* The history of this migration, which is given summarily in
     Josh. xix. 47, is, as it now stands, a blending of two
     accounts. The presence of a descendant of Moses as a priest
     in this local sanctuary probably offended the religious
     scruples of a copyist, who substituted Manasseh for Moses
     (Judges xviii. 30), but the correction was not generally
     accepted. [The R.V. reads “Moses” where the authorised text
     has “Manasseh.”—Tr.]

It bore out well its character—“Dan is a lion’s whelp that leapeth forth from Bashan” on the Hermon;* “a serpent in the way, an adder in the path, that biteth the horse’s heels, so that his rider falleth backward.” ** The new position they had taken up enabled them to protect Galilee for centuries against the incursions of the Aramaeans.

     * See the Blessing of Moses (Dent, xxxiii. 22).

     ** These are the words used in the Blessing of Jacob (Gen.
     xlix. 17).

304.jpg the Hill of Shiloh, Seen from The North-east
     Drawn by Boudier, from photograph No. 100 of the Palestine
     Exploration Fund.

Their departure, however, left the descendants of Joseph unprotected, with Benjamin as their only bulwark. Benjamin, like Dan, was one of the tribes which contained scarcely more than two or three clans, but compensated for the smallness of their numbers by their energy and tenacity of character: lying to the south of Ephraim, they had developed into a breed of hardy adventurers, skilled in handling the bow and sling, accustomed from childhood to use both hands indifferently, and always ready to set out on any expedition, not only against the Canaanites, but, if need be, against their own kinsfolk.* They had consequently aroused the hatred of both friend and foe, and we read that the remaining tribes at length decreed their destruction; a massacre ensued, from which six hundred Benjamites only escaped to continue the race.** Their territory adjoined on the south that of Jerusalem, the fortress of the Jebusites, and on the west the powerful confederation of which Gibeon was the head. It comprised some half-dozen towns—Ramah, Anathoth, Michmash, and Nob, and thus commanded both sides of the passes leading from the Shephelah into the valley of the Jordan. The Benjamites were in the habit of descending suddenly upon merchants who were making their way to or returning from Gilead, and of robbing them of their wares; sometimes they would make a raid upon the environs of Ekron and Gath, “like a wolf that ravineth:” realising the prediction of Jacob, “in the morning he shall devour the prey, and at even he shall divide the spoil.” ***

     * Benjamin signifies, properly speaking, “the Southern.”

     ** Story of the Lévite of Ephraim (Judges xix.-xxi.). The
     groundwork of it contains only one historical element. The
     story of the Lévite is considered by some critics to be of a
     later date than the rest of the text.

     *** He is thus characterised in the Blessing of Jacob (Gen.
     xlix. 27). VOL. VI.  X

The Philistines never failed to make reprisals after each raid, and the Benjamites were no match for their heavily armed battalions; but the labyrinth of ravines and narrow gorges into which the Philistines had to penetrate to meet their enemy was a favourable region for guerilla warfare, in which they were no match for their opponents. Peace was never of long duration on this ill-defined borderland, and neither intercourse between one village and another, alliances, nor intermarriage between the two peoples had the effect of interrupting hostilities; even when a truce was made at one locality, the feud would be kept up at other points of contact. All details of this conflict have been lost, and we merely know that it terminated in the defeat of the house of Joseph, a number of whom were enslaved. The ancient sanctuary of Shiloh still continued to be the sacred town of the Hebrews, as it had been under the Canaanites, and the people of Ephraim kept there the ark of Jahveh-Sabaoth, “the Lord of Hosts.” * It was a chest of wood, similar in shape to the shrine which surmounted the sacred barks of the Egyptian divinities, but instead of a prophesying statue, it contained two stones on which, according to the belief of a later age, the law had been engraved.** Yearly festivals were celebrated before it, and it was consulted as an oracle by all the Israelites. Eli, the priest to whose care it was at this time consigned, had earned universal respect by the austerity of his life and by his skill in interpreting the divine oracles.***

     * At the very opening of the First Book of Samuel (i. 3),
     Shiloh is mentioned as being the sanctuary of Jahveh-
     Sabaoth
, Jahveh the Lord of hosts. The tradition preserved
     in Josh, xviii. 1, removes the date of its establishment as
     far back as the earliest times of the Israelite conquest.

     ** The idea that the Tables of the Law were enclosed in the
     Ark is frequently expressed in Exodus and in subsequent
     books of the Hexateuch.

     *** The history of Eli extends over chaps, i.-iv. of the
     First Book of Samuel; it is incorporated with that of
     Samuel, and treats only of the events which accompanied the
     destruction of the sanctuary of Shiloh by the Philistines.

His two sons, on the contrary, took advantage of his extreme age to annoy those who came up to worship, and they were even accused of improper behaviour towards the women who “served at the door of” the tabernacle. They appropriated to themselves a larger portion of the victims than they were entitled to, extracting from the caldron the meat offerings of the faithful after the sacrifice was over by means of flesh-hooks. Their misdeeds were such, that “men abhorred the offering of the Lord,” and yet the reverence for the ark was so great in the minds of the people, that they continued to have recourse to it on every occasion of national danger.* The people of Ephraim and Benjamin having been defeated once between Eben-ezer and Aphek, bore the ark in state to the battle-field, that its presence might inspire them with confidence. The Philistines were alarmed at its advent, and exclaimed, “God is come into the camp. Woe unto us! Who shall deliver us out of the hand of these mighty gods?... Be strong, and quit yourselves like men, O ye Philistines, that ye be not servants unto the Hebrews, as they have been to you.” ** In response to this appeal, their troops fought so boldly that they once more gained a victory. “And there ran a man of Benjamin out of the army, and came to Shiloh the same day with his clothes rent, and with earth upon his head. And when he came, lo, Eli sat upon his seat by the wayside watching: for his heart trembled for the ark of God. And when the man came into the city, and told it, all the city cried out. And when Eli heard the noise of the crying, he said, What meaneth the noise of this tumult? And the man hasted, and came and told Eli. Now Eli was ninety and eight years old; and his eyes were set, that he could not see. And the man said unto Eli, I am he that came out of the army, and I fled to-day out of the army. And he said, How went the matter, my son? And he that brought the tidings answered and said, Israel is fled before the Philistines, and there hath been also a great slaughter among the people, and thy two sons also, Hophni and Phineas, are dead, and the ark of God is taken. And it came to pass, when he made mention of the ark of God, that he fell from off his seat backward by the side of the gate, and his neck brake, and he died: for he was an old man, and heavy.” ***

     * Sam. iv. 12-18.

     ** This is not mentioned in the sacred books; but certain
     reasons for believing this destruction to have taken place
     are given by Stade.

     *** The Philistine garrison at Geba (Gibeah) is mentioned in
     1 Sam. xiii. 3, i.

The defeat of Eben-ezer completed, at least for a time, the overthrow of the tribes of Central Canaan. The Philistines destroyed the sanctuary of Shiloh, and placed a garrison at Gibeah to keep the Benjamites in subjection, and to command the route of the Jordan;* it would even appear that they pushed their advance-posts beyond Carmel in order to keep in touch with the independent Canaanite cities such as Megiddo, Taanach, and Bethshan, and to ensure a free use of the various routes leading in the direction of Damascus, Tyre, and Coele-Syria.**

     * After the victory at Gilboa, the Philistines exposed the
     dead bodies of Saul and his sons upon the walls of Bethshan
     (1 Sam. xxxi. 10, 12), which they would not have been able
     to do had the inhabitants not been allies or vassals.
     Friendly relations with Bethshan entailed almost as a matter
     of course some similar understanding with the cities of the
     plain of Jezreel.

     ** 1 Sam. vii. 16, 17. These verses represent, as a matter
     of fact, all that we know of Samuel anterior to his
     relations with Saul. This account seems to represent him as
     exercising merely a restricted influence over the territory
     of Benjamin and the south of Ephraim. It was not until the
     prophetic period that, together with Eli, he was made to
     figure as Judge of all Israel.

The Philistine power continued dominant for at least half a century. The Hebrew chroniclers, scandalised at the prosperity of the heathen, did their best to abridge the time of the Philistine dominion, and interspersed it with Israelitish victories. Just at this time, however, there lived a man who was able to inspire them with fresh hope. He was a priest of Bamah, Samuel, the son of Elkanah, who had acquired the reputation of being a just and wise judge in the towns of Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpah; “and he judged Israel in all those places, and his return was to Bamah, for there was his house... and he built there an altar unto the Lord.” To this man the whole Israelite nation attributed with pride the deliverance of their race. The sacred writings relate how his mother, the pious Hannah, had obtained his birth from Jahveh after years of childlessness, and had forthwith devoted him to the service of God. She had sent him to Shiloh at the age of three years, and there, clothed in a linen tunic and in a little robe which his mother made for him herself, he ministered before God in the presence of Eli. One night it happened, when the latter was asleep in his place, “and the lamp of God was not yet gone out, and Samuel was laid down to sleep in the temple of the Lord, where the ark of God was, that the Lord called Samuel: and he said, Here am I. And he ran unto Eli, and said, Here am I; for thou calledst me. And he said, I called thee not; lie down again.” Twice again the voice was heard, and at length Eli perceived that it was God who had called the child, and he bade him reply: “Speak, Lord; for Thy servant heareth.” From thenceforward Jahveh was “with him, and did let none of his words fall to the ground. And all Israel from Dan even to Beersheba knew that Samuel was established to be a prophet of the Lord.” Twenty years after the sad death of his master, Samuel felt that the moment had come to throw off the Philistine yoke; he exhorted the people to put away their false gods, and he assembled them at Mizpah to absolve them from their sins. The Philistines, suspicious of this concourse, which boded ill for the maintenance of their authority, arose against him. “And when the children of Israel heard it, they were afraid of the Philistines. And Samuel took a sucking lamb, and offered it for a whole burnt offering unto the Lord: and Samuel cried unto the Lord for Israel, and the Lord answered him.” The Philistines, demoralised by the thunderstorm which ensued, were overcome on the very spot where they had triumphed over the sons of Eli, and fled in disorder to their own country. “Then Samuel took a stone, and set it between Mizpah and Shen, and called the name of it Eben-ezer (the Stone of Help), saying, Hitherto hath the Lord helped us.” He next attacked the Tyrians and the Amorites, and won back from them all the territory they had conquered.* One passage, in which Samuel is not mentioned, tells us how heavily the Philistine yoke had weighed upon the people, and explains their long patience by the fact that their enemies had taken away all their weapons. “Now there was no smith found throughout all the land of Israel: for the Philistines said, Lest the Hebrews make them swords or spears;” and whoever needed to buy or repair the most ordinary agricultural implements was forced to address himself to the Philistine blacksmiths.** The very extremity of the evil worked its own cure. The fear of the Midian-ites had already been the occasion of the ephemeral rule of Jerubbaal and Abimelech; the Philistine tyranny forced first the tribes of Central and then those of Southern Canaan to unite under the leadership of one man. In face of so redoubtable an enemy and so grave a peril a greater effort was required, and the result was proportionate to their increased activity.

     * This manner of retaliating against the Philistines for the
     disaster they had formerly inflicted on Israel, is supposed
     by some critics to be an addition of a later date, either
     belonging to the time of the prophets, or to the period when
     the Jews, without any king or settled government, rallied at
     Mizpah. According to these scholars, 1 Sam. vii. 2-14 forms
     part of a biography, written at a time when the foundation
     of the Benjamite monarchy had not as yet been attributed to
     Saul.

     ** 1 Sam. xiii. 20, 21.

The Manassite rule extended at most over two or three clans, but that of Saul and David embraced the Israelite nation.* Benjamin at that time reckoned among its most powerful chiefs a man of ancient and noble family—Saul, the son of Kish—who possessed extensive flocks and considerable property, and was noted for his personal beauty, for “there was not among the children of Israel a goodlier person than he: from his shoulders and upward he was higher than any of the people.” ** He had already reached mature manhood, and had several children, the eldest of whom, Jonathan, was well known as a skilful and brave soldier, while Saul’s reputation was such that his kinsmen beyond Jordan had recourse to his aid as to a hero whose presence would secure victory. The Ammonites had laid siege to Jabesh-Gilead, and the town was on the point of surrendering; Saul came to their help, forced the enemy to raise the siege, and inflicted such a severe lesson upon them, that during the whole of his lifetime they did not again attempt hostilities. He was soon after proclaimed king by the Benjamites, as Jerubbaal had been raised to authority by the Manassites on the morrow of his victory.***

     * The beginning of Saul’s reign, up to his meeting with
     David, will be found in 1 Sam. viii.-xv. We can distinguish
     the remains of at least two ancient narratives, which the
     writer of the Book of Samuel has put together in order to
     form a complete and continuous account. As elsewhere in this
     work, I have confined myself to accepting the results at
     which criticism has arrived, without entering into detailed
     discussions which do not come within the domain of history.

     ** 1 Sam. ix. 2. In one account he is represented as quite a
     young man, whose father is still in the prime of life (1
     Sam. ix.), but this cannot refer to the time of the
     Philistine war, where we find him accompanied, at the very
     outset of his reign, by his son, who is already skilled in
     the use of weapons.

     *** 1 Sam. xi. According to the text of the Septuagint, the
     war against the Ammonites broke out a month after Saul had
     been secretly anointed by Samuel; his popular proclamation
     did not take place till after the return from the campaign.

We learn from the sacred writings that Samuel’s influence had helped to bring about these events. It had been shown him by the divine voice that Saul was to be the chosen ruler, and he had anointed him and set him before the people as their appointed lord; the scene of this must have been either Mizpah or Gilgal.*

     * One narrative appears to represent him as being only the
     priest or local prophet of Hamah, and depicts him as
     favourable to the establishment of the monarchy (1 Sam. ix.
     1-27, x. 1-16); the other, however, admits that he was
     “judge” of all Israel, and implies that he was hostile to the
     choice of a king (1 Sam. viii. 1-22, x. 17, 27, xii. 1-25)

The accession of a sovereign who possessed the allegiance of all Israel could not fail to arouse the vigilance of their Philistine oppressors; Jonathan, however, anticipated their attack and captured Gibeah. The five kings at once despatched an army to revenge this loss; the main body occupied Michmash, almost opposite to the stronghold taken from them, while three bands of soldiers were dispersed over the country, ravaging as they went, with orders to attack Saul in the rear. The latter had only six hundred men, with whom he scarcely dared to face so large a force; besides which, he was separated from the enemy by the Wady Suweinît, here narrowed almost into a gorge between two precipitous rocks, and through which no body of troops could penetrate without running the risk of exposing themselves in single file to the enemy. Jonathan, however, resolved to attempt a surprise in broad daylight, accompanied only by his armour-bearer. “There was a rocky crag on the one side, and a rooky crag on the other side: and the name of the one was Bozez (the Shining), and the name of the other Seneh (the Acacia). The one crag rose up on the north in front of Michmash, and the other on the south in front of Geba (Gribeah).” The two descended the side of the gorge, on the top of which they were encamped, and prepared openly to climb the opposite side. The Philistine sentries imagined they were deserters, and said as they approached: “Behold, the Hebrews come forth out of the holes where they had hid themselves. And the men of the garrison answered Jonathan and his armour-bearer, and said, Come up to us, and we will show you a thing. And Jonathan said unto his armour-bearer, Come up after me: for the Lord hath delivered them into the hand of Israel. And Jonathan climbed up upon his hands and upon his feet, and his armour-bearer after him: and they fell before Jonathan; and his armour-bearer slew them after him. And that first slaughter that Jonathan and his armour-bearer made, was about twenty men, within as it were half a furrow’s length in an acre of land.” From Gribeah, where Saul’s troops were in ignorance of what was passing, the Benjamite sentinels could distinguish a tumult. Saul guessed that a surprise had taken place, and marched upon the enemy.

314.jpg the Wady Suweinit
     Drawn by Boudier, from photograph No. 402 of the Palestine
     Exploration Fund
.

The Philistines were ousted from their position, and pursued hotly beyond Bethel as far as Ajalon.* This constituted the actual birthday of the Israelite monarchy.

     * The account of these events, separated by the parts
     relating to the biography of Samuel (1 Sam. xiii. 76-15a,
     thought by some to be of a later date), and of the breaking
     by Jonathan of the fast enjoined by Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 23-
     45), covers 1 Sam. xiii. 3-7a, 156-23, xiv. 1-22, 46. The
     details appear to be strictly historical; the number of the
     Philistines, however, seems to be exaggerated; “30,000
     chariots, and 6000 horsemen, and people as the sand which is
     on the sea-shore in multitude “(1 Sam. xiii. 5).

Gilead, the whole house of Joseph—Ephraim and Manasseh—and Benjamin formed its nucleus, and were Saul’s strongest supporters. We do not know how far his influence extended northwards; it probably stopped short at the neighbourhood of Mount Tabor, and the Galileans either refused to submit to his authority, or acknowledged it merely in theory. In the south the clans of Judah and Simeon were not long in rallying round him, and their neighbours the Kenites, with Caleb and Jerahmeel, soon followed their example. These southerners, however, appear to have been somewhat half-hearted in their allegiance to the Benjamite king: it was not enough to have gained their adhesion—a stronger tie was needed to attach them to the rest of the nation. Saul endeavoured to get rid of the line of Canaanite cities which isolated them from Ephraim, but he failed in the effort, we know not from what cause, and his attempt produced no other result than to arouse against him the hatred of the Gibeonite inhabitants.* He did his best to watch over the security of his new subjects, and protected them against the Amalekites, who were constantly harassing them.

     * The fact is made known to us by an accidental mention of
     it in 2 Sam. xxi. 1-11. The motive which induced Saul to
     take arms against the Gibeonites is immediately apparent
     when we realise the position occupied by Gideon between
     Judah and the tribes of Central Canaan.

Their king, Agag, happening to fall into his hands, he killed him, and destroyed several of their nomad bands, thus inspiring the remainder with a salutary terror.* Subsequent tradition credited him with victories gained over all the enemies of Israel—over Moab, Edom, and even the Aramaeans of Zobah—it endowed him even with the projects and conquests of David. At any rate, the constant incursions of the Philistines could not have left him much time for fighting in the north and east of his domains. Their defeat at Gibeah was by no means a decisive one, and they quickly recovered from the blow; the conflict with them lasted to the end of Saul’s lifetime, and during the whole of this period he never lost an opportunity of increasing his army.**

The monarchy was as yet in a very rudimentary state, without either the pomp or accessories usually associated with royalty in the ancient kingdoms of the East. Saul, as King of Israel, led much the same sort of life as when he was merely a Benjamite chief. He preferred to reside at Gibeah, in the house of his forefathers, with no further resources than those yielded by the domain inherited from his ancestors, together with the spoil taken in battle.***

     * The part taken by Samuel in the narrative of Saul’s war
     against the Amalekites (1 Sam. xv.) is thought by some
     critics to have been introduced with a view of exalting the
     prophet’s office at the expense of the king and the
     monarchy. They regard 1 Sam. xiv. 48 as being the sole
     historic ground of the narrative.

     ** 1 Sam. xiv. 47. We may admit his successful skirmishes
     with Moab, but some writers maintain that the defeat of the
     Edomites and Aramaeans is a mere anticipation, and consider
     that the passage is only a reflection of 2 Sam. viii. 8, and
     reproduces the list of the wars of David, with the exception
     of the expedition against Damascus.

     *** Gibeah is nowhere expressly mentioned as being the
     capital of Saul, but the name Gibeah of Saul which it bore
     shows that it must have been the royal residence; the names
     of the towns mentioned in the account of Saul’s pursuit of
     David—Naioth, Eamah, and Nob—are all near to Gibeah. It
     was also at Gibeah that the Gibeonites slew seven of the
     sons and grandsons of Saul (2 Sam. xxi. 6-9), no doubt to
     bring ignominy on the family of the first king in the very
     place in which they had governed.

All that he had, in addition to his former surroundings, were a priesthood attached to the court, and a small army entirely at his own disposal. Ahijah, a descendant of Eli, sacrificed for the king when the latter did not himself officiate; he fulfilled the office of chaplain to him in time of war, and was the mouthpiece of the divine oracles when these were consulted as to the propitious moment for attacking the enemy.

319.jpg a Phoenician Soldier
Drawn by Faucher-
Gudin, from the
bronze original
in the Louvre.

The army consisted of a nucleus of Benjamites, recruited from the king’s clan, with the addition of any adventurers, whether Israelites or strangers, who were attracted to enlist under a popular military chief.* It comprised archers, slingers, and bands of heavily armed infantry, after the fashion of the Phoenician, bearing pikes. We can gam some idea of their appearance and equipment from the bronze statuettes of an almost contemporary period, which show us the Phoenician foot-soldiers or the barbarian mercenaries in the pay of the Phoenician cities: they wear the horizontally striped loin-cloth of the Syrians, leaving the arms and legs entirely bare, and the head is protected by a pointed or conical helmet.

     * Ahijah (1 Sam. xiv. 3), son of Ahitub, great-grandson of
     Eli, appears to be the same as Ahimelech, son of Ahitub, who
     subsequently helped David (1 Sam. xxi. 1-10), and was
     massacred by order of Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 9-19). The scribe
     must have been shocked by the name Melech—that of the god
     Milik [Moloch]—and must have substituted Jah or Jahveh.

Saul possessed none of the iron-bound chariots which always accompanied the Qanaanite infantry; these heavy vehicles would have been entirely out of place in the mountain districts, which were the usual field of operations for the Israelite force.* We are unable to ascertain whether the king’s soldiers received any regular pay, but we know that the spoil was divided between the prince and his men, each according to his rank and in proportion to the valour he had displayed.** In cases of necessity, the whole of the tribes were assembled, and a selection was made of all those capable of bearing arms. This militia, composed mainly of a pastoral peasantry in the prime of life, capable of heroic efforts, was nevertheless ill-disciplined, liable to sudden panics, and prone to become disbanded on the slightest reverse.***

     * With regard to the use of the bow among Saul’s soldiers,
     cf. 1 Sam. xx. 18-42, where we find the curious scene of the
     meeting of David and Jonathan, when the latter came out of
     Gibeah on the pretext of practising with bow and arrows. The
     accoutrement of the Hebrews is given in the passage where
     Saul lends his armour to David before meeting with Goliath
     (1 Sam. xvii. 38, 39).

     ** Cf. the quarrel which took place between the soldiers of
     David about the spoil taken from the Amalekites, and the
     manner in which the strife was decided by David (1 Sam. xxx.
     21-25)

     *** Saul, for instance, assembles the people and makes a
     selection to attack the Philistines (1 Sam. xiii. 2, 4, 7)
     against the Ammonites (1 Sam. xi. 7, 8) and against the
     Amalekites (1 Sam. xv. 4).

Saul had the supreme command of the whole; the members of his own family served as lieutenants under him, including his son Jonathan, to whom he owed some of his most brilliant victories, together with his cousin Abner, the sar-zaba, who led the royal guard.* Among the men of distinguished valour who had taken service under Saul, he soon singled out David, son of Jesse, a native of Bethlehem of Judah.** David was the first Judæan hero, the typical king who served as a model to all subsequent monarchs. His elevation, like that of Saul, is traced to Samuel. The old prophet had repaired to Bethlehem ostensibly to offer a sacrifice, and after examining all the children of Jesse, he chose the youngest, and “anointed him in the midst of his brethren: and the spirit of the Lord came mightily upon David.” ***

     * 1 Sam. xiv. 50, 51. There is no record of the part played
     by Abner during Saul’s lifetime: he begins to figure in the
     narrative after the battle at Gilboa under the double reign
     of Ish-bosheth and David.

     ** The name of David is a shortened form of Davdo, Dodo,
     “the favourite of Him,” i.e. God.

     *** The intervention of the prophet occupies 1 Sam. xvi. 1-
     13. Some critics have imagined that this passage was
     interpolated at a later date, and reflects the events which
     are narrated in chap. x. They say it was to show that Saul
     was not alone in enjoying consecration by the prophet, and
     hence all doubt would be set at rest as to whether David was
     actually that “neighbour of thine, that is better than
     thou,” mentioned in 1 Sam. xv. 28.

His introduction at the court of Saul is variously accounted for. According to one narrative, Saul, being possessed by an evil spirit, fell at times into a profound melancholy, from which he could be aroused only by the playing of a harp. On learning that David was skilled in this instrument, he begged Jesse to send him his son, and the lad soon won the king’s affection. As often as the illness came upon him, David took his harp, and “Saul was refreshed, and the evil spirit departed from him.” * Another account relates that he entered on his soldierly career by killing with his sling Goliath of Gath,** who had challenged the bravest Israelites to combat; though elsewhere the death of Goliath is attributed to Elhanan of Bethlehem,*** one of the “mighty men of valour,” who specially distinguished himself in the wars against the Philistines. David had, however, no need to take to himself the brave deeds of others; at Ephes-dammîm, in company with Eleazar, the son of Dodai, and Shammah, the son of Agu, he had posted himself in a field of lentils, and the three warriors had kept the Philistines at bay till their discomfited Israelite comrades had had time to rally.****

     * 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23. This narrative is directly connected
     with 1 Sam. xiv. 52, where we are told that when “Saul saw
     any strong man, or any valiant man, he took him unto him.”

     ** 1 Sam. xvii., xviii. 1-5. According to some writers, this
     second version, the best known of the two, is a development
     at a later period of the tradition preserved in 2 Sam. xxi.
     19, where the victory of Elhanan over Goliath is recorded.

     *** 2 Sam. xxi. 19, where the duel of Goliath and Elhanan is
     placed in the reign of David, during the combat at Gob. Some
     critics think that the writer of Chronicles, recognising the
     difficulty presented by this passage, changed the epithet
     Bethlehemite, which qualified the name of Elhanan, into
     Lahmi, the name of Goliath’s brother (1 Citron, xx. 5). Say
     ce thought to get over the difficulty by supposing that
     Elhanan was David’s first name; but Elhanan is the son of
     Jair, and not the son of Jesse.

     **** The combat of Paz-Dammîm or Ephes-Dammîm is mentioned
     in 1 Sam. xvii. 1; the exploit of David and his two
     comrades, 2 Sam: xxiii. 9-12 (cf. 1 Chron. xi, 12-14, which
     slightly varies from 2 Sam. xxiii. 9-12).

Saul entrusted him with several difficult undertakings, in all of which he acquitted himself with honour. On his return from one of them, the women of the villages came out to meet him, singing and dancing to the sound of timbrels, the refrain of their song being: “Saul hath slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands.” The king concealed the jealousy which this simple expression of joy excited within him, but it found vent at the next outbreak of his illness, and he attempted to kill David with a spear, though soon after he endeavoured to make amends for his action by giving him his second daughter Michal in marriage.* This did not prevent the king from again attempting David’s life, either in a real or simulated fit of madness; but not being successful, he despatched a body of men to waylay him. According to one account it was Michal who helped her husband to escape,** while another attributes the saving of his life to Jonathan. This prince had already brought about one reconciliation between his father and David, and had spared no pains to reinstall him in the royal favour, but his efforts merely aroused the king’s suspicion against himself. Saul imagined that a conspiracy existed for the purpose of dethroning him, and of replacing him by his son; Jonathan, knowing that his life also was threatened, at length renounced the attempt, and David and his followers withdrew from court.

     * The account of the first disagreement between Saul and
     David, and with regard to the marriage of David with Michal,
     is given in 1 Sam. xviii. 6-16, 20-29, and presents every
     appearance of authenticity. Verses 17-19, mentioning a
     project of union between David and Saul’s eldest daughter,
     Merab, has at some time been interpolated; it is not given
     in the LXX., either because it was not in the Hebrew version
     they had before them, or because they suppressed it owing to
     the motive appearing to them insufficient.

     ** 1 Sam. xix. 11-17. Many critics regard this passage as an
     interpolation.

324.jpg AÎd-el-ra, the Site of The Ancient Adullam
     Drawn by Boudier, from photograph No. 430 of the Palestine
     Exploration Fund.

He was hospitably received by a descendant of Eli,* Ahimelech the priest, at Nob, and wandered about in the neighbourhood of Adullam, hiding himself in the wooded valleys of Khereth, in the heart of Judah. He retained the sympathies of many of the Benjamites, more than one of whom doubted whether it would not be to their advantage to transfer their allegiance from their aged king to this more youthful hero.

     * 1 Sam. xxi. 8, 9 adds that he took as a weapon the sword
     of Goliath which was laid up in the sanctuary at Nob.

Saul got news of their defection, and one day when he was sitting, spear in hand, under the tamarisk at Gibeah, he indignantly upbraided his servants, and pointed out to them the folly of their plans. “Hear, now, ye Benjamites; will the son of Jesse give every one of you fields and vineyards? will he make you all captains of thousands and captains of hundreds?” Ahimelech was selected as the victim of the king’s anger: denounced by Doeg, Saul’s steward, he was put to death, and all his family, with the exception of Abiathar, one of his sons, perished with him.* As soon as it became known that David held the hill-country, a crowd of adventurous spirits flocked to place themselves under his leadership, anticipating, no doubt, that spoil would not be lacking with so brave a chief, and he soon found himself at the head of a small army, with Abiathar as priest, and the ephod, rescued from Nob, in his possession.**

     * 1 Sam. xix.-xxii., where, according to some critics, two
     contradictory versions have been blended together at a late
     period. The most probable version is given in 1 Sam, xix. 8-
     10 [11-18a], xxi. 1-7 [8-10], xxii., and is that which I
     have followed by preference; the other version, according to
     these writers, attributes too important a rôle to Jonathan,
     and relates at length the efforts he made to reconcile his
     father and his friend (1 Sam. xviii. 30, xix. 1-7, xx.). It
     is thought, from the confusion apparent in this part of the
     narrative, that a record of the real motives which provoked
     a rupture between the king and his son-in-law has not been
     preserved.

     ** 1 Sam. xxii. 20-23, xxiii. 6. For the use of the ephod by
     Abiathar for oracular purposes, cf. 1 Sam. xxiii. 9-12, xxx.
     7, 8; the inquiry in 1 Sam. xxiii. 2-4 probably belongs to
     the same series, although neither Abiathar nor the ephod is
     mentioned.

The country was favourable for their operations; it was a perfect labyrinth of deep ravines, communicating with each other by narrow passes or by paths winding along the edges of precipices. Isolated rocks, accessible only by rugged ascents, defied assault, while extensive caves offered a safe hiding-place to those who were familiar with their windings. One day the little band descended to the rescue of Keilah, which they succeeded in wresting from the Philistines, but no sooner did they learn that Saul was on his way to meet them than they took refuge in the south of Judah, in the neighbourhood of Ziph and Maôn, between the mountains and the Dead Sea.*

     * 1 Sam. xxiii. 1-13; an episode acknowledged to be
     historical by nearly-all modern critics.

326.jpg the Desert of Judah
     Drawn by Boudior, from photograph No. 197 of the Palestine
     Exploration Fund.
The heights visible in the distance are
     the mountains of Moab, beyond the Dead Sea.

Saul already irritated by his rival’s successes, was still more galled by being always on the point of capturing him, and yet always seeing him slip from his grasp. On one afternoon, when the king had retired into a cave for his siesta, he found himself at the mercy of his adversary; the latter, however, respected the sleep of his royal master, and contented himself with cutting a piece off his mantle.* On another occasion David, in company with Abishai and Ahimelech the Hittite, took a lance and a pitcher of water from the king’s bedside.** The inhabitants of the country were not all equally loyal to David’s cause; those of Ziph, whose meagre resources were taxed to support his followers, plotted to deliver him up to the king,*** while Nabal of Maôn roughly refused him food. Abigail atoned for her husband’s churlishness by a speedy submission; she collected a supply of provisions, and brought it herself to the wanderers. David was as much disarmed by her tact as by her beauty, and when she was left a widow he married her. This union insured the support of the Calebite clan, the most powerful in that part of the country, and policy as well as gratitude no doubt suggested the alliance.

     * 1 Sam, xxiv. Thought by some writers to be of much later
     date.

     ** 1 Sam. xxvi. 4-25.

Skirmishes were not as frequent between the king’s troops and the outlaws as we might at first be inclined to believe, but if at times there was a truce to hostilities, they never actually ceased, and the position became intolerable. Encamped between his kinsman and the Philistines, David found himself unable to resist either party except by making friends with the other. An incursion of the Philistines near Maôn saved David from the king, but when Saul had repulsed it, David had no choice but to throw himself into the arms of Achish, King of Gath, of whom he craved permission to settle as his vassal at Ziklag, on condition of David’s defending the frontier against the Bedawin.*

* 1 Sam. xxvii. The earlier part of this chapter (vers. 1-6) is strictly historical. Some critics take vers. 8-12 to be of later date, and pretend that they were inserted to show the cleverness of David, and to deride the credulity of the King of Gath.

Saul did not deem it advisable to try and dislodge him from this retreat. Peace having been re-established in Judah, the king turned northward and occupied the heights which bound the plain of Jezreel to the east; it is possible that he contemplated pushing further afield, and rallying round him those northern tribes who had hitherto never acknowledged his authority. He may, on the other hand, have desired merely to lay hands on the Syrian highways, and divert to his own profit the resources brought by the caravans which plied along them. The Philistines, who had been nearly ruined by the loss of the right to demand toll of these merchants, assembled the contingents of their five principalities, among them being the Hebrews of David, who formed the personal guard of Achish. The four other princes objected to the presence of these strangers in their midst, and forced Achish to dismiss them. David returned to Ziklag, to find ruin and desolation everywhere. The Amalekites had taken advantage of the departure of the Hebrews to revenge themselves once for all for David’s former raids on them, and they had burnt the town, carrying off the women and flocks. David at once set out on their track, overtook them just beyond the torrent of Besor, and rescued from them, not only his own belongings, but all the booty they had collected by the way in the southern provinces of Caleb, in Judah, and in the Cherethite plain.

He distributed part of this spoil among those cities of Judah which had shown hospitality to himself and his men, for instance, to Jattir, Aroer, Eshtemoa, Hormah, and Hebron.* While he thus kept up friendly relations with those who might otherwise have been tempted to forget him, Saul was making his last supreme effort against the Philistines, but only ito meet with failure. He had been successful in repulsing them as long as he kept to the mountain districts, where the courage of his troops made up for their lack of numbers and the inferiority of their arms; but he was imprudent enough to take up a position on the hillsides of Gilboa, whose gentle slopes offered no hindrances to the operations of the heavy Philistine battalions. They attacked the Israelites from the Shunem side, and swept all before them. Jonathan perished in the conflict, together with his two brothers, Malchi-shua and Abinadab; Saul, who was wounded by an arrow, begged his armour-bearer to take his life, but, on his persistently refusing, the king killed himself with his own sword. The victorious Philistines cut off his head and those of his sons, and placed their armour in the temple of Ashtoreth,** while their bodies, thus despoiled, were hung up outside the walls of Bethshan, whose Canaanite inhabitants had made common cause with the Philistines against Israel.

     * 1 Sam. xxviii. 1, 2, xxix., xxx. The torrent of Besor is
     the present Wady Esh-Sheriah, which runs to the south of
     Gaza.

     ** The text of 1 Sam. xxxi. 10 says, in a vague manner, “in
     the house of the Ashtaroth” (in the plural), which is
     corrected, somewhat arbitrarily, in 1 Chron. x. 10 iato “in
     the house of Dagon” (B.V.); it is possible that it was the
     temple at Gaza, Gaza being the chief of the Philistine
     towns.

The people of Jabesh-Gilead, who had never forgotten how Saul had saved them from the Ammonites, hearing the news, marched all night, rescued the mutilated remains, and brought them back to their own town, where they burned them, and buried the charred bones under a tamarisk, fasting meanwhile seven days as a sign of mourning.*