[163] Τοἱς φαινομἑνοις συν προσἑχοντες κατα τἡν Βιωτικἡν τἡρησω αδοξἁστως βιοὑμεν επει μἡ δυνἁμεθα ανενἑργητοι.—Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. Hypot. 1, 11.

[164] Cicero terms these three impressions, "visio probabilis; quæ ex circumspectione aliquâ et accuratâ consideratione fiat; quæ non impediatur."—Lucullus, 11.

[165] Pyrrh. Hypot. i. 33.

[166] Numen. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv. 7.

[167] Lucullus, 31, 34; de Off. ii. 2; de Fin. v. 26. Quinct. xii. 1.

[168] Lucullus, 22, et alibi; Tusc. Quæst. ii. 2.

[169] See a striking passage from Cicero's Academics, preserved by Augustine, contra Acad. iii. 7, and Lucullus, 18.

[170] De Nat. Deor. passim; de Div. ii. 72. "Quorum controversiam solebat tanquam honorarius arbiter judicare Carneades."—Tusc. Quæst. v. 41.

[171] De Fin. ii. 1; de Orat. i. 18; Lucullus, 3; Tusc. Quæst. v. 11; Numen. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv. 6, etc. Lactantius, Inst. iii. 4.

[172] De Nat. Deor. i. 67; de Fat. 2; Dialog. de Orat. 31, 32.

[173] Lucullus, 6, 18; de Orat. ii. 38, iii. 18. Quint, Inst. xii. 2. Numen. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv. 6 and 8.

[174] "Hæc in philosophiâ ratio contra omnia disserendi nullamque rem apertè judicandi, profecta à Socrate, repetita ab Arcesilâ, confirmata à Carneade, usque ad nostram viguit ætatem; quam nunc propemodum orbam esse in ipsâ Græciâ intelligo. Quod non Academiæ vitio, sed tarditate hominum arbitror contigisse. Nam si singulas disciplinas percipere magnum est, quanto majus omnes? quod facere iis necesse est, quibus propositum est, veri reperiendi causâ, et contra omnes philosophos et pro omnibus dicere."—De Nat. Deor. i. 5.

[175] De Nat. Deor. i. 25, Augustin, contra Acad. iii. 17. Numen. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv. 6.

[176] De Fin. ii. 13, v. 7; Lucullus, 42; Tusc. Quæst. v. 29.

[177] Lucullus, 45.

[178] Lucullus, 21, 24; for an elevated moral precept of his, see de Fin. ii. 18.

[179] Ανἡρ εν ταις τρισἱν αιἑσεσι διατρἱψας, εν τε τἡ Ακαδημαἱκη και Περιπατητικη και Στωἱκι.—Diogenes Laertius, lib. iv. sub fin.

[180] "Quanquam Philo, magnus vir, negaret in libris duas Academias esse erroremque eorum qui ita putârunt coarguit."—Acad. Quæst. i. 4.

[181] De Fin, v. 5; Lucullus, 22, 43. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. i. 33.

[182] Acad. Quæst. i. 4; de Nat. Deor. i. 7.

[183] Lucullus, 20; see also de Nat. Deor. i. 7; de Fin. i. 5.

[184] "Nobis autem nostra Academia magnam licentiam dat, ut, quodcunque maximè probabile occurrat, id nostro jure liceat defendere."—De Off. iii. 4. See also Tusc. Quæst. iv. 4, v. 29; de Invent. ii. 3.

[185] De Legg. i. 13.

[186] Tusc. Quæst. i. 27; de Div. ii. 72; pro Milon. 31; de Legg. ii. 7.

[187] Fragm. de Rep. 3; Tusc. Quæst. i. 29.

[188] Tusc. Quæst. i. passim; de Senect. 21, 22; Somn. Scip. 8.

[189] De Div. i. 32, 49; Fragm. de Consolat.

[190] Tusc. Quæst. i. 30; Som. Scip. 9; de Legg. ii. 11.

[191] De Amic. 4; de Off. iii. 28; pro Cluent. 61; de Legg. ii. 17: Tusc. Quæst. i. 11; pro Sext. 21; de Nat. Deor. i. 17.

[192] De Senect. 23.

[193] Pro Arch. 11, 12, ad Fam. v. 21, vi. 21.

[194] He seems to have fallen into some misconceptions of Aristotle's meaning. De Invent. i. 35, 36, ii. 14; see Quinct. Inst. v. 14.

[195] De Invent. i. 7, ii. 51, et passim; ad. Fam. i. 9; de Orat. ii. 36.

[196] De Off. i. 1; de Fin. iv. 5.

[197] De Fin. ii. 21, iii. 1; de Legg. i. 13; de Orat. iii. 17; ad Fam. xiii. 1; pro Sext. 10.

[198] De Nat. Deor. i. 4; Tusc. Quæst. i. 1, v. 29; de Fin. i. 3, 4; de Off. i. 1; de Div. ii. 1, 2.

[199] Div. Leg. lib. iii. sec. 9.

[200] See Tusc. Quæst and de Republ.

[201] See Fabricius, Bibliothec. Latin.; Olivet, in Cic. opp. omn.; Middleton's Life.

[202] Quinct. Inst. x. 7.

[203] De Invent. ii. 2 et 3; ad Fam. i. 9.

[204] Cf. de part. Orat. with de Invent.

[205] Orat. 19.

[206] Vossius, de Nat. Rhet. c. xiii.; Fabricius, Bibliothec. Latin.

[207] De Invent. i. 5, 6; de clar. Orat. 76.

[208] Ad Fam. vii. 19.

[209] De Div. ii. 1.

[210] Ad Atticum. iv. 16.

[211] Orat. 16.

[212] Orat. 14, 31.

[213] Orat. 21, 29.

[214] Ad Fam. vi. 18.

[215] See Middleton, vol. ii. p. 147.

[216] De Legg. i. 5.

[217] Ang. Mai. præf. in Remp. Middleman, vol. i. p. 486

[218] Quinct. Inst. xi. 1.

[219] Ad Atticum, xiii. 13, 16, 19.

[220] Ad Fam. ix. 16, 18.

[221] Tusc. Quæst v. 4, 11.

[222] Ibid. iii. 10, v. 27.

[223] De Nat. Deor. i. 6; de Div. i. 4, de Fat. 1.

[224] Sciopp. in Olivet.

[225] See Plutarch, in Vitâ.

[226] In Catil. iii. 3-5.

[227] Pro Cæl. 24.

[228] Philipp. ix. 3.

[229] Pro Cæl. 6.

[230] Ibid. 14.

[231] Pro Quinct. 1, and In Verr. Act i. 13

[232] Pro Cluent 1.

[233] Pro Leg. Manil. 1.

[234] Pro Milon. 1.

[235] Pro Deiotar. 2.

[236] Pro Milon. 14, etc.

[237] Pro Muræn. 9.

[238] Pro Cæl. 7, etc.

[239] In Verr. vi. 2, etc.

[240] Contra Rull. ii. 6, 7.

[241] Pro Rabir. 4.

[242] Pro Milon. init. et alibi.

[243] Pro Muræn. 34.

[244] De Orat. partit. 8, 16, 17.

[245] Pro Rabir. 8.

[246] In Verr. v. 56, etc., and 64, etc.

[247] Philipp. iii. 4.

[248] In Verr. vi. 10.

[249] Post Redit. in Senat. i. 4-8; pro Dom. 9, 39, etc.; in Pis. 10, 11. Philipp. ii. 18, etc.

[250] Pro Sext. 8-10.

[251] Pro Planc. 41, 42.

[252] Pro Fonteio, 17.

[253] Vid. his ideal description of an orator, in Orat. 40. Vid. also de clar. Orat. 93, his negative panegyric on his own oratorical attainments.

[254] Orat. 29.

[255] Tusc. Quæst. i. 1; de clar. Orat. 82, etc., de opt. gen. dicendi.

[256] Quinct. x. 1.

[257] De Fin. iii. 1 and 4; Lucull. 6. Plutarch, in Vitâ.

[258] This, which is analogous to his address in pleading, is nowhere more observable than in his rendering the recurrence of the same word, to which he is forced by the barrenness or vagueness of the language, an elegance.

[259] It is remarkable that some authors attempted to account for the invention of the Asiatic style, on the same principle we have here adduced to account for Cicero's adoption of it in Latin; viz. that the Asiatics had a defective knowledge of Greek, and devised phrases, etc., to make up for the imperfection of their scanty vocabulary. See Quinct. xii. 10.

[260] De clar. Orat. 72.

[261] "Vulgus interdum," says Cicero, "non probandum oratorem probat, sed probat sine comparatione, cùm à mediocri aut etiam â malo delectatur; eo est contentus: esse melius sentit: illud quod est, qualecunque est, probat."—De clar. Orat. 52.

[262] De clar. Orat. 72. Quinct. xii. 10.

[263] De clar. Orat. 25, 27; pro Harusp. resp. 19.

[264] Quinct. x. 1 and 2. De clar. Orat. 75.

[265] Ibid.

[266] Ibid. and ad Atticum, xiv. 1.

[267] Ibid.

[268] Dialog. de Orat. 20 apud Tacit. and 22. Quinct. x. 2.

[269] "It is not uncommon for those who have grown wise by the labour of others, to add a little of their own, and overlook their master."—Johnson. We have before compared Cicero to Addison as regards the purpose of inspiring their respective countrymen with literary taste. They resembled each other in the return they experienced.

[270] Dialog. 18.

[271] Ibid.

[272] Dialog. 19.

[273] Dialog. 18 and 22 Quinct. xii 10.

[274] Olear. ad Philostr. i. 12.

[275] By Lord Herbert and Mr. Blount.

[276] Philostr. i. 3.

[277] Philostr. i. 2, 3.

[278] His work was called Λὁγοι φιλαλἡθεις προς Χριστιανος' on this subject see Mosheim, Dissertat. de turbatâ per recentiores Platonicos Ecclesiâ, Sec. 25.

[279] Philostr i. 17, vi. 11.

[280] Philostr. i. 7.

[281] Ibid. i. 8.

[282] Ibid. i. 13.

[283] Ibid. i. 14, 15.

[284] Brucker, vol. ii. p. 104.

[285] Philostr. i. 16.

[286] See Olear. præfat. ad vitam. As he died, U.C. 849, he is usually considered to have lived to a hundred. Since, however, here is an interval of almost twenty years in which nothing important happens, in a part also of his life unconnected with any public events to fix its chronology, it is highly probable that the date of his birth is put too early. Philostratus says that accounts varied, making him live eighty, ninety, or one hundred years; see viii. 29. See also ii. 12, where, by some inaccuracy, he makes him to have been in India twenty years before he was at Babylon.—Olear. ad locum et præfat. ad vit. The common date of his birth is fixed by his biographer's merely accidental mention of the revolt of Archelaus against the Romans, as taking place before Apollonius was twenty years old; see i. 12.

[287] Philostr. i. 19.

[288] Philostr. i. 27-41.

[289] Ibid. ii. 1-40. Brucker, vol. ii. p. 110.

[290] Ibid. iii. 51.

[291] Ibid. iv. 1. Acts xiii. 8; see also Acts viii. 9-11, and xix. 13-16.

[292] Ibid. iv. 11, et seq.

[293] When denied at the latter place he forced his way in.—Philostr. viii. 19.

[294] Ibid. iv. 35. Brucker (vol. ii. p. 118) with reason thinks this prohibition extended only to the profession of magic.

[295] Ibid. iv. 40, etc.

[296] Brucker, vol. ii. p. 120.

[297] Philostr. v. 10.

[298] Astrologers were concerned in Libo's conspiracy against Tiberius, and punished. Vespasian, as we shall have occasion to notice presently, made use of them in furthering his political plans.—Tacit. Hist. ii. 78. We read of their predicting Nero's accession, the deaths of Vitellius and Domitian, etc. They were sent into banishment by Tiberius, Claudius, Vitellius, and Domitian. Philostratus describes Nero as issuing his edict on leaving the Capital for Greece, iv. 47. These circumstances seem to imply that astrology, magic, etc, were at that time of considerable service in political intrigues.

[299] Philostr. v. ii, etc.

[300] Ibid. v. 20, etc.

[301] Philostr. v. 27.

[302] Tacitus relates, that when Vespasian was going to the Serapeum, ut super rebus imperii consuleret, Basilides, an Egyptian, who was at the time eighty miles distant, suddenly appeared to him; from his name the emperor drew an omen that the god sanctioned his assumption of the Imperial power.—Hist. iv. 82. This sufficiently agrees in substance with the narrative of Philostratus to give the latter some probability. It was on this occasion that the famous cures are said to have been wrought.

[303] As Egypt supplied Rome with corn, Vespasian by taking possession of that country almost secured to himself the Empire.—Tacit. Hist. ii. 82, iii. 8. Philostratus insinuates that he was already in possession of supreme power, and came to Egypt for the sanction of Apollonius. Την μἑν αρχἡν κεκτημἑνος διαλεξὁμενος δε τω ανδρἱ. v. 27.

[304] Philostr. v. 31.

[305] Brucker, vol. ii. p. 566, etc.

[306] Philostr. v. 37, he makes Euphrates say to Vespasian, Φιλοσοφἱαν ω βασιλεὑ, τησ μἑς κατἁ φὑσιν ἑχαινες και ασπἁζουν την δἑ θεοκλυτευ φἁσκουσαν παιραιτου καταψευδὁμενοι γαρ του θεἱου πολλα και ανοἡτα ἡμας επαἱρουσι. See Brucker; and Apollon. Epist. 8.

[307] Ibid. vi. 1, etc.

[308] Philostr. vi. 29, etc.

[309] Ibid. vii. 1, etc., see Brucker, vol. ii. p. 128.

[310] Ibid. viii. 5, 6, etc. On account of his foretelling the pestilence he was honoured as a god by the Ephesians, vii. 21. Hence this prediction appeared in the indictment.

[311] Euseb. in Hier. 41.

[312] Perhaps his causing the writing of the indictment to vanish from the paper, when he was brought before Tigellinus, may be an exception, as being the alleged cause of his acquittal. In general, however, no consequence follows from his marvellous actions: e. g. when imprisoned by Domitian, in order to show Damis his power, he is described as drawing his leg out of the fetters, and then—as putting it back again, vii. 38. A great exertion of power with apparently a small object.

[313] Philostr. viii. 8, 9.

[314] Ibid. viii. 15.

[315] Philostr. viii. 27.

[316] Ibid. viii. 30.

[317] Ibid. i. 5. viii. 29.

[318] A coin of Hadrian's reign is extant with the inscription, which seems to run Τὑανα ιερἁ ἁσυλος αυρὁνομος. Olear. ad Philostr. viii. 31.

[319] See Bayle, Art. Apollonius; and Brucker.

[320] Bishop Lloyd considers them spurious, but Olearius and Brucker show that there is good reason from internal evidence to suppose them genuine. See Olear. Addend. ad præfat. Epistol.; and Brucker, vol. ii. p. 147.