Footnote 1036: L. and P., XIII., ii., 1108-9, 1114-16, 1130, 1135-36.(back)
Footnote 1037: Ibid., XIII., ii., 950, 1110.(back)
Footnote 1038: Ibid., vii., 1368; viii., 750.(back)
Footnote 1039: Ibid., XIII., ii., 835, 838, 855.(back)
Footnote 1040: He had, however, been sending information to Chapuys as early as 1534 (L. and P., vii., 957), when Charles V. was urged to make use of him and of Reginald Pole (ibid., vii., 1040; cf. ibid., XIII., ii., 702, 830, 954).(back)
Footnote 1041: Ibid., XIII., pt. ii., passim. He attempted to commit suicide (ibid., 703).(back)
Footnote 1042: Ibid., v., 416; vi., 1419, 1464.(back)
Footnote 1043: Ibid., XIII., ii., 802, 961.(back)
Footnote 1044: L. and P., XIV., i., 478, 533, 630, 671, 762, 899.(back)
Footnote 1045: Ibid., XIV., i., 540, 564, 573, 615, 655, 682, 711, 712.(back)
Footnote 1046: L. and P., XIV., i., Introd., pp. xi.-xiii.(back)
Footnote 1047: Ibid., XIV., i., 714, 728, 741, 767.(back)
Footnote 1048: Cf. ibid., XIV., i., 1011, 1013; ii., 99.(back)
Footnote 1049: Ibid., XIV., i., 27, 37, 92, 98, 104, 114, 144, 188, 235, 884; ii., 357.(back)
Footnote 1050: L. and P., XIV., i., 37, 92, 371.(back)
Footnote 1051: L. and P., XIV., i., 373.(back)
Footnote 1052: L. and P., xi., 1110; cf. ibid., 59, 123, 377, 954.(back)
Footnote 1053: Wilkins, Concilia, iii., 803.(back)
Footnote 1054: Fuller, Church History, ed. 1845, iii., 145-59; Burnet, Reformation, ed. Pocock, iv., 272-90; Strype, Cranmer, i., 58-62.(back)
Footnote 1055: L. and P., XII., ii., 618; Cranmer, Works, ii., 469; cf. Jenkyns, Cranmer, ii., 21; and Cranmer, Works, ii., 83, 359, 360.(back)
Footnote 1056: See the present writer's Cranmer, pp. 110-13; Dixon, Church History, ii., 77-79.(back)
Footnote 1057: See these injunctions in Burnet, iv., 341-46; Wilkins, Concilia, iii., 815.(back)
Footnote 1058: L. and P., XIII., i., 231, 348.(back)
Footnote 1059: Father Bridgett in his Blunders and Forgeries repudiates the idea that these "innocent toys" had been put to any superstitious uses.(back)
Footnote 1060: L. and P., XIII., i., 347, 564, 580; ii., 186, 409, 488, 709, 710, 856.(back)
Footnote 1061: John Hoker of Maidstone to Bullinger in Burnet (ed. Pocock, vi., 194, 195).(back)
Footnote 1062: Gairdner, Church History, p. 195; L. and P., XII., i., 1310; ii. 1088-89.(back)
Footnote 1063: L. and P., XIII., i., 352, 353, 367, 645, 648-50, 1102, 1166, 1295, 1305, 1437.(back)
Footnote 1064: Ibid., XIII., ii., 741; Cranmer, Works, ii., 397; Burnet, i., 408; Strype, Eccl. Mem., i., App. Nos. 94-102.(back)
Footnote 1065: Burnet, iv., 373.(back)
Footnote 1066: L. and P., iv., 6364.(back)
Footnote 1067: See the present writer in Cambridge Modern History, ii., 236, 237. The Duke of Cleves was not a Lutheran or a Protestant, as is generally assumed. He had established a curious Erasmian compromise between Protestantism and Roman Catholicism, which bears some resemblance to the ecclesiastical policy pursued by Henry VIII., and by the Elector Joachim II. of Brandenburg; and the marriage of Anne with Henry did not imply so great a change in ecclesiastical policy as has usually been supposed. The objections to it were really more political than religious; the Schmalkaldic League was a feeble reed to lean upon, although its feebleness was not exposed until 1546-47.(back)
Footnote 1068: L. and P., XIV., i., 103; cf. Bouterwek, Anna von Cleve; Merriman, Cromwell, chap. xiii.; and articles on the members of the Cleves family in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie.(back)
Footnote 1069: L. and P., XIV., ii., 285, 286.(back)
Footnote 1070: Ibid., XIV., ii., 33. Holbein did not paint a flattering portrait any more than Wotton told a flattering tale; if Henry was deceived in the matter it was by Cromwell's unfortunate assurances. As a matter of fact Anne was at least as good looking as Jane Seymour, and Henry's taste in the matter of feminine beauty was not of a very high order. Bishop Stubbs even suggests that their appearance was "if not a justification, at least a colourable reason for understanding the readiness with which he put them away" (Lectures, 1887, p. 284).(back)
Footnote 1071: L. and P., XIV., i., 552.(back)
Footnote 1072: Ibid., XIV., ii., 33.(back)
Footnote 1073: L. and P., XIV., ii., 664, 674, 677, 726, 732, 753, 754, 769.(back)
Footnote 1074: Hall, Chronicle, p. 836.(back)
Footnote 1075: Burnet, i., 434. The phrase appears to have no extant contemporary authority, but Burnet is not, as a rule, imaginative, and many records have been destroyed since he wrote.(back)
Footnote 1076: Cromwell to Henry VIII., in Merriman, ii., 268-72.(back)
Footnote 1077: E.g., L. and P., v., 285; XIII., ii., 849, Introd., p. xxviii. Sir John Wallop admired the "charitable dexterity" with which Henry treated them (ibid., xv., 429).(back)
Footnote 1078: When a book was presented to him which he had not the patience to read he handed it over to one of his lords-in-waiting to read; he then took it back and gave it to be examined to some one of an entirely different way of thinking, and made the two discuss its merits, and upon that discussion formed his own opinion (Cranmer to Wolfgang Capito, Works, ii., 341; the King, says Cranmer, "is a most acute and vigilant observer"). Henry was also, according to modern standards, extraordinarily patient of theological discourses; when Cranmer obtained for Latimer an appointment to preach at Court, he advised him not to preach more than an hour or an hour and a half lest the King and Queen should grow weary! (L. and P., vii., 29).(back)
Footnote 1079: L. and P., XIV., i., 967, an interesting letter which also records how the King rowed up and down the Thames in his barge for an hour after evensong on Holy Thursday "with his drums and fifes playing".(back)
Footnote 1080: Ibid., i., 967. This had been made a capital offence as early as the days of Charlemagne (Gibbon, ed. 1890, iii., 450 n.).(back)
Footnote 1081: In 1536 Henry had sent round a circular to the sheriffs; but its main object was to show that another Parliament was indispensable, to persuade the people that "their charge and time, which will be very little and short, would be well spent," and to secure "that persons are elected who will serve, and for their worship and qualities be most meet for this purpose" (L. and P., x., 815). The sheriffs in fact were simply to see that the burden was placed on those able and willing to bear it. The best illustration of the methods adopted and of the amount of liberty of election exercised by the constituents may be found in Southampton's letter to Cromwell (ibid., XIV., i., 520). At Guildford he told the burgesses they must return two members, which would be a great charge to the town, "but that if they followed my advice it would cost little or nothing, for I would provide able men to supply the room". They said that one Daniel Modge wanted one of the seats, but Southampton might arrange for the other. About the Sussex election he was doubtful, but various friends had promised to do their parts. Farnham, he said, returned burgesses (though it does not appear in the Official Return), but that was the bishop's town, "and my Lord Chamberlain is his steward there; so I forbear to meddle".(back)
Footnote 1082: L. and P., XIV., i., 662, 800, 808. By a singular fatality the returns for this Parliament have been lost, so there is no means of ascertaining how many of these nominees were actually elected.(back)
Footnote 1083: Ibid., XIV., i., 573, and "although he fears my lord of Winchester has already moved men after his own desires". He also spoke with Lord St. John about knights of the shire for Hampshire, and St. John "promised to do his best". Finally he enclosed a "schedule of the best men of the country picked out by them, that Cromwell may pick whom he would have chosen".(back)
Footnote 1084: "We of the temporality," writes a peer, "have been all of one mind" (L. and P., XIV., i., 1040; Burnet, vi., 233; Narratives of the Reformation, p. 248).(back)
Footnote 1085: See the present writer's Cranmer, p. 129 n. Cranmer afterwards asserted (Works, ii., 168) that the Act would never have passed unless the King had come personally into the Parliament house, but that is highly improbable.(back)
Footnote 1086: Husee (L. and P., XIV., i., 1158) says the House had been fifteen days over this bill; cf. Lords' Journals, 1539.(back)
Footnote 1087: Parliament is sometimes represented as having almost committed constitutional suicide by this Act; but cf. Dicey, Law and Custom of the Constitution, p. 357, "Powers, however extraordinary, which are conferred or sanctioned by statute, are never really unlimited, for they are confined by the words of the Act itself, and what is more by the interpretation put upon the statute by the judges". There was a world of difference between this and the prerogative independent of Parliament claimed by the Stuarts. Parliament was the foundation, not the rival, of Henry's authority.(back)
Footnote 1088: L. and P., xv., 486.(back)
Footnote 1089: Ibid., xv., 735.(back)
Footnote 1090: L. and P., xv., 306, 312, 334.(back)
Footnote 1091: Ibid., xv., 486, 804.(back)
Footnote 1092: Ibid., XIV., ii., 141.(back)
Footnote 1093: Ibid., xv., 737.(back)
Footnote 1094: Burnet, iv., 415-23; L. and P., xv., 765-67.(back)
Footnote 1095: Merriman, Cromwell, ii., 268, 273.(back)
Footnote 1096: For the canonical reasons on which this decision was based, see the present writer's Cranmer, pp. 140, 141.(back)
Footnote 1097: "She is," writes Marillac in August, "as joyous as ever, and wears new dresses every day" (xv., 976; cf. Wriothesley Chronicle, i., 120).(back)
Footnote 1098: L. and P., xv., 863.(back)
Footnote 1099: Ibid., xv., 932.(back)
Footnote 1100: Ibid., xvi., 106.(back)
Footnote 1101: Ibid., xvi., Introd., p. ii. n.(back)
Footnote 1102: Ibid., xv., 870.(back)
Footnote 1103: Ibid., xv., 951.(back)
Footnote 1104: Original Letters, Parker Society, i., 202. cf. L. and P., xv., 613 [12]. Winchester, says Marillac, "was one of the principal authors of this last marriage, which led to the ruin of Cromwell" (ibid., xvi., 269).(back)
Footnote 1105: L. and P., xvi., 1334.(back)
Footnote 1106: So says the D.N.B., ix., 308; but in L. and P., xv., 901, Marillac describes her as "a lady of great beauty," and in xvi., 1366, he speaks of her "beauty and sweetness".(back)
Footnote 1107: Venetian Cal., v., 222.(back)
Footnote 1108: This is the date given by Dr. Gairdner in D.N.B., ix., 304, and is probably correct, though Dr. Gairdner himself gives 8th August in his Church History, 1902, p. 218. Wriothesley (Chron., i., 121) also says 8th August, but Hall (Chron., p. 840) is nearer the truth when he says: "The eight day of August was the Lady Katharine Howard... shewed openly as Queen at Hampton court". The original authority for the 28th July is the 3rd Rep. of the Deputy Keeper of Records, App. ii., 264, viz., the official record of her trial.(back)
Footnote 1109: It was popularly thought that Henry called Gardiner "his own bishop" (L. and P., XIV., i., 662).(back)
Footnote 1110: 32 Henry VIII., c. 10. Married priests of course would come under this opprobrious title.(back)
Footnote 1111: Wriothesley, Chron., i., 120, 121.(back)
Footnote 1112: Henry soon recognised this himself, and a year after the Act was passed he ordered that "no further persecution should take place for religion, and that those in prison should be set at liberty on finding security for their appearance when called for" (L. and P., xvi., 271). Cranmer himself wrote that "within a year or a little more" Henry "was fain to temper his said laws, and moderate them in divers points; so that the Statute of Six Articles continued in force little above the space of one year" (Works, ii., 168). The idea that from 1539 to 1547 there was a continuous and rigorous persecution is a legend derived from Foxe; there were outbursts of rigour in 1540, 1543, and 1546, but except for these the Six Articles remained almost a dead letter (see L. and P., XVIII., i., Introd., p. xlix.; pt. ii., Introd., p. xxxiv.; Original Letters, Parker Society, ii., 614, 627; Dixon, Church Hist., vol. ii., chaps, x., xi.).(back)
Footnote 1113: In 1518 (L. and P., ii., 4450).(back)
Footnote 1114: L. and P., xvi., 449, 461, 466, 467, 469, 470, 474, 482, 488, 506, 523, 534, 611, 640, 641; cf. the present writer in D.N.B., on Mason and Wriothesley.(back)
Footnote 1115: Ibid., XIV., ii., 142; xvi., 121, 311, 558, 589, 590; D.N.B., xxvi., 89.(back)
Footnote 1116: L. and P., xvi., 1334.(back)
Footnote 1117: Herbert, Life and Reign, ed. 1672, p. 534.(back)
Footnote 1118: Ibid., xvi., 1403.(back)
Footnote 1119: Ibid., xvi., 1426.(back)
Footnote 1120: Lords' Journals, pp. 171, 176.(back)
Footnote 1121: L. and P., xvii., 124.(back)
Footnote 1122: Ibid.(back)
Footnote 1123: L. and P., xvi., 984, 991, 1042.(back)
Footnote 1124: Ibid., xvii., 124.(back)
Footnote 1125: For relations with Scotland see the Hamilton Papers, 2 vols., 1890-92; Thorp's Scottish Calendar, vol. i., 1858, and the much more satisfactory Calendar edited by Bain, 1898. A few errors in the Hamilton Papers are pointed out in L. and P., vols. xvi.-xix.(back)
Footnote 1126: This had been asserted by Henry as early as 1524; Scotland was only to be included in the peace negotiations of that year as "a fief of the King of England"; it was to be recognised that supremum ejus dominium belonged to Henry, as did the guardianship of James and government of the kingdom during his minority (Sp. Cal., ii., 680). For the assertion of supremacy in 1543 see the present writer's England under Somerset, p. 173; L. and P., xvii., 1033. In 1527 Mendoza declared that all wise people in England preferred a project for marrying the Princess Mary to James V. to her betrothal to Francis I. or the Dauphin (Sp. Cal., iii., 156) and that the Scots match was the one really intended by Henry (ibid., p. 192; cf. L. and P., v., 1078, 1286).(back)
Footnote 1127: L. and P., xvii., 731, 754, 771.(back)
Footnote 1128: Ibid., xvii., 996-98, 1000-1, 1037.(back)
Footnote 1129: See Hamilton Papers, vol. i., pp. lxxxiii.-vi.; and the present writer in D.N.B., s.v. "Wharton, Thomas," who commanded the English.(back)
Footnote 1130: L. and P., xvii., 1221, 1233.(back)
Footnote 1131: Wriothesley, Chron., i., 140.(back)
Footnote 1132: 35 Hen. VIII., c. 27.(back)
Footnote 1133: L. and P., vol. xviii., passim.(back)
Footnote 1134: D.N.B., ix., 309.(back)
Footnote 1135: Foxe, ed. Townsend, v., 553-61.(back)
Footnote 1136: See for the Scottish war the Hamilton Papers, and for the war in France Spanish Cal., vol. vii., and L. and P., vol. xix., pt. ii. (to December, 1544).(back)
Footnote 1137: For Charles's motives see the present writer in Cambridge Modern History, ii., 245, 246.(back)
Footnote 1138: Herbert, ed. 1672, p. 589; Hall, p. 862.(back)
Footnote 1139: Du Bellay, Memoirs, pp. 785-9.(back)
Footnote 1140: State Papers, ed. 1830-51, i., 794, 816.(back)
Footnote 1141: State Papers, ed. 1830-51, i., 877, 879; Odet de Selve, pp. 31, 34.(back)
Footnote 1142: State Papers, v., 448-52; Harleian MS., 284; Original Letters, i., 37.(back)
Footnote 1143: Odet de Selve, Corresp. Politique, 1886, pp. 50-120, passim.(back)
Footnote 1144: L. and P., xvi., 819; Burnet, iv., 509.(back)
Footnote 1145: L. and P., xvi., 978, 1022, 1027.(back)
Footnote 1146: Ibid., xvi., 1262; xvii., 176.(back)
Footnote 1147: See the present writer's Cranmer, pp. 166-72.(back)
Footnote 1148: Ibid., pp. 172-75.(back)
Footnote 1149: L. and P., XVIII., i., 534.(back)
Footnote 1150: Canon Dixon.(back)
Footnote 1151: See the present writer's Cranmer, pp. 144-60.(back)
Footnote 1152: Foxe, on the authority of Cranmer's secretary, Morice, in Acts and Monuments, v., 563, 564; it receives some corroboration from Hooper's letter to Bullinger in Original Letters, i., 41.(back)
Footnote 1153: See Hasenclever, Die Politik der Schmalkaldener vor Ausbruch des Schmalkaldischen Krieges, 1901.(back)
Footnote 1154: Hall, Chron., pp. 864-66; Foxe, ed. Townsend, v., 534-36; Herbert, ed. 1672, pp. 598-601.(back)
Footnote 1155: This itinerary is worked out from the Acts of the Privy Council, ed. Dasent, vol. i.(back)
Footnote 1156: This is the usual view, but it is a somewhat doubtful inference. Henry's one object was the maintenance of order and his own power; he would never have set himself against the nation as a whole, and there are indications that at the end of his reign he was preparing to accept the necessity of further changes. The fall of the Howards was due to the fear that they would cause trouble in the coming minority of Edward VI. Few details are known of the party struggle in the Council in the autumn of 1546, and they come from Selve's Correspondance and the new volume (1904) of the Spanish Calendar (1545-47). These should be compared with Foxe, vol. v.(back)
Footnote 1157: L. and P., XIV., ii., 141.(back)
Footnote 1158: Acts of the Privy Council, i., 104; Bapst, Deux Gentilshommes poètes à la cour d'Henri VIII., p. 269.(back)
Footnote 1159: See the present writer in D.N.B., s.v. "Seymour, Edward"; cf. Herbert, pp. 625-33. G.F. Nott in his life of Surrey prefixed to his edition of the poet's works takes too favourable a view of his conduct.(back)
Footnote 1160: See an account of his trial in Stowe MS., 396.(back)
Footnote 1161: Wriothesley, Chron. i., 177, says 19th January; other authorities give the 21st.(back)
Footnote 1162: Lords' Journals, p. 289.(back)
Footnote 1163: L. and P., iv., 4942.(back)
Footnote 1164: Foxe, ed. Townsend, v., 692; Fuller, Church History, 1656, pp. 252-55.(back)
Footnote 1165: Cotton MS., Titus, F. iii.; Strype, Eccl. Mem., II., ii., 430.(back)
Footnote 1166: The original is in the Record Office; a copy of it was made for each executor, and it has been often printed; see England under Protector Somerset, p. 5 n.(back)
Footnote 1167: Wriothesley, Chron., i., 181.(back)
Footnote 1168: L. and P., iv., Introd., p. dcxviii.(back)
Footnote 1169: Ibid.; cf. Pote, Hist. of Windsor Castle, 1749.(back)
Footnote 1170: Sir William Petre in Tytler's Edward VI. and Mary, i., 427.(back)
Footnote 1171: Sir John Mason, quoted in Froude, iv., 306 n.(back)
Footnote 1172: The Leviathan is the best philosophical commentary on the Tudor system; Hobbes was Tudor and not Stuart in all his ideas, and his assertion of the Tudor de facto theory of monarchy as against the Stuart de jure theory brought him into disfavour with Cavaliers.(back)
Footnote 1173: John Hales in Lansdowne MS., 238; England under Protector Somerset, p. 216.(back)
Footnote 1174: L. and P., x., 920; "all which died charitably," writes Husee of Anne Boleyn and her fellow-victims; Rochford "made a very catholic address to the people saying he had not come there to preach but to serve as a mirror and example, acknowledging his sins against God and the King" (ibid., x., 911; cf. xvii., 124). Cromwell and Somerset had more cause to complain of their fate than other statesmen of the time, yet Cromwell on the scaffold says: "I am by the law condemned to die, and thank my Lord God that hath appointed me this death for mine offence.... I have offended my prince, for the which I ask him heartily forgiveness" (Foxe, v., 402). And Somerset says: "I am condemned by a law whereunto I am subject, as we all; and therefore to show obedience I am content to die" (Ellis, Orig. Letters, II., ii., 215; England under Somerset, p. 308). Compare Buckingham in Shakespeare, "Henry VIII.," Act II., Sc. i.:—
"I bear the law no malice for my death
... my vows and prayers
Yet are the King's; and till my soul forsake
Shall cry for blessings on him."
(back)
Footnote 1175: "I never knew," writes Bishop Gardiner a few months after Henry's death, "man committed to prison for disagreeing to any doctrine unless the same doctrine were established by a law of the realm before" (Foxe, ed. Townsend, vi., 141).(back)
Footnote 1176: The Countess of Salisbury and Cromwell are the two great exceptions.(back)
Footnote 1177: L. and P., vi., 954. It may be reading too much into Francis I.'s words, but it is tempting to connect them with Machiavelli's opinion that the French parlement was devised to relieve the Crown of the hostility aroused by curbing the power of the nobles (Il Principe c. 19). A closer parallel to the policy of Henry VIII. may be found in that which Tacitus attributes to Tiberius with regard to the Senate; "he must devolve on the Senate the odious duty of trial and condemnation and reserve only the credit of clemency for himself" (Furneaux, Tacitus, Introd.).(back)
Footnote 1178: In three months of "peace" in 1568 over ten thousand persons are said to have been slain in France (Cambr. Mod. Hist., ii., 347). At least a hundred thousand were butchered in the Peasants' War in Germany in 1525-6, and thirty thousand Anabaptists are said to have suffered in Holland and Friesland alone between 1523 and 1546. Henry VIII.'s policy was parcere subjectis et debellare superbos, to protect the many humble and destroy the mighty few.(back)
Footnote 1179: L. and P., iv., Introd., p. dcxvi.(back)