Sir,—It is satisfactory that so high an authority as Mr. Arthur Cohen distinctly accedes to the view that the Declaration of London ought not to be ratified as it stands. I should, however, be sorry were his suggestion accepted that the Declaration and the argumentative report which accompanies it might be ratified together. The result would be obscurum per obscurius, a remedy worse than the disease.
I shall ask leave to add that, if Mr. Cohen will take the trouble to look again at my letters of February 10 and 25, he will cease to suppose it possible that in writing "the pleadings are, I think, exhausted, &c.," I meant to convey that no further discussion of the merits or demerits of the Declaration was required. On the contrary I expressly limited myself to a consideration of the preliminary question, whether interpretative authority would rightly be attributed to the report in question, stating that, while opposed to the ratification alike of the Prize Court Convention and of the Declaration, I did not, for the present, wish to enter upon the demerits of either instrument; and ended my first letter by suggesting the reference to a Royal Commission of[204] "the vitally important questions of theory and practice raised by the Convention and the Declaration," as needing "calmer and better instructed discussion than they have yet received."
Sir,—After Tuesday's debate in the House of Lords it may be hoped that not even "the man in the street" will suppose the Declaration of London to be anything more than an objectionable draft, by which no country has consented to be bound. Every day of the war makes more apparent our debt to the House of Lords for having, four years ago, prevented the British Government from ratifying either the International Prize Court Convention or this Declaration, which, while misleadingly professing that its provisions "correspond in substance with the generally recognised principles of international law," contains, interspersed with truisms familiar to all concerned with such matters, a good many undesirable novelties.
This being so, it was surely unfortunate that our Government, with a view apparently to saving time and trouble, decided, in the early days of the war, to adopt the Declaration en bloc as a statement of prize law "during the present hostilities," subject, however, to "certain additions and modifications"; to which it, of course, retained the power of making additions. This power has been so freely exercised, and large portions of the Declaration, not thereby affected, have proved to be so inapplicable to modern conditions, as disclosed by the war, that the document, so far from providing reliable guidance, is now a mere source of hopeless confusion.
To put an end to this confusion, I venture to suggest that, in concert with our Allies, the Declaration should be [205]finally consigned to oblivion. Either let its place be taken by some clear and simple statement of unquestioned prize law, for the use of commanders and officials (something like a confidential document in the drafting of which I had a hand some years ago, but, of course, brought up to date), or let established principles take care of themselves, certain doubtful points only being dealt with, from time to time, by Orders in Council.
While heartily concurring in Lord Portsmouth's description of the unratified "Declaration" as "rubbish," I regret that he seems to relegate to the same category even those generally ratified "Hague Conventions" which, as far as they go, mark a real advance upon previously accepted rules. Still less acceptable is his advice to "sweep away juridical niceties" in the conduct of hostilities. Did he intend thus to describe the whole fabric of the rules by which international law has endeavoured, with considerable success, to restrain barbarity in warfare?
I must mention that this letter was written before seeing this morning the letter of Mr. Gibson Bowles, my worthy ally in attacks upon the Declaration.
Sir,—You have allowed me, in a good many letters, to criticise the Declaration of London, both in its original inception and in its subsequent applications. Thanks to the House of Lords, the Declaration, which erroneously professed to "correspond in substance with the generally recognised principles of International Law," has remained unratified, and therefore diplomatically of no effect.
Its admirers have, however, too long preserved it, perhaps sub spe rati, in a state of suspended animation, [206]using it by way of, as they supposed, a convenient handbook of maritime law for the purposes of the present war, though subject to such variations as might from time to time be found convenient by the Allies. The mistake thus made soon became apparent. The elaborate classification of contraband had to be at once thrown overboard, and most of the remaining provisions of the Declaration proved to be inapplicable to modern warfare.
In December last I accordingly wrote as follows:—
"To put an end to this confusion, I venture to suggest that, in concert with our Allies, the Declaration should be finally consigned to oblivion. Either let its place be taken by some clear and simple statement of unquestioned prize law, for the use of commanders and Officials, ... or established principles take care of themselves, certain doubtful points only being dealt with from time to time by Orders in Council."
I need hardly say that to anyone holding the views thus expressed, yesterday's Order in Council must be most satisfactory; getting rid, as it does for good and all, of the unfortunate Declaration, leaving the application of established principles to those acquainted with them and promulgating authoritative guidance on specific novel questions.
I may perhaps add a word or two on the undesirability of describing as "Declarations" documents which, being equipped with provisions for ratification, although they may profess to set out old law, differ in no respect from other conventions. Also, as to the need for greater caution on the part of our representatives than has been shown by their acceptance of various craftily suggested anti-British suggestions, such as were several embodied in the Declaration in question, and notably that of the notorious cl. 23 (h) of The Hague Convention iv., the interpretation of which has exercised the ingenuity of the Foreign Office and, more recently, of the Court of Appeal.
On July 7, 1916, an Order in Council was made, revoking all Orders by which the provisions of the Declaration had been adopted, or modified, for the duration of the war; stating the intention of the Allies to exercise their belligerent rights at sea in strict accordance with the law of nations; but dealing specifically with certain doubtful points. The Order was accompanied by a memorandum, drawn up by the British and French Governments, explaining how their expectation that in the Declaration they would find "a suitable digest of principles and compendium of working rules" had not been realised. See also Lord Robert Cecil in the House of Commons on August 23, with reference to the Zamora case, [1916] 2 Ch. c. 77.
On misuses of the term "Declaration" cf. supra, pp. 90, 91, 92.
Sir,—The new German Note handed on Thursday last to the representatives of the neutral Powers supports its allegation that the four Allied Powers "have trampled upon right and torn up the treaties on which it was based" by the following statement:—
"Already in the first weeks of the war England had renounced the Declaration of London, the contents of which her own delegates had recognised as binding in international law."
It is surely notorious that the delegates of a Power, by agreeing to the draft of a treaty, give to it no international validity, which results only when the treaty has been ratified by their Government. The Declaration of London has, most fortunately, never been ratified by the Government of Great Britain.