Footnote 44: (return)Ingibiorg or Elin possibly married Gilchrist, Earl of Angus, as his second wife. But as to this the Sagas are silent.
Footnote 1: (return)O.S., 114. There is a Mac William Earl of Caithness on record in 1129. Seats Peerage (Paul).
Footnote 8: (return)Quoted by Nisbet, Heraldry, App. p. 183, and Dalrymple's Collections, 1705, pp. 66-7 "quas terras pater suus Friskin tenuit tempore regis David." Felix, Bishop of Moray, who is a witness to it, was appointed in 1162 and died not later than 1171. As to David's visit to Duffus, see Chron. Mailros, 74.
Footnote 9: (return)Shaw's Moray, Edit. 1775, p. 75, "several sons." Reg. Morav. p. 10, and Nos. 12, 13, 19. See Records of the Monastery of Kinloss, p. 112 and Reg. Morav., p. 456 "W. filius Frisekin. Hugo filius ejus." Lohworuora—see Lawrie, Early Scottish Charters, pp. 185-6 and 429-30.
Footnote 10: (return)See Lawrie Annals, p. 389 and Chron. Mailros, p, 113. See Records of Kinloss, p. 113, "Andreas filius Willelmi Fresekin."
Footnote 11: (return)Reg. Morav., No. 1 charter of Skelbo to Gilbert. Hugo grants it "Testibus Willielmo fratre meo, Andrea fratre meo." See also Reg. Morav., p. 43, No. 40, rector of St. Peter's, Duffus, and No. 119, p. 131.
Footnote 12: (return)Shaw's Moray, edit. 1775, p. 75, and note ante, and p. 407, No. xxviii, "Willelmi filii Willelmi filii Freskini."
Footnote 16: (return)Sutherland Book, vol. iii, p. 1. It may have been hoped that Gilbert would succeed the maimed Bishop John, Reg. Morav. p. xxxiii, note.
Footnote 17: (return)Sutherland Book, vol. iii, p. 2. The tenure was thus by Scottish service of these lands, and so also of Sutherland itself. It was no grant for religious or charitable purposes.
Footnote 19: (return)Lawrie, Early Scot. Charters, pp. 185 and 430, note, which puts the date at 1147-1150. Children, however, did witness charters, and Hugo attests last.
Footnote 20: (return)O.P., ii, 486. Reg. Morav., xxxv, note q. Nos. 259, 215, 216; and O.P. ii, 482; and as to Freskin's succession, see No. 99 Reg. Morav., p. 113.
Footnote 22: (return)See Early Pedigree of the Freskyns at the end of this book. See Reg. Morav., p. 89 (No. 80) and p. 133 (No. 121).
Footnote 24: (return)Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. i, p. 470, quotes Will. Newburgh Chron., b. 1, c. xxiv. Malcolm was personated by Wemund the monk of Furness. See Note pp. 48-9 of Viking Society's Year Book, vol. iv, 1911-2.
Footnote 26: (return)Robertson, Early Kings, vol. i, pp. 360-1. As to the name Macheth and Macbeth, see Scottish Hist. Rev. 1920-1. We believe the names to be distinct, not identical, Mackay being the son of Aedh, in Gaelic MacAoidh.
Footnote 27: (return)Shaw's Moray, edit. 1775, p. 391, No. xiv. Innes says Berowald was no Fleming.
Footnote 31: (return)Charter of St. Gilbert's Cathedral. Sutherland Book, vol. iii, p. 3, No. 4. Robertson's Index, p. 16. Reg. Dunfermelyn, 7. See O.P. ii, p. 598. Dalrymple's Collections, p. 248.
Footnote 33: (return)O.P., 11, ii, pp. 598 and 735. Lib. Eccles. de Scon, p. 37, No. 58. Viking Club, Caithness and Sutherland Records, p. 2. (Chron. Mailros), Lawrie's Annals, p. 257. A penny per house for Peter's Pence was paid in his lifetime, Viking Club Records, p. 3, 4; O.P. says (p. 598) before 1181.
Footnote 34: (return)The Sutherland Book quotes this opinion, vol. 1, p. 9, and Lord Hailes had special knowledge, see Annals of Scotland (Hailes), vol. 1, p. 148, anno 1222.
Footnote 38: (return)If it were true, as his son Hakon had died in 1171, it would prove the death of Henry of Ross, Harold's eldest son by his first marriage, before 1196. The grandsons would be sons of Harold's daughter.
Footnote 41: (return)See Hoveden Chron., vol. iv, pp. 10-12, and Scottish Annals from English Chroniclers, pp. 316-8. (Alan O. Anderson.)
Footnote 43: (return)Dalharrold afterwards belonged to Johanna of Strathnaver. Reg. Morav., p. 139, No. 126. Pope, Torfaeus, trans., Note p. 169. This battle is also said to have been fought by William the Lion himself, not by Reginald Gudrodson.
Footnote 44: (return)Only three are named, but six are afterwards referred to. For Pope Innocent's letter see O. and S. Records, vol. 1, p. 25.
Footnote 45: (return)O.S., Dasent, Rolls edit., pp. 228-30. It is not clear that the bishop lived till 1213. See Two Ancient Records of the Bishopric, Bannatyne Club, pp. 6 and 7.
Footnote 47: (return)This is a very large number and hardly credible. It was not 6000. Can Eystein be the Island Stone, the Man of the Ord?
Footnote 51: (return)Lord Hailes' Addional Case of Elizabeth, claimant of the Earldom of Sutherland, p. 8, and see Robertson, Early Kings, vol. ii, p. 446; App. N. esp. p. 494.
Footnote 1: (return)See Peter Clauson Undal's Translation of the lost Inga Saga, O.S., Dasent's trans., Rolls ed., pp. 234-6, from which David and John appear as joint earls in Orkney and Shetland also, on payment of a large sum, only after King Sverri's death.
Footnote 4: (return)Fordun Gesta Annal., xxviii, Lawrie Annals, p. 397, "circa festum S. Petri ad vincula", i.e., Augt. 1. 1214. There is no evidence whatever that her name was Matilda.
Footnote 13: (return)See Scottish Annals from English Chroniclers, Alan O. Anderson, pp. 336-7, where the Chronicle of Melrose, 139, (1222) is quoted, Lib. Pluscard, vii, 9.
Footnote 18: (return)Snaekollr means Snowball. Being largely of Norse blood, he was probably a fair Viking.
Footnote 1: (return)One daughter married Olaf, who was killed at Floruvagr in battle in 1194, see O.S., Rolls edit., pp. 230-1 (trans.) Dasent.
Footnote 4: (return)Scots Peerage (Cokayne & Gibbs), sub Angus and Caithness. Dalrymple, Collections, p. 220.
Footnote 5: (return)Reg. Aberbrothoc, pp. 163 and 262, 1227, Jan. 16, "Magno filio comitis de Anegus."
Footnote 6: (return)Robertson, Early Kings, vol. ii, p. 23 (note), who quotes Reg. Dunfermelyn, No. 80, Reg. Morav. 110; Lib. Holyrood, 58, in support.
Footnote 11: (return)This was William de Federeth II, son of Christian, not her husband of the same name.
Footnote 15: (return)Not, we think, of Erlend, but of Paul. But South Caithness probably belonged to the Erlend share, i.e., Latheron and Wick parishes.
Footnote 19: (return)Can the Mallard or Mallart be Abhainn na mala airde, "the river of the high brow"? Another interpretation, Abhain na malairte, "river of the excambion" has been suggested.
Footnote 21: (return)Marriages, however, of persons of unsuitable ages were freely made in these old times.
Footnote 22: (return)Norse jarldoms were not given to females, but the jarldom of Orkney was, failing sons, given to the sons of daughters of preceding jarls, such as Ragnvald, son of Gunnhild, and Harald Ungi, son of Jarl Ragnvald's daughter.
Footnote 24: (return)O.P., ii, p. 482. Euphamia or Eufemia is a Ross family name for centuries. Reg. Morav., p. 333.
Footnote 27: (return)Reg. Morav., p. xxxvi. We do not lay stress upon this argument from the endowment of two chaplains; but it may import that Freskin died a violent death, unshriven.
Footnote 28: (return)We can, however, trace many parts of "Lord" Chen's lands. For they are called the lands of "Lord" Chen in the descriptions in later charters quoted in Origines Parochiales, vol. ii, pp. 745 Reay, 749 Thurso, 760 Halkirk, 764 Latheron, 774 Wick, 787-8 Olrig, 790 Dunnet, and 814 Canisbay. His lands in all these parishes were of considerable extent. They included probably the whole modern estate of Langwell and most of the parish of Latheron, and Wick up to Keiss Bay and beyond Ackergill and Riess. In Watten they comprised Lynegar, Dunn, Bilbster, and others: in Halkirk Parish, Sibster, Leurary, Gerston, Baillecaik, Scots Calder, North Calder, and Banniskirk; in Reay Parish, Lybster, Borrowstoun, Forss, and part of Skaill and Brawlbin: in Thurso, Clairdon, Murkle, Sordale, Amster, Ormelie and the Thurso fishings; in Dunnet Parish, Rattar, Haland, Hollandmaik, Corsbach, Ham, and Swiney; while in Canisbay Parish, Brabstermyre, Duncansby, and Sleiklie belonged to Lord Chen. But neither "Lord" Chen nor Johanna ever owned Brawl, the principal seat of the Earls of Caithness; and the Earls of the Angus line had the rest, mainly in Canisbay, Bower, and the northern part of Wick parishes. Johanna did not own any of the Chen lands in the Earldom of South Caithness, which Reginald Chen III acquired after 1340, i.e. the parishes of Latheron and Wick. She probably owned the old parish of Far and Halkirk but not Latheron, though this is erroneously implied in the text.
Footnote 1: (return)Reg. Morav., pp. 88, 89, 99, 101, 333. Knighted 1215, was earl in 1226, founded the Abbey of Fearn before 1230, died about 1251.
Footnote 4: (return)Genealogie of the Earles, p. 30, and Sutherland Book, vol. ii, p. 3 No. 4; O.P., ii, 647 note. This is not the Cross now standing. See Macfarlane, Geog. Collections, vol. ii, pp. 450 and 467, where it is called Ri-crois. The story that Dornoch took its name from the slaying of this Chief with the leg of a horse is quite unfounded, for the name Durnach appears in a charter about a hundred years earlier, and has nothing to do with a "horse's hoof." Its derivation and meaning are alike obscure. Chalmers, Caledonia, v, p. 192, gives to Dornock in Dumfriesshire the derivation "Dur-nochd" or the "bare" or "naked water." Its situation is like that of Dornoch, with a wide expanse of tidal sands.
Footnote 5: (return)Sutherland Book, vol. iii, p. 3, No. 4. See also Two Ancient Records of Caithness, Bannatyne Club. The bishop himself was a Canon.
Footnote 7: (return)Liber Eccles. de Scon, p. 45, No. 73. Viking Club, Sutherland and Caithness Records, No. 8, pp. 12 and 13.
Footnote 8: (return)O.P., ii, p. 603. As regards the marriage of Iye Mor Mackay to the daughter of Walter de Baltroddi (Bishop), see Book of Mackay, p. 37.
Footnote 13: (return)Hakon Saga, 318. As to the hostages and their expenses see Compot. Camer. 1-31. From additions to Hakon's Saga, Rolls edition, it appears that Caithness was also fined and an army sent there by the king of Scotland with a view to the conquest of Orkney.
Footnote 18: (return)There is a tradition that Hakon slaughtered cattle on Lechvuaies, a rock in Loch Erriboll.
Footnote 19: (return)Hakon Saga, 328-331. Goafiord—Eilean Hoan at the entrance to Loch Erriboll still retains the name.
Footnote 20: (return)See Tudor, Orkney and Shetland, p. 307. What happened to Earl Magnus III, who in July 1263 had been obliged to join his overlord, King Hakon, and sail with him from Bergen? The Orkneymen were far from Norway, but dangerously close to Scotland. Their jarl had large possessions in Caithness, which he feared to lose if he made war on the Scottish king. Magnus therefore "stayed behind" in Orkney, and never went to Largs, but probably went to the Scottish king. Caithness first suffered from levies of cattle and provisions at the hands of Hakon, and afterwards from fines levied and hostages taken by the Scottish King, who sent an army, no doubt under the Chens and Federeths and others, to threaten Orkney and hold Caithness and levy the fine. Dugald, king of the Sudreys, intercepted the fine, and disappeared. Orkney had a Norse garrison, and the Scottish army never went to Orkney, Magnus was reconciled to Alexander III, and after the Treaty of Perth, in 1267, was reconciled also to King Magnus of Norway, on terms that he should hold Orkney of him and his successors, but that Shetland should remain a direct appanage of the Norse Crown, as it had been ever since Harold Maddadson's punishment in 1195. (See Munch's History of Norway; and Torfaeus Orcades, p. 172; and King Magnus Saga, Rolls edition of Hakon's Saga, pp. 374-7).
Footnote 1: (return)Scandinavian Britain, p. 62. To Orkney and Shetland they came mainly from the fjords north of Bergen.
Footnote 2: (return)Oxford Essays, 1858, p. 165, Dasent, an admirable account of the Norsemen in Iceland.
Footnote 5: (return)See Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland (Henderson), passim; and Sutherland and the Reay Country, (Rev. Adam Gunn), chapter on "Language," p. 172.