[1] Isai. xli. 25: Jer. i. 14; vi. 1, 22; Joel ii. 20; etc., etc.
[2] Gibbon.
[3] Gibbon.
[4] Caldecott's Baber.
[5] Vid. Mitford's Greece, vol. viii. p. 86.
[6] Pritchard's Researches.
[7] Thirlwall: Greece, vol. ii. p. 196.
[8] Voyages, t. i. p. 456.
[9] Gibbon.
[10] Maffei Verona, part ii. p. 6.
[11] Murray's Asia.
[12] Thornton's Turkey. Vid. also Jenkinson's Voyage across the Caspian in 1562.
[13] Vid. also Jenkinson, supr.
[14] Gibbon.
[15] Univ. Hist. Modern, vol. iii. p. 346.
[16] I am here assuming that the Magyars are not of the Turkish stock; vid. Gibbon and Pritchard.
[17] Vol. v. p. 248.
[18] P. 127, ed. 1817.
[19] Travels in Syria, vol. i. p. 369, ed. 1787.
[20] Hor. Epist. ii 1, 155.
[21] Supr. p. 26.
[22] Montesquieu.
[23] Murray.
[24] Caldecott's Baber.
[25] Vid. Quarterly Review, vol. lii. p. 396-7.
[26] Univ. Hist. mod. vol. v. p. 262, etc.
[27] Ibid. vol. iv. p. 353.
[28] Meyendorff.
[29] Moorcroft.
[30] Vid. Elphinstone.
[31] Wood's Oxus.
[32] Elphinstone's Cabul.
[33] Supr. p. 59.
[34] Gibbon.
[35] Thornton.
[36] Gibbon.
[37] Vid. Dow's Hindostan.
[38] Caldecott's Baber. Vid. also Elphinstone, vol. ii. p. 366.
[39] "Our victorious army bears the gates of the temple of Somnauth in triumph from Affghanistan, and the despoiled tomb of Sultan Mahmood looks upon the ruins of Ghuznee. The insult of 800 years is at last avenged," etc., etc.—Proclamation of the Governor-General to all the princes, chiefs, and people of India.
[40] Gibbon. Universal Hist.
[41] Baronius, Pagi.
[42] Gibbon.
[43] Baronius, Gibbon.
[44] Vid. Cave's Hist. Litterar. in nom. Lambertus.
[45] Gibbon makes this the Fatimite governor of some town in Galilee, laying the scene in Palestine. The name Capernaum is doubtfully mentioned in the history, but the occurrence is said to have taken place on the borders of Lycia. Anyhow, there were Turcomans in Palestine. Part of the account in the text is taken from Marianus Scotus.
[46] I should observe that the Turks were driven out of Jerusalem by the Fatimites of Egypt, two years before the Crusaders appeared.
[47] I am pleased to see that Mr. Sharon Turner takes the same view strongly.—England in Middle Ages, i. 9. Also Mr. Francis Newman; "The See of Rome," he says, "had not forgotten, if Europe had, how deadly and dangerous a war Charles Martel and the Franks had had to wage against the Moors from Spain. A new and redoubtable nation, the Seljuk Turks, had now appeared on the confines of Europe, as a fresh champion of the Mohammedan Creed; and it is not attributing too much foresight or too sagacious policy to the Court of Rome, to believe, that they wished to stop and put down the Turkish power before it should come too near. Be this as it may, such was the result. The might of the Seljukians was crippled on the plains of Palestine, and did not ultimately reach Europe.... A large portion of Christendom, which disowned the religious pretensions of Rome, was afterwards subdued by another Turkish tribe, the Ottomans or Osmanlis; but Romish Christendom remained untouched: Poland, Germany, and Hungary, saved her from the later Turks, even during the schism of the Reformation, as the Franks had saved her from the Moors. On the whole, it would seem that to the Romish Church we have been largely indebted for that union between European nations, without which Mohammedanism might perhaps not have been repelled. I state this as probable, not at all as certain."—Lectures at Manchester, 1846.
[48] Vid. a beautiful passage in Cardinal Wiseman's late lecture at Liverpool.
[49] Vid. Murray's Asia.
[50] Sir Charles Fellows.
[51] Vid. Smith and Dwight's Travels.
[52] Eclectic Review, Dec., 1839.
[53] Gibbon.
[54] Alison on Population, vol. i. p. 309, etc.
[55] Vol. i., p. 66, note.
[56] Alison, ch. xx., § 28.
[57] Formby's Visit to the East.
[58] The three remaining of the thirty are Orchan, Ibrahim, and Abdoul Achmet.
[59] Gibbon.
[60] Gibbon.
[61] Hume's History.
[62] Ranke, vol. i
[63] Turner's History.
[64] Ibid.
[65] Gieseler's Text Book.
[66] Baronius.
[67] Bergeron.
[68] Gibbon says twenty years: Sharon Turner gives 1074.
[69] Bollandist. Mai. 5.
[70] Ranke's Hist. of the Popes.
[71] "The battle of Lepanto arrested for ever the danger of Mahometan invasion in the south of Europe."—Alison's Europe, vol. ix. p. 95. "The powers of the Turks and of their European neighbours were now nearly balanced; in the reign of Amurath the Third, who succeeded Selim, the advantages became more evidently in favour of the Christians; and since that time, though the Turks have sometimes enjoyed a transitory success, the real stability of their affairs has constantly declined."—Bell's Geography, vol. ii, part 2. Vid. also Ranke, vol. i., pp. 381-2. It is remarkable that it should be passed over by Professor Creasy in his "Fifteen Decisive Battles."
[72] Murray's Asia.
[73] Robertson's America, books vi. and vii.
[74] Univ. Hist. Anc., vol. xvi.
[75] Merivale's Rome, vol. ii.
[76] Guizot's European Civilization.
[77] Gibbon, vol x.
[78] Philosophy of History; Robertson's translation.
[79] Formby's Visit, p. 70.
[80] Bell's Geography.
[81] Vid, Sir Charles Fellows' Asia Minor.
[82] The correspondent of the Times in February, 1854, speaking of the great arsenal of Rustchuk, observes: "All the heavy smith work was done by Bulgarians, the light iron work by gipsies, the carpenters were all Turks, the sawyers Bulgarians, the tinmen all Jews."
[83] Lib. iv. fin.
[84] Sir C. Fellows.
[85] Bergeron, t. 1.
[86] Edinburgh Rev. 1853.
[87] Tour through Armenia, etc.
[88] Gibbon.
[89] Since this was written, they have been taken into the European family by the Treaty of 1856, and the Sultan has become a Knight of the Garter. This strange phenomenon is not for certain to the advantage of their political position.
[90] Gibbon.
[91] Thornton, ii. 89; Formby, p. 24; Eclectic Rev., Dec., 1828.
[92] Pritchard.
[93] De Legg. i. 1, ii. 1.
[94] Contra Rull. ii. 1.
[95] De Legg. ii. 1, iii. 16; de Orat. ii. 66.
[96] Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[97] Middleton's Life, vol. i. p. 13. 4to; de Clar. Orat. 89.
[98] Ibid.
[99] Pro Muræna, 11; de Orat. i. g.
[100] In Catil. iii. 6; in Pis. 3; pro Sylla, 30; pro Dom. 37; de Harusp. resp. 23; ad Fam. xv. 4.
[101] De Clar. Orat. 91.
[102] Middleton's Life, vol. i. p. 42, 4to.
[103] Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[104] Warburton, Div. Leg. lib, iii. sec. 3; and Vossius. de Nat. Logic. c. viii. sec. 22.
[105] Pro Planc. 26; in Ver. vi. 14.
[106] Pro Dom. 57, 58.
[107] De Offic. ii. 17; Middleton.
[108] In Pis. 1.
[109] Pro Murænâ, 20.
[110] Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[111] Γραικὁς και σχολαστικὁς. Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[112] Ad Atticum, i. 18, ii. 1.
[113] See Montesquieu, Grandeur des Romains, ch. xii.
[114] Ad Atticum, i. 19.
[115] Ad Atticum, lib. iii.; ad Fam. lib. xiv.; pro Sext. 22; pro Dom. 36; Plutarch, in Vitâ. It is curious to observe how he converts the alleviating circumstances of his case into exaggerations of his misfortune: he writes to Atticus: "As to your many fierce objurgations of me, for my weakness of mind, I ask you, what aggravation is wanting to my calamity? Who else has ever fallen from so high a position, in so good a cause, with so large an intellect, influence, popularity, with all good men so powerfully supporting him, as I?"—iii. 10. Other persons would have reckoned the justice of their cause, and the countenance of good men, alleviations of their distress; and so, when others were concerned, he himself thought. Vid. pro Sext. 12.
[116] Ad Atticum, ix. 18.
[117] Ibid. vii. 11, ix. 6, x. 8 and 9, xi, 9, etc.
[118] Macrobius, Saturnalia, ii. 3.
[119] Ad Atticum, xi. 8, 9, 10 and 12.
[120] Ibid. xi. 13.
[121] Ad Fam. iv. 14; Middleton, vol. ii. p. 149.
[122] Ibid.
[123] Ad Fam. iv. 6.
[124] Ad Atticum, xii. 15, etc
[125] Ad Atticum, xiii. 20.
[126] Ibid. xii. 40 and 41.
[127] His want of jealousy towards his rivals was remarkable; this was exemplified in his esteem for Hortensius, and still more so in his conduct towards Calvus. See Ad Fam. xv. 21.
[128] Vol. ii. p. 525, 4to.
[129] Pro Planc.; Middleton, vol. i. p. 108.
[130] C. 39.
[131] Ad Fam. vi. 6, vii. 3.
[132] Plutarch, in Vitâ Cic. See also in Vitâ Pomp.
[133] Vid. Dr. Whately in the Encyclopædia Metropolitana.
[134] Lactantius, Inst. iii. 16.
[135] Plutarch, in Vitâ Caton. See also de Invent. i. 36.
[136] Paterculus, i. 12, etc. Plutarch, in Vitt. Lucull. et Syll.
[137] Gravin. Origin. Juris Civil. lib. i. c. 44.
[138] Quinct. xii. 2. Auct. Dialog. de Orator. 31.
[139] De Nat. Deor. i. 4; de Off. i. 1; de Fin.; init. Acad. Quæst. init. etc.
[140] Tusc Quæst. i. 3; ii. 3; Acad. Quæst. i. 2; de Nat. Deor. i. 21; de Fin. i. 3, etc.; de Clar. Orat. 35.
[141] Lucullus, 2; de Fin. i. 1-3; Tusc Quæst. ii. 1, 2; iii. 2; v. 2; de Legg. i. 22-24; de Off. ii. 2; de Orat. 41, etc.
[142] Middleton's Life, vol. ii. p. 254.
[143] Ad Quinct. fratr. iii. 3.
[144] Tusc. Quæst, v. 2.
[145] De Off. i. 5. init.
[146] Johnson's observations on Addison's writings may be well applied to those of Cicero, who would have been eminently successful in short miscellaneous essays, like those of the Spectator, had the manners of the age allowed it.
[147] Orat iii. 4; Tusc. Quæst. ii. 3; de Off. i. 1. Paradox. præfat. Quinct. Instit. xii. 2.
[148] Article, Plato, in the Encyclopædia Metropolitana.
[149] Acad. Quæst. i. 10, etc.; Lucullus, 5; de Legg. i. 20; iii. 3, etc.
[150] Acad. Quæst. i. 4, 12, 13; Lucullus, 5 and 23; de Nat. Deor. i. 5; de Fin. ii. 1; de Orat. iii. 18. Augustin. contra Acad. ii. 6. Plutarch, in Colot. 26.
[151] "Arcesilas negabat esse quidquam, quod sciri posset, ne illud quidem ipsum quod Socrates sibi reliquisset. Sic omnia latere censebat in occulto, neque esse quicquam quod cerni, quod intelligi, posset; quibus de causis nihil oportere neque profiteri neque affirmare quenquam, neque assentione approbare, etc."—Acad. Quæst. i. 12. See also Lucullus, 9 and 18. They were countenanced in these conclusions by Plato's doctrine of ideas.—Lucullus, 46.
[152] Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. Hypot. i. 33. Diogenes Laertius, lib. iv. in Arcesil. Vid. Lactant. Instit. iii. 6.
[153] Lucullus, 6.
[154] Augustin. contr. Acad. iii. 17.
[155] Lucullus, 18, 24. Augustin. contr. Acad. iii. 39.
[156] See Sext. Empir. adv. Log. i. 166., etc., p. 405.
[157] Acad. Quæst. i. 13; Lucullus, 23, 38; de Nat. Deor. i. 5; Orat. 71.
[158] "Tu autem te negas infracto remo neque columbæ collo commoveri. Primum cur? nam et in remo sentio non esse id quod videatur, et in columbâ plures videri colores, nec esse plus uno, etc."—Lucullus, 25.
[159] Lucullus, 16-18; 26-28.
[160] "Vehementer errare eos qui dicant ab Academiâ sensus eripi; à quibus nunquam dictum sit aut colorem aut saporem aut sonum nullum esse, [sed] illud sit disputatum, non inesse in his propriam, quæ nusquam alibi esset, veri et certi notam."—Lucullus, 32. See also 13, 24, 31; de Nat. Deor. i. 5.
[160a]Οι γουν Στωἱκοι κατἁληψιν εινἁι φασι καταληπτικη φαντασἱα συγκατἁθεσω, Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. Hypot. iii. 25. Vid. also Adv. Log. i. 152, p. 402.
[161] "Verum non posse comprehendi ex illâ Stoici Zenonis definitione arripuisse videbantur, qui ait id verum percipi posse, quod ita esset animo impressum ex eo unde esset, ut esse non posset ex eo unde non esset. Quod brevius planiusque sic dicitur, his signis verum posse comprehendi, quæ signa non potest habere quod falsum est."—Augustin, contra Acad. ii. 5. See also Sext. Empir. adv. Math. lib. vii. περἱ μεταβολἡς, and Cf. Lucullus, 6 with 13.
[162] Lucullus, 13, 21, 40.