[321] Apollonius continued at Ephesus, Smyrna, etc., from A.D. 50 to about 59, and was at Rome from A.D. 63 to 66. St. Paul passed through Ionia into Greece A.D. 53, and was at Ephesus A.D. 54, and again from A.D. 56 to 58; he was at Rome in A.D. 65 and 66, when he was martyred.

[322] Lucian and Apuleius speak of him as if his name were familiar to them. Olear. præf. ad Vit.

[323] In Hierocl. 5.

[324] Inst. v. 3.

[325] See Bayle, Art. Apollonius; and Cudworth, Intell. Syst. iv. 14.

[326] Philostr. viii. 19, 20.

[327] See Eusebius, Vopiscus, Lampridius, etc., as quoted by Bayle.

[328] See Brucker on this point, vol. ii. p. 141, who refers to various authors. Eusebius takes a more sober view of the question, allowing the substance of the history, but disputing the extraordinary parts. See in Hierocl. 5 and 12.

[329] Most of them are imitations of the miracles attributed to Pythagoras.

[330] See Philostr. i. 4, 5, viii. 30, 31. He insinuates (Cf. viii. 29 with 31), that Apollonius was taken up alive. See Euseb. 8.

[331] Philostr. iv. 3, 16, 20, 25, 44, v. 42, vi. 43, vii. 38.

[332] Ibid. i. 12, iv. 24, 43, 11-13, 18, 30, vi. 3, 32.

[333] Ibid. iv. 10.

[334] Vit. iv. 45; Cf. Mark v. 29, etc.; Luke vii. 16; also John xi. 41-43; Acts iii. 4-6. In the sequel, the parents offer him money, which he gives as a portion to the damsel. See 2 Kings v. 15, 16 [4 Kings], and other passages in Scripture.

[335] Lib. 67.

[336] Hist. 67.

[337] Vit. viii. 26.

[338] Philostr. v. 12; in i. 2, he associates Democritus, a natural philosopher, with Pythagoras and Empedocies. See viii. 7, § 8, and Brucker, vol. i. p. 1108, etc., and p. 1184.

[339] In his apology before Domitian, he expressly attributes his removal of the Ephesian pestilence to Hercules, and makes this ascription the test of a divine philosopher as distinguished from a magician, viii. 7, § 9, ubi vid. Olear.

[340] Vid. viii, 7, § 9. See also ii. 37, vi. 11, viii. 5.

[341] Philostr. i. 2, and Olear. ad loc. note 3, iv. 44, v. 12, vii. 39, viii. 7; Apollon. Epist. 8 and 52; Philostr. Proœm. vit. Sophist.; Euseb. in Hier. 2; Mosheim, de Simone Mago, Sec. 13. Yet it must be confessed that the views both of the Pythagoreans and Eclectics were very inconsistent on this subject. Eusebius notices several instances of γοητεἱα in Apollonius's miracles; in Hierocl. 10, 28, 29, and 31. See Brucker, vol. ii. p. 447. At Eleusis, and the Cave of Triphonius, Apollonius was, as we have seen, accounted a magician, and so also by Euphrates, Mœragenes, Apuleius, etc. See Olear. Præf. ad vit. p. 33; and Brucker, vol. ii. p. 136, note k.

[342] See Mosheim, Dissertat. de turbatâ Ecclesiâ, etc., Sec. 27.

[343] See Quæst. ad Orthodox 24 as quoted by Olearius, in his Preface, p. 34.

[344] Eusebius calls it θεἱα τις αρρἡτος σοφἱα in Hierocl. 2. In iii. 41, Philostratus speaks of the κλἡσεις αις θεοἱ χαἱρουσι, the spells for evoking them, which Apollonius brought from India; Cf. iv. 16, and in iv. 20 of the τεκμἡριον used for casting out an Evil Spirit.

[345] Ει τε σπωθἡρα της ψυχης εὑρεν εν αὑτη, etc.

[346] Douglas (Criterion, p. 387, note), observes that some heretics affirmed that our Lord rose from the dead φαντασἱωδως, only in appearance, from an idea of the impossibility of a resurrection.

[347] Apollon. Epist. 17.

[348] Vid. Rom. xv. 69; 1 Cor. ii. 4; 2 Cor. xii. 2, and Acts passim.

[349] See Epist. 1, 2, etc., 11, 44; the last-mentioned addressed to his brother begins, "What wonder, that, while the rest of mankind think me godlike, and some even a god, my own country alone hitherto ignores me, for whose sake especially I wished to distinguish myself, when not even to you, my brother, as I perceive, has it become clear how much I excel this race of men in my doctrine and my life?"—Epist. ii. 44, vid. also i. 2. He does not say "in supernatural power." Cf. John xii. 37: "But though He had done so many miracles before them, yet they believed not in Him."

[350] Epist. 68. Claudius, in a message to the Tyanæans, Epist. 53, praises him merely as a benefactor to youth.

[351] Philostr. vi. 11. See Euseb. in Hierocl. 26, 27.

[352] Hence the first of the charges brought against him by Domitian was the strangeness of his dress.—Philostr. viii. 5. By way of contrast, Cf. 1 Cor. ii. 3, 4; 2 Cor. x. 10.

[353] Philostr. iv. 1. See also i. 19, 21, iv. 17, 20, 39, vii. 31, etc., and i. 10, 12 etc.

[354] Brucker, vol. ii. p. 144.

[355] Brucker supposes that, as in the case of Alexander, gain was his object; but we seem to have no proof of this, nor is it necessary thus to account for his conduct. We discover, indeed, in his character, no marks of that high enthusiasm which would support him in his whimsical career without any definite worldly object; yet the veneration he inspired, and the notice taken of him by great men, might be quite a sufficient recompense to a conceited and narrow mind.

[356] Cf. also Acts xx. 22, 23; xxi. 4, 11-14.

[357] Philostr. i. 8, 11, iv. 36, 38, 44, vii. 34, viii. 5, 11.

[358] See the description of his raising the Roman maid as above given. Or take again the account of his appearance to Damis and Demetrius at Puteoli, after vanishing from Court, viii. 12; in which there is much incautious agreement with Luke xxiv. 14-17, 27, 29, 32, 36-40. Also more or less in the following: vii. 30, init. and 34, fin. with Luke xii. 11, 12; iii. 38, with Matt. xvii. 14, etc., where observe the contrast of the two narratives: viii. 30, fin. with Acts xii. 7-10: iv. 44, with John xviii. 33, etc.: vii. 34, init. with Mark xiv. 65: iv. 34, init. with Acts xvi. 8-10: i. 19, fin. with Mark vii. 27, 28. Brucker and Douglas notice the following in the detection of the Empusa: 916()#;ακρὑοντι εὡκει το φἁσμα, και εδεἱτο μἡ βασανιζεω αὑτο, μηδἑ αναγκἁζεω ομολογεἱν οτι εἱν, iv. 25, Cf. Mark v. 7-9. Olearius compares an expression in vii. 30, with 1 Cor. ix. 9.

[359] E. G. his ambitious descriptions of countries, etc. In iv. 30, 32, v. 22, vi. 24, he ascribes to Apollonius regular Socratic disputations, and in vi. 11, a long and flowery speech in the presence of the Gymnosophists—modes of philosophical instruction totally at variance with the genius of the Pythagorean school, the Philosopher's Letters still extant, and the writer's own description of his manner of teaching, i. 17. Some of his exaggerations and mis-statements have been noticed in the course of the narrative. As a specimen of the rhetorical style in which the work is written, vid. his account of the restoration of the Roman damsel, Ὁ δἑ οὑδεν αλλ ἡ προσαψἁμενος αὑτἡς αφὑπνισε,—contrast this with the simplicity of the Scripture narrative. See also the last sentence of v. 17, and indeed passim.

[360] E. G. his accounts of Indian and Æthiopian monsters; of serpents whose eyes were jewels of magical virtue; of pygmies; of golden water; of the speaking tree; of a woman half white and half black, etc.; he incorporates in his narrative the fables of Ctesias, Agatharchidas, and other writers. His blunders in geography and natural philosophy may be added, as far as they arise from the desire of describing wonders, etc. See also his pompous description of the wonders of Babylon, which were not then in existence.—Prideaux, Connection, Part 1. Book viii. For his inconsistencies, see Eusebius and Brucker. It must be remembered, that in the age of Philostratus the composition of romantic histories was in fashion.

[361] See Brucker, vol. i. p. 992, vol. ii. p. 378. Apollonius was only one out of several who were set up by the Eclectics as rivals to Christ Brucker, vol. ii. p. 372. Mosheim, de turbatâ Ecclesiâ, etc. Secs. 25, 26.

[362] Philostr. i. 2, 3. He professes that his account contains much news. As to the sources, besides the journal of Damis, from which he pretends to derive his information, he neither tells us how he met with them, nor what they contained; nor does he refer to them in the course of his history. On the other hand (as we have above noticed), much of the detail of Apollonius's journey is derived from the writings of Ctesias, etc.

[363] Vid. British Magazine, 1832, etc. And Froude's Remains, part II, vol. ii.

[364] Vid. 2 [4] Kings vi. 32.

[365] The Arian bishop, who had lately come from the East to Milan, had taken the name of Auxentius, the heretical predecessor of Ambrose.

[366] Gibbon, Hist. ch. 27.

[367] The Oxford translation of 1837 is used in the following extracts.

[368] [He allows of it in the Absence at the time of the Church's authoritative declaration concerning the particular question in debate. He would say, "There was no need of any Ecumenical Council to condemn Nestorius; he was condemned by Scripture and tradition already."—1872.]

[369] Gal. i. 8.

[370] 1 Cor. v. 11.

[371] 2 John 10, 11.

[372] This account is for the most part taken from Bishops Beveridge and Pearson.

[373] The Egyptian Meletius, from which this schism has its name, must not be confounded with Meletius of Antioch.

[374] The ἑκκλησιαστικὁν φρὁνημα.

[375] Vid. the parallel case of the Ignatian Epistles in the Author's Essas, vol. i, p. 266.