Negro to rise
.


If we are to obtain the best results from colored labor, unions should admit it to their membership. It is not the universal practice to admit colored persons to unions. The result, of course, is that even if a colored man has the opportunity to learn a trade, knowing he will not be permitted to enjoy the benefits of a union, he does not have the highest incentive for learning it. The north is especially neglectful in not providing openings for the colored men in trades. In the south it is not unusual to see a colored brick-mason working alongside a white brick-mason. But in the north the best a colored man can hope for on a building job now is a position as a hod-carrier or mortar-mixer.


When the alien arrives in this country, he is given opportunity for virtually every kind of employment. But the colored man who is born in the United States, and, therefore,
should share in its opportunities
, is not given as fair a chance as the alien worker.


Naturally, we cannot hope that these conditions will be remedied in a day or a month nor can the colored man expect that the millennium will come to him through the action of white people alone. He can improve his chances of securing greater rights and opportunities in the United States, if he will make the most of the limited opportunities now afforded him. He who does the best he can with the tools he has at hand is bound in time to demand by his good work better tools for the performance of more important and profitable duties. The conviction is general that "He that is faithful in that which is least is faithful also in much."


The late Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, who was a good friend of the black man as well as the white, struck the right note in his introduction to the biography of Booker T. Washington when he said:
"If there is any lesson more essential than any other for this country to learn, it is the lesson that the enjoyment of rights should be made conditional upon the performance of duty."
There exist certain rights which every colored man and woman may enjoy regardless of laws and prejudice. For instance, nothing can prevent a colored person from practicing industry, honesty, saving and decency, if he or she desires to practice them.


The helpfulness of the colored race to the Government need not be confined to fighting in the army nor to service in the manifold domestic callings. It is the duty of the colored citizens, as it is their right, to have a part in the substantial development of the nation and to assist in financing its operations for war or peace. The colored people, as a rule, are industrious and thrifty and have come to appreciate their importance as a factor in the economic and financial world, as indicated by their prosperous business enterprises, their large holdings in real estate, their management of banks, and their scrupulous handling of the millions of deposits entrusted to their care. This capital, saved through sacrifice, has been placed in a most generous manner at the disposal of the Government throughout its period of need, and the list of corporations, fraternities and individuals who have aided in bringing success to American arms by the purchase of Liberty Bonds and War Savings Stamps and by contributions to other war relief agencies, is indeed a long one.


Opportunities of the colored people to make safe investment of their savings never were so great as they are today. The financial program the Government has entered upon and is continuing to carry out to meet the expense of the war gives a chance to save in sums as small as twenty-five cents and makes an investment upon which return of both principal and interest is absolutely guaranteed. Too often colored people have entrusted their savings to wholly irresponsible persons, lost them through the dishonesty of these persons, and in discouragement abandoned all attempts at saving. Today, however, there is no excuse for any man not saving a certain amount of his earnings no matter how small it may be. It is a poor person, indeed, who cannot invest twenty-five cents at stated intervals in a Thrift Stamp. Many are able also to buy small Liberty Bonds. It is a duty and a privilege for colored persons to help the Government finance the war, which was for both whites and blacks.


It is the particular duty of white persons, in cooperation with the most influential members of their own race, to explain these Government financial plans to the colored men and women that they may make safe investments, acquire a competence, and thus become better citizens.


It is my belief that the Negro soldier returning from France will be a better citizen than when he left. He will be benefited mentally and physically by his military training and experience. He will have a broader vision. He will appreciate American citizenship. He will know, I believe, that freedom, for which he risked his life and all, is not license. He will find his brothers at home who did not go overseas better for their war sacrifices. Both the soldier and the civilian have proved their devoted loyalty. Justice demands that they now be rewarded with an equal chance with the white man to climb as high in the industrial and professional world as their individual capacity warrants.
sweeney_106s
HOMECOMING HEROES OF 8TH ILLINOIS (370TH INFANTRY). FAMOUS NEGRO FIGHTERS MARCHING IN MICHIGAN BOULEVARD, CHICAGO.



CHAPTER XXXI.


THE OTHER FELLOW'S BURDEN.


An Emancipation Day Appeal for Justice.

By W. Allison Sweeney.

Publisher's Note: At our request, Mr. Sweeney consented to the reproduction of this poem, which with the accompanying letter from the late Dr. Booker T. Washington, and the comment by the Chicago Daily News, appeared in that newspaper just prior to New Years Day, 1914. We regard it as a powerful argument, affecting the Negro's past condition and his interests.
"President Lincoln signed the emancipation proclamation Sept. 22, 1862. It went into effect at the beginning of January, 1863. New Year's day has thus become 'Emancipation day' to the colored people of the United States and to all members of the white race who realize the great significance of Lincoln's act of striking off the shackles of an enslaved race. Services on that day combine honor to Lincoln with appeals to the people of Lincoln's nation to grant justice to the Negro. A remarkable appeal of this sort is embodied in the poem here presented.


"W. Allison Sweeney, author of "The Other Fellow's Burden" is well known among his people as writer, editor and lecturer. His poem, which sketches with powerful strokes the lamentable history of the colored race in America and tells of their worthy achievements in the face of discouragements, deserves a thoughtful reading by all persons. Of this poem and its author Dr. Booker T. Washington writes as follows:


"TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE, ALA., Dec. 24, 1913.—To the Editor of the Chicago Daily News: I have read with sincere interest and appreciation W. Allison Sweeney's poem, 'The Other Fellow's Burden.' All through Mr. Sweeney's poem there is an invitation put in rather a delicate and persuasive way, but nevertheless it is there, for the white man to put himself in the negro's place and then to lay his hand upon his heart and ask how he would like for the other fellow to treat him. If every man who reads this poem will try sincerely to answer this question I believe that Mr. Sweeney's poem will go a long way toward bringing about better and more helpful conditions.


"Mr. Sweeney is, of course, a member of the Negro race and writes from what might be called the inside. He knows of Negro aspirations, of Negro strivings and of Negro accomplishments. He has had an experience of many years as writer and lecturer for and to Negroes and he knows probably as well as anyone wherein the Negro feels that 'the shoe is made to pinch.' The poem, it seems to me, possesses intrinsic merit and I feel quite sure that Mr. Sweeney's appeal to the great American people, for fair play will not fall upon deaf ears. Booker T. Washington."
The "white man's burden" has been
  told the world,
But what of the other fellow's—
The "lion's whelp"?
Lest you forget,
May he not lisp his?
Not in arrogance,
Not in resentment,
But that truth
May stand foursquare?
This then,
Is the Other Fellow's Burden.
       *       *       *       *       *
Brought into existence
Through the enforced connivance
Of a helpless motherhood
Misused through generations—
America's darkest sin!—
There courses through his veins
In calm insistence—incriminating irony
Of the secrecy of blighting lust!
The best and the vilest blood
Of the South's variegated strain;
Her statesmen and her loafers,
Her chivalry and her ruffians.
Thus bred,
His impulses twisted
At the starting point
By brutality and sensuous savagery,
Should he be crucified?
Is it a cause for wonder
If beneath his skin of many hues—
Black, brown, yellow, white—
Flows the sullen flood
Of resentment for prenatal wrong
And forced humility?
Should it be a wonder
That the muddy life current
Eddying through his arteries,
Crossed with the good and the bad,
Poisoned with conflicting emotions,
Proclaims at times,
Through no fault of his,
That for a surety the sins of fathers
Become the heritage of sons
Even to the fourth generation?
Or that murdered chastity,
That ravished motherhood—
So pitiful, so helpless,
Before the white hot,
Lust-fever of the "master"—
Has borne its sure fruit?
You mutter, "There should be no wonder."
Well, somehow, Sir Caucasian,
Perhaps southern gentleman,
I, marked a "whelp," am moved
To prize that muttered admission.
       *       *       *       *       *
But listen, please:
The wonder is—the greater one—
That from Lexington to San Juan hill
Disloyalty never smirched
His garments, nor civic wrangle
Nor revolutionary ebullition
Marked him its follower.
A "striker"? Yes!
But he struck the insurgent
And raised the flag.
An ingrate?
Treacherous?
A violator?
When—oh, spectacle that moved the world!
For five bloody years
Of fratricidal strife—
Red days when brothers warred—
He fed the babe,
Shielded the mother.
Guarded the doorsill
Of a million southern homes?
Penniless when freedom came? Most true;
But his accumulations of fifty years
Could finance a group of principalities.
Homeless? Yes; but the cabin and the hut
Of Lincoln's day—uncover at that name!—
Are memories; the mansion of today,
Dowered with culture and refinement,
Sweetened by clean lives,
Is a fact.
Unlettered? Yes;
But the alumni of his schools,
Triumphant over the handicap
Of "previous condition,"
Are to be found the world over
In every assemblage inspired
By the democracy of letters.
In the casting up what appears?
The progeny of lust and helplessness,
He inherited a mottled soul—
"Damned spots" that biased the looker on.
Clothed a freeman,
Turned loose in the land
Creditless, without experience,
He often stumbled, the way being strange,
Sometimes fell.
Mocked, sneered at from every angle,
spurned, hindered in every section,
North, south, east, west,
Refused the most primitive rights,
His slightest mistakes
Made mountains of,
Hunted, burned, hanged,
The death rattle in his throat
Drowned by shouts and laughter
And—think of it!—
The glee of little children.
Still he pressed on, wrought,
Sowed, reaped, builded.
His smile ever ready,
His perplexed soul lighted
With the radiance
Of an unquenchable optimism,
God's presence visualized,
He has risen, step by step.
To the majesty of the home builder,
Useful citizen,
Student, teacher,
Unwavering patriot.
This of the Other Fellow.
What of you, his judges and his patrons?
If it has been your wont
In your treatment of him
Not to reflect,
Or to stand by in idle unconcern
While, panting on his belly,
Ambushed by booted ruffianism,
He lapped in sublime resignation
The bitter waters
Of unreasoning intolerance,
Has not the hour of his deliverance,
Of your escape from your "other selves"
Struck?
If you have erred,
Will you refuse to know it?
Has not the time arrived
To discriminate between
Those who lower
Those who raise him?
You are shamed by your abortions,
Your moral half growths
Who flee God's eye
And stain his green earth,
But you are not judged by yours;
Should he be judged by his?
In his special case—if so, why?
Is manhood a myth,
Womanhood a toy,
Integrity unbelievable,
Honor a chimera?
Should not his boys and girls,
Mastering the curriculum of the schools,
Pricked on to attainment by the lure
Of honorable achievement,
Be given bread and not a stone
When seeking employment
In the labor mart,
At the factory gate
Or the office door?
Broadened by the spirit of the golden rule,
Will you not grant these children of Hagar
An even break?
Is the day not here, O judges,
When the Other Fellow
May be measured in fairness,
Just fairness?
       *       *       *       *       *
It is written men may rise
"On their dead selves to higher things;"
But can it be that this clear note of cheer
To sodden men and smitten races
Was meant for all save him?
Chants an immortal:
"He prayeth best who loveth best
All things both great and small;
For the dear God who loveth us,
He made and loveth all."

CHAPTER XXXII.


AN INTERPOLATION.


HELD BY DISTINGUISHED THINKERS AND WRITERS, THAT THE NEGRO SOLDIER SHOULD BE GIVEN A CHANCE FOR PROMOTION AS WELL AS A CHANCE TO DIE—WHY WHITE OFFICERS OVER NEGRO SOLDIERS?


Ever since the conclusion of the conflict of '61-'65, in which Negro troops numbered by thousands, took an active part upon behalf of the Union, there has been a growing and insistent wonder in the minds of many, why, given a chance to die in the military service of the nation, they should not also at the same time be given a chance for promotion.


Subsequent affairs engaged in by the government requiring the intervention of its military arm, the Spanish-American war, the Philippines investiture incident thereto, the Mexican disagreement, the whole crowned by the stupendous World War; its frightful devastation and din yet fresh to our sight, still filling our ears, as it will for years; in all of which they have contributed their share of loyalty and blood—of LIVES!—have but added to, strengthened the wonder mentioned.


Up to the beginning of the European muddle it was discussed if at all, not so much as a condition demanding uncensored condemnation, as one to continue to be patient with, trusting to time and an awakened sense of fair play upon the part of the nation at large to note the custom complained of, and banish the irritation by abolishing the cause.


However, there has not been lacking those who have spoken out, who have raised their voices in protest against what they deemed an injustice to the loyal "fighting men" of their race, and so feeling, have not hesitated to make their plea to those above empowered to listen, regardless of the mood in which they did so.


As long ago as the summer of 1915, or to be exact, August 26th of that year, Capt. R.P. Roots of Seattle, Washington, addressed a letter to the Hon. Lindley M. Garrison at Washington, at the time Secretary of War, directing his attention to the discrepancy of assignment complained of, accompanied with certain suggestions; having to do with a condition that the government must eventually face; that will not down, and must sooner or later be abrogated. Captain Roots' communication to the Secretary of War, also one addressed to the Hon. Joseph Tumulty, private secretary to President Wilson, follows:
                                "Seattle, Wash., August 26, 1915.
"Hon. Lindley M. Garrison, Secretary of War,
Dear Sir: As an ex-officer of the Spanish-American war, having served as
Captain of Company "E" of the Eighth Illinois Volunteers, I am taking
the liberty to ask that, if you should recommend any increase in the
Army you give the Negro a chance in the manner, and for reasons I shall
further explain.
     You will notice by my service with the 8th Illinois that I am a
colored man, and as such am offering these suggestions, which, in the
main, are just.
     If the increase is sufficient, we should have:
     TWO COAST ARTILLERY COMPANIES.
     ONE REGIMENT OF FIELD ARTILLERY (In these branches we are not
represented at all).
     ONE REGIMENT OF CAVALRY.
     The above to be embodied in the Regular Army and to be officered as
you think fit.
     But my main object is: Three Regiments of Infantry officered from
COLONEL DOWN WITH COLORED MEN. I should not have these Infantry
Regiments of the regular service for the reason that to appoint officers
to the rank of Colonel, Majors, etc., would not be fair to the regular
service officers, and would interfere with the promotion of the same,
but I would have them rank as volunteers. Give them the name of
"IMMUNES," "FOREIGN SERVICE REGIMENTS," or any other name that you
choose.
     My further reasons are as to officering these regiments, that there
would be many misfits in such organizations and I would leave it so that
you or the President could remove them without prejudice from the
service, but to fill by OTHER COLORED MEN the vacancies that might
occur. I should officer these regiments with Spanish War veterans,
non-commissioned officers of the retired and regulars, but should
appoint all 2d Lieutenants from the schools of the country giving
military training.
     The 2d Lieutenants upon passing the regular army examination could be
placed in the eligible list of the regular army, but NOT until at least
two years' service with these regiments. You could set a time limit on
these regiments if you so desire, say ten or twelve years duration;
either mustered out or in the regular service.
     "Now Mr. Secretary, I have striven to meet any objections which might be
made by the Army on account of social prejudice, etc. With this thought
I should send these regiments to some foreign post to serve where there
are dark races; to the Philippines, Mexico, or Haiti. The object lesson
would be marked politically, both at home and abroad.
     "The 48th and 49th Regiments organized in 1899 and sent to Philippines
were unsatisfactory because of there being three social lines of
separation in those organizations—THE FIELD AND STAFF of these
regiments WERE WHITE, and the LINE OFFICERS WERE COLORED. In a social
way the line officers WERE ENTIRELY IGNORED, and even officially were
treated very little better than enlisted men or with no more courtesy,
to such an extent as to cause comment by both soldiers and natives.
     "Now as to the colored citizen of this country coming to its defense
there is no question, as he has always done so But, to use a late
phrase, he is beginning to want HIS "PLACE IN THE SUN"—he wants a
chance to rise on his merits AND TO KNOW WHEN HE SHOULDERS A GUN, THAT
IF HE IS DESERVING OF IT, HE WILL HAVE A CHANCE TO RISE. He can fight
and will, but will fight better with an incentive than without one. He
is a, citizen regardless of all laws to the contrary; also he is the NEW
Negro, and NOT of the "Uncle Tom" class, the passing of whom so many
white citizens regret.
     "He reads your literature, attends your theaters, goes to your schools,
observes you in his capacity as a waiter or porter, and is absorbing the
best you have in the ways of civilization, and in fact, in every walk of
life, he is a factor; and when he is asked to defend his country should
he not be given THE SAME CHANCE AS THE WHITE MAN?
     "You will say that he should go to West Point. Well and good; but who is
to send him? Next, who will defend him while there against the
"Unwritten Law" of the white students not to allow him to matriculate?
     "The first officers of such regiments could be easily picked, made from
Spanish War veterans and non-commissioned officers of the regular army,
and second lieutenants from graduates from colleges giving military
training. Such an organization officered in this manner would be ideal,
speaking from my experience as a veteran of the Spanish War.
     "One thing you may have overlooked: We are twelve million in this
country, WITH AN ESTIMATE OF A MILLION MEN FIT FOR SERVICE.
     "Suppose at such a crisis as is now transpiring in Europe, this country,
with its millions of foreign citizens, should suddenly find itself face
to face with a revolution. The presence and loyalty of these MILLION
NEGROES might mean much for the stability of this government.
     "I have spoken plainly because I am a citizen; this is my country. I was
born here, and shall at all times be found with the flag; hence I ask,
that in your recommendations, looking to the betterment and enlargement
of the army, you give THE BLACK PATRIOT such consideration, as I cannot
but feel is due him, the thousands of young colored men who have passed
through colleges and schools in an effort to prepare themselves for
filling a place in the world.
     "I am opposed to segregation, but as it seems, under the present
conditions of the races socially to be the ONLY way to a square deal, I
accept it. There are Irish regiments, German regiments, etc., let us
then have Negro regiments. The coming generations will look after the
rest. I am, very respectfully,
                                          R.P. ROOTS
400 26th Ave., North, Late Capt. 8th Ill. Vol. Infantry."


                                        "Seattle, Wash., Nov. 9, 1915.
"Hon Joseph Tumulty, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C.
Dear Sir:—I am enclosing a copy of a letter sent to the Secretary of
War, which I would be very much pleased to have you call the President's
attention to, and ask if he can approve of it.
     "I was not fully informed as to the President's policy in regard to
Haiti at the time of writing, and am not now, except through such
information as received by the daily press. Taking that, in the main as
authentic, I wish to add that I think a Brigade of Colored Troops, such
as recommended in my letter to the Secretary for foreign service, would
be the proper thing for Haiti.
     "It being a Negro Republic, the racial feeling as to the Negro's
treatment in this country, which I need not mention, has been enlarged
upon and not understood by the Negroes of other parts of the world, so
that as it seems to me, to organize a constabulary officered by white
Americans, would be inviting murder; for agitators from other
governments, if they so desired, would soon cause a rebellion, and then
you would have it all to do over again.
     "Colored troops from this country, I mean officers as well, would tend
to cause a good feeling among the natives, not at first but later on as
each became used to the other. THE WHITE MAN THINKS HE IS SUPERIOR TO
ANY NEGRO, AND WOULD SHOW IT EVEN THOUGH HE TRIED NOT TO, and the
Haitian would be going around with a chip on his shoulder looking for
someone to knock it off.
     "You have three men in the regular army who could supervise the
organization of these troops, and one who is already a Colonel of the
Eighth Illinois National Guard, also several others if you wished to
consider them.
     "Hoping that you will see the advisability of such an organization for
diplomatic reasons and for JUSTICE TO THE AMERICAN NEGRO—who has been
loyal—and served from Bunker Hill until now, I am,
                               Very respectfully,
                               R.P. ROOTS,
400 26th St. N. Seattle, Wash., Late Capt. Eighth Illinois Volunteer
     Infantry during Spanish War."
As touching upon the above, Editor E.S. Abbott of THE CHICAGO DEFENDER, made the following comment:
     "There may be reasons deemed good and sufficient upon the part of
President Wilson and Secretary Garrison for not having replied to
the very courteous and finely conceived letters of appeal and
suggestion, having to do with a new deal—with justice and fair
play in the future towards the Negro soldiery of our country,
written them some weeks ago by CAPT. R.P. ROOTS of Seattle.
     "It is not always meet, especially in times like these, of war and
stress, of worries and apprehension, reaching across the world, for
our rulers and servants facing great responsibilities and
perplexing situations, to respond to every query and satisfy all
curiosities. Much reticence must be permitted them. Much accepted,
as a matter of course, without pursuing curiosity to the limit.
     "There may be ideas conveyed by Captain Roots to the president,
through his communications to Secretaries Garrison and Tumulty that
some people may not agree with, but there can be no disagreement
over the proposition that the lot of colored soldiers in the armies
of the United States—in the past, and at the present, is much
different than that accorded to white soldiers; very little to
really be proud of; very, very much to be ashamed of—much that is
humiliating and depressing.
     "Because the present administration may be powerless in the matter,
afraid to touch it, fearing a live wire or something of that kind,
should OUR duty in the premises, TOWARD OUR OWN, be influenced
thereby?
     "I wonder—is the time not NOW—right now, to commence an attack
upon this intrenched scandal—this dirty, HUMILIATING AMERICANISM?
     "No other nation on earth, Christian or pagan, treats its
defenders, its soldiery, so meanly, so shabbily, as does this, her
black defenders; but whether the nation is more to blame, than we,
who so long have submitted without a murmur, is a question. 'The
trouble' shouted Cassius to Brutus, 'is not in our stars, that we
are Underlings, BUT IN OURSELVES.'
     "Shall we, responding to the initiative furnished by CAPTAIN ROOTS,
commence an organized assault upon this national vice against the
soldiers of our race? Is this the time, readers of The Defender? Is
this the time, brothers and editors of the contemporary press?
                                            R.S. ABBOTT."
Following in the footsteps of Captain Roots; apparently obsessed by the same vision and spirit, Mr. Willis O. Tyler, eminent Los Angeles race representative, attorney and Harvard graduate, also makes a plea for justice for Negro troops in the regular army, also for Negro officers, and proposes reforms and legislation for utilizing the present force of Negro officers, and creating enlarged opportunities for others. Says Mr. Tyler:
      "Officers in the regular army for the most part, are graduates of
West Point. They are commissioned second lieutenants at graduation.
No Negro has graduated from West Point in the past twenty-nine
years, and none has entered there in 32 years. Col. Charles Young
graduated in 1889, twenty-nine years ago,—he entered in 1884.
Henry W. Holloway entered in 1886, but attended only that year. In
all, only twelve Negroes have ever attended West Point and only
three have graduated. Of the three graduates, the first, Henry O.
Flipper (1877) was afterwards discharged.
      "The second, John H. Alexander (1887) died in 1894. The third and
last graduate, Charles Young (1889) has but recently been returned
to active duty. We understand he has attained the rank of Colonel.
The Negroes of the United States, to the number of twelve millions,
have only one West Point graduate in the regular army. There are
however four regiments of Colored troops, two of infantry, and two
of cavalry, and these have been maintained for 52 years, (since
1866), and more than two hundred officers find places in the four
Colored regiments. These two hundred officers, with about three
exceptions are white officers. In all, only twelve Negroes have
held commissions in the regular army. Of this number seven were
Chaplains and two were paymasters.
     "In 1917 there were two first lieutenants; and (then) Major Charles
Young in the regular army. Hence only two officers of the line and
only one of the staff (other than Chaplains), out of more than two
hundred who found places with the four colored regiments.
      "We need not stop for the reasons why Negroes have not been
attending West Point, nor even admitted there for the past 32
years. Certain it is they have not been attending the nation's
great military school, and certain it is that in law, good
conscience and right, one cadet at West Point in every twelve
should be a Negro.
      "The future lies before us. The four regiments of Colored Troops
have vindicated their right to be maintained as such by having made
for the army some of its finest traditions. Why not have the four
colored regiments officered by colored men from the Colonel down to
the second lieutenants?
      "The United States is just making an end to a glorious
participation in the great world's war. In this war the Negro
soldiers played well their part. They laughed in the face of death
on the firing line; they have been awarded the 'Ribbon' and the
Croix de Guerre—with palms. Who were their officers?
      "From the officers training camp at Fort Des Moines, Iowa, 639
colored men were commissioned. Since then 267 more have been
commissioned, not counting those in Medical Reserve Corps, nor the
41 Chaplains. Colored Captains and Lieutenants led colored soldiers
"Over the Top" and commanded them on march and in trench. Many
officers were given but three months in the officer's Training
camp; many of them had served as non-commissioned officers in one
of the four colored regiments. But not one word of criticism or
complaint of them has reached us. Their adaptability to their new
duties is beyond cavil. Their efficiency, bravery—leadership, are
all unquestioned and permanently established.
      "The future lies before us. What will our country do? Surely it
will not retire all of these fine young colored officers, who
responded so nobly to the call of their country, to private life
and continue the discrimination which in the past deprived them of
admission to West Point and of commissions in the regular army. I
do not believe it. I believe that the sense of justice and fair
play is deeply rooted in the American people. I believe that our
four colored regiments in the regular army will in the future be
officered by colored men. That the doors of West Point will be
opened in accordance with justice and fair play to a proper number
and proportion of colored Cadets. But this is not all nor is it
enough.
      "We believe that at present the nation owes the Colored people
certain legislation and that the nation being solvent and loud in
its protestations of kindness toward the Colored people for their
loyal and patriotic participation in the war both at home and on
the battlefield, should now pay its debt toward the colored people
and reward them to the extent that the best of the nearly one
thousand officers now serving in the National Army be transferred
to the Regular army, and assigned to duty in the four Colored
regiments, and that these be from colonel down to second
lieutenants. We also believe that in the future West Point and
Annapolis should 'lend a little colour' to their graduation
exercises in the presence of Colored graduates.
      "No doubt legislation will be needed to this end. At present
commissions are granted first to the graduates of West Point, and
even a fair and more liberal policy in this regard in the future
will not meet present needs. What is needed now is legislation
providing for the transfer (or at least the opportunity to enter)
into the regular army of a sufficient number of our Colored
Officers now with commissions to officer in toto the four Colored
regiments we now have.
      "Commissions are also granted at present to a limited number of
enlisted men who are recommended for these examinations, and who
succeed in passing. The candidates must be under 27 years of age
and unmarried. They must have had a certain amount of secondary
school, or college education which few privates or non com's
(colored) have had. This is the case because few young Colored men
with the necessary growth 'single blessedness,' and college
training, feel, or have heretofore felt that the door of 'equal
opportunity' announced by Mr. Roosevelt stands open to them in the
regular army. To trust the officering of four Colored Regiments to
this second mode of selecting and commissioning officers, would
prove fatal to our hopes and fail of accomplishment.
      "The third method of selecting officers at present is by
examinations of civilians, certain college presidents and other
civilians being permitted to recommend certain civilians, (students
and others) for examination for second lieutenants.
      "In this regard Negroes have met the same difficulties that they
have encountered in the past 32 years in their efforts to gain
admission to West Point. At best only a small percent of each
year's graduating class from West Point can get commissions in this
manner. Those selected have been white men, what we are after now
is a present day, practical way of utilizing the best material we
now have, holding commissions and making secure the opportunity for
other Colored men to enter the army as second lieutenants and by
dint of industry, close application, obedience, brains and time
gain their promotion step by step, just as white men have been
doing and can do now. This is the American—democratic, fair play,
reward and justice we seek for the twelve million Negro citizens of
our great republic. Congress could if it would, provide for the
present by an appropriate measure giving the right and opportunity
to our returning officers to stand examination for commissions in
the Regular army; Military experience and knowledge, and general
and special educational qualifications to determine the rank or
grade received.
      "In this way our four colored regiments could be officered by
colored men. Otherwise, the fine talents and desire for service to
the country held by the one thousand intelligent and courageous
young Negroes who are officers, will be lost and rejected by the
country, and the 12 million Negroes in the United States will
continue, notwithstanding their patriotism and devotion, to be
denied of their just representation in commissions in the regular
army.
      "We believe that once this is done the sense of fairness and
justice that, after all is said and done is so firmly imbedded in
the American people, will see to it that our proper and
proportionate number of young Colored men are admitted to West
Point and Annapolis annually and that the other avenues for gaining
admission in the army and navy will not be blocked, closed and
denied Negroes by the unreasonable race prejudice which has
heretofore done so.
     "Our country is either a country of 'equal opportunity' or it is
not. It is either a democracy or it is not.
     "Certainly the Negroes have failed to realize this 'equal
opportunity' in the matter of training at West Point and Annapolis,
and is gaining commissions in the Regular army.
     "The great war in Europe is closed or soon will be. We have again
shown our country that 'our hearts are on the right side.' What
will our country do for us? We ask only that the door of 'equal
opportunity' be unbarred—that we may enter."

CHAPTER XXXIII.


THE NEW NEGRO AND THE NEW AMERICA.



"THE OLD ORDER
   Changeth, yielding place to new."
THROUGH THE
   Arbitrament of war, behold a new and better America!
   a new and girded Negro!
"The watches
   Of the night have PASSED!
"The watches
   Of the day BEGIN!"
Out of war's crucible new nations emerge. New ideas seize mankind and if the conflict has been a just one, waged for exalted ideals and imperishable principles and not alone for mere national security and integrity, a new character, a broader national vision is formed.


Such was the result of the early wars for democracy. The seeds of universal freedom once sown, finally ripened not alone to the unshackling of a race, but to the fecundity and birth of a spirit that moved all nations and peoples to seek an enlarged liberty. The finger of disintegration and change is never still; is always on the move; always the old order is passing; always the new, although unseen of man, is coming on. And so it is, that nations are still in the throes of reconstruction after the great war. That it was the greatest and most terrible of all wars, increases the difficulties incident to the establishment of the new order, precedent to a restoration of tranquil conditions.


So radical were some of the results of the conflict, such as the overthrow of despotism in Russia, and a swinging completely to the other extreme of the pendulum; similar happenings in Germany and Austria transpiring, that subject peoples in general, finding themselves in possession of a liberty which they did not expect and were not prepared for, are in a sense bewildered; put to it, as to just what steps to take; the wisest course to pursue.


At home we have a nearer view and can begin to see emerging a new America. The men who fought abroad will be the dominant factor in national affairs for many years. These men have returned, and will return with a broadened vision and with new and enlarged ideas regarding themselves and, quite to be expected, of progress and human rights.


With the leaven of thought which has been working at home, added to the new and illuminating; more liberal viewpoint regarding the Negro attained by the American whites who served with him in France, will come; is already born, a new national judgment and charity of opinion and treatment, that will not abate; will grow and flourish through the coming years, a belated sense of justice and restitution due the Negro; a most wholesome sign of shame and repentance upon the part of the nation. The old order based on slavery and environment; the handicap of "previous condition" has passed. Will never return! THAT, or the "Fatherhood of God and Brotherhood of Man" is, and always was, an iridescent dream; a barren ideality!


The new America owes much of its life to the Negro; guaranteed through centuries of a devotion, than which, there has been nothing like it; you seek in vain for a counterpart; a patriotism and suffering and shed blood; the splendor and unselfishness of which will germinate and flower through the ages; as long as history shall be read; to the last moment of recorded time.


In days to come, now on the way, men will say, one to another: "How could it have been that those faithful Blacks; those loyal citizens; whose toil enriched; whose blood guaranteed the perpetuity of our institutions; were discriminated against—WRONGED?"


In a country based and governed on the principle that all men are free and equal, discrimination or special privilege will eat at the heart of national life. Capital must not have special advantages over labor; neither labor over capital. Jew and Gentile, protestant and catholic, Negro and White men, must be equal; not alone in the spirit of the law but in the application of it. Not alone in the spirit of industrialism, commerce and ordinary affairs of life, but in their interpretation and application as well.


Social discriminations and distinctions may prevail with no great danger to the body politic, so long as people do not take them too seriously—do not mistake the shadow for the substance, and regard them the paramount things of life.


Obviously the Negro no less than the Caucasian, has a right, and no government may challenge it, to say who his associates shall be, who he shall invite into his house, but such rights are misconstrued and exceeded when carried to the point of proscribing, oppressing or hampering the development of other men, regardless of the nationality of their competitors.