give up his wife, said Cæsar, if he still wanted one, or why should he take her back, if he did not want one? if it was not that from the first[738] the woman was put as a bait in the way of Hortensius, and Cato gave her up when she was young that he might have her back when she was rich. Now, in reply to these charges, this from Euripides suffices:—