Signature

Signature

The uther subscriptioun we culd nocht read, bot the simile is this,—[832]

Signature

And, this receaved, we departed first, becaus we war thairto requeasted be the Duke, and so we returned to Cowper, lawding and praising God for his mercie schewed; and thairefter everie man departed to his duelling place. The Lordis, and a great part of the gentilmen, passed to Sanctandrois, who thair abode certane dayis, still looking for those that war promessed to come frome the Quene, for appointment to be maid. Bot we perceaving hir craft and disceat, (for under that assurance sche ment nothing ellis, but to convey hir selff, hir ordinance, and Frenche men, over the wattir of Forth,) took consultatioun what should be done[833] for delivering of Sanct Johnestoun from these ungodlie soldiouris, and how our bretherin, exiled from thair awin housses, mycht be restored agane.

It was concluded, that the bretherin of Fyffe, Anguss, Mearnis, and Stratherin, should convene at Sanct Johnestoun, the 24 day of Junij for that purpoise; and in the meantyme, war these letteris writtin be the Erle of Ergyle and Lord James, to the Quene than Regent.

To Sanct Johnestoun, with the Gentilmen befoir expressed, did conveane the Erle of Menteath,[835] the Lard of Glenurquhar,[836] and diverse utheris who befoir had nocht presented thame selffis for defence of thair bretherin. When the hole multitude was conveaned, a trumpet was send by the Lordis, commanding the Capitanes and thair bandis to avoid the town, and to leave it to the ancient libertie and just inhabitantis of the same; alsua commanding the Laird of Killfaunes,[837] insett Provest be the Quene, with the Capitanes foirsaidis, to cast up the portis of the town, and maik the same patent to all our Soveraneis liegis, to the effect, that alsweill trew religioun now aneis begun thairin may be maynteaned, and idolatrie utterlie suppressed; as alsua the said town mycht joise and brooke thair ancient lawis and liberteis unoppressed by men of wear, according to thair old privilegis granted to thame be the ancient Princes of this realme, and conforme to the provisioun conteaned in the Contract of Mariage maid be the Nobilitie and Parliament of this realme with the King of France, beirand, that nane of our aid lawis nor liberteis should be alterat: adding thairto, gif they folishlie resisted, and thairin happined to commit murther, that thay should be entreated as murtheraris. To the whiche thay ansuered prowdlie, "That thay wald keap and defend that town, according to thair promess maid to the Quene Regent."

This answer receaved, preparatioun was maid for the seage and assault; for amangis all it was concluded, that the town should be sett at libertie, to what dangeris soever thair bodyis should be exponed. Whill preparatioun was in making, came the Erle of Huntlie, the Lord Erskin, and Maister Johne Bannatyne, Justice Clerk,[838] requireing that the persute of the town should be delayed. To speak thame war appointed the Erle of Ergyle, Lord James, and Lord Ruthven, who, perceaving in thame nothing but a drift of tyme, without any assurance that the former wrangis should be redressed, gave unto thame schort and plane ansuer, "That thay wald nocht delay thair purpoise ane hour; and thairfoir willed thame to certifie the Capitanes in the town, that gif by pryde and foolishnes thay wald keape the town, and in so doing slay any of thair bretherin, that thay should everie one dye as murtheraris." The Erle of Huntlie displeased at this ansuer, departed, as hielie offended that he culd nocht dress suche appointment as should have contented the Queue and the Preastis. After thair departing, the town was agane summondit; bot the Capitanes, supposing that na suddane persute should be maid, and looking for releif to have bein send from the Quene, abode in thair former opinioun. And so upoun Setterday, the 25 [24th] of Junij, at ten houris at nycht, commanded the Lord Ruthven, who beseaged the west quarter, to schoote the first voley; whiche being done, the town of Dundie did the lyke, whose ordinance lay upoun the eist syde of the brig. The Capitanes and soldiouris within the town, perceaving that thai war unable long to resist, required assurance till xij houris upoun the morne, promessing, "That gif or that hour thair came unto thame na releaf frome the Quene Regent, that thay wald rander the town, providing that thay should be suffered to departe the town with ensenzie displayed." We, thrusting the bloode of no man, and seaking onlie the libertie of our bretherin, condiscended to thair desyris, albeit that we mycht have executed against thame jugement without mercie, for that thay had refused our former favouris, and had slane one of our bretherin, and hurt two in thair resistance;[839] and yit we suffered thame freelie to depart without any forther molestatioun.

The Town being delivered from thare thraldome, upoun Sounday the 26 [25th] of Junij, thankis war gevin unto God for his great benefite receaved, and consultatioun was taikin what was forder to be done. In this meantyme, four[840] zealous men, considdering how obstinat, prowde, and dispitefull the Bischope of Murray[841] had bein befoir; how he had threatned the town be his soldiouris and freindis, who lay in Skune,[842] thought good that some ordour should be taikin with him and with that place, whiche lay neir to the town end. The Lordis wrait unto him, (for he lay[843] within two myles to Sanet Johnestoun,) "That oneles he wald cum and assist thame, thay nather culd spair nor save his place." He ansuered be his writing, "That he wold cum, and wold do as thay thoght expedient; that he wold assist thame with his force, and wald vote with thame against the rest of the Clargie in Parliament." Bot becaus this ansuer was slaw in cuming, the town of Dundie, partelie offended for the slauchter of thair man, and especiallie bearing no goode favour to the said Bischope, for that he was and is cheif ennemy to Christ Jesus, and that by his counsale alone was Walter Mylne our brother put to death, thay marched fordward. To stay thame was first send the Provest of Dundie, and his brother Alexander Halyburtoun, Capitane, who litill prevaling, was send unto thame Johne Knox; bot befoir his cuming, thay war entered to the pulling down of the ydollis and dortour. And albeit the said Maister James Halyburtoun, Alexander his brother, and the said Johne, did what in thame lay to have stayed the furie of the multitude, yit war thay nocht able to put ordour universalie; and tharfoir thay send for the Lordis, Erle of Ergyle, and Lord James, who, cuming with all diligence, laboured to have saved the Palace and the Kirk. THE DISTRUCTIOUN OF SCONE Bot becaus the multitude had fundin, bureid in the Kirk, a great number of idollis, hid of purpose to have preserved thame to a bettir day, (as the Papistis speak,) the townis of Dundie and Sanct Johnestoun culd nocht be satisfeit, till that the hole reparatioun and ornamentis of the Churche, (as thay terme it,) war distroyed. And yit did the Lordis so travell, that thay saved the Bischopis Palace, with the Churche and place, for that nicht: for the two Lordis did nocht depart till thay brocht with thame the hole nomber of those that most sought the Bischopis displesour. The Bischope, greatlie offended that any thing should have bein interprised in Reformatioun of his place, asked of the Lordis his band and hand-writting, whiche nocht two houris befoir he had send to thame. Whiche delivered to his messinger, Sir Adame Brown,[844] advertisment was gevin, that yf any farder displesour chanced unto him, that he should nocht blame thame. The Bischopis servandis, that same nycht, began to fortifie the place agane, and began to do violence to some that war careing away suche baggage as thay culd cum by. The Bischopis girnell was keapt the first nycht by the laubouris of Johne Knox, who, by exhortatioun, removed suche as violentlie wald have maid irruptioun. That same nycht departed from Sanct Johnestoun the Erle of Ergyle, and Lord James, as efter shalbe declaired.

The morrow following, some of the poore, in houp of spoyle, and sum of Dundie, to considder what was done, passed up to the said Abbay of Scone; whairat the Bischopis servandis offended, began to threattene and speak proudlie: and, as it was constantlie affermed, one of the Bischopis sonis stogged throuch with a rapper one of Dundie, for becaus he was looking in at the girnell door. This brute[845] noysed abrode, the town of Dundie was more enraged than befoir, who, putting thame selffis in armour, send word to the inhabitants of Sanct Johnestoun, "That onles thay should supporte thame to avenge that injurie, that thai should never after that day concur with thame in any actioun." The multitud easelie inflambed, gave the alarme,[846] and so was that Abbay and Palace appointit to saccag; in doing whairof thay took no lang deliberatioun, bot committed the hole to the merciment of fyre; wharat no small nomber of us war offended, that patientlie we culd nocht speak till any that war of Dundie or Sanct Johnestoun. SPEAKING OF ANE ANCIENT MATRONE WHEN SCONE WAS BURNING A poore aged matrone, seing the flambe of fyre pas up samichtelie, and perceaving that many war thairat offended, in plane and sober maner of speaking, said, "Now I see and understand that Goddis judgementis ar just, and that no man is able to save whare he will punische. Since my remembrance, this place hath bein nothing ellis bot a den of hooremongaris. It is incredible to beleve how many wyffes hath bein adulterat, and virginis deflored, by the filthie beastis whiche hath bein fostered in this den; bot especiallie by that wicked man who is called the Bischope. Yf all men knew alsmuche as I, thay wald praise God; and no man wald be offended." This woman duelt into the toun, neye unto the Abbay; at whose wordis war many pacifeid; affirming with hir, that it was Goddis just judgement. And assuredlie, yf the laubouris or travell of any man culd have saved that place, it had nocht bein at that tyme destroyed;[847] for men of greattest estimatioun lawboured with all diligence for the savetie of it.

Whill these thingis war done at Sanct Johnestoun, the Quene, fearing what should follow, determinat to send certane bandis of Frenche soldiouris to Striveling, for purpose to stop the passage to us that than war upoun the north syde of Forth. Whiche understand, the Erle of Ergyle and Lord James departed secreatlie upoun the nycht, and with great expeditioun, preventing the Frenchemen, thay took the town, (befoir whose cuming the rascheall multitude put handis in the thevis, I should say, frearis places and utterlie distroyed thame;) wharat the Quene and hir factioun nocht a litill affrayed, with all diligence departed from Edinburgh to Dumbar. And so we with reasonable diligence merched fordwart to Edinburgh, for Reformatioun to be maid thair, whare we arrived the 29 of Junij. LORD SEYTOUN The Provest for that tyme, the Lord Seytoun, a man without God, without honestie, and oftentymes without reasone, had befoir greatlie trubled and molested the bretherin; for he had taikin upoun him the protectioun and defence of the Blak and Gray Frearis; and for that purpose did nocht onelie lyeTHE CUMING OF THE CONGREGATIOUN TO EDINBURGH him self in the one everie nicht, bot also constraned the most honest of the town to wache those monstouris, to thair great greaf and truble. Bot hearing of our suddane cuming, he abandoned his charge, and had left the spoile to the poore, who had maid havock of all suche thingis as was movable in those placis befoir our cuming, and had left nothing bot bair wallis, yea, nocht sa muche as door or windok; wharthrow we war the less trubilled in putting ordour to suche places.

After that certane dayis we had deliberat what was to be done, and that ordour was tackin for suppressing of all monumentis of idolatrie within that town, and the places nixt adjacent, determinatioun was taikin, to send some message[848] to the Quene, than Regent; for sche had bruted, (as hir accustomed maner was, and yit hir Dochteris is, ever to forge lyes,) that we sought nothing bot hir lyef, and a plane revoltment from the lawfull obedience dew to our Soverane, hir authoritie, as by the tennour of these Letteris may be sene:—

These letteris did nocht a litill greave us, who most injustlie war accused; for thare is never a sentence of the narrative trew, except that we stayed the irnes, and that for most just causses, to witt, because that daylie thair was suche nomber of Hard-headis printed,[853] that the basenes thairof maid all thingis exceiding dear; and thairfoir we war counsaled by the wysest to stay the irnes,[854] whill farther ordour mycht be tackin. Sche, with all possible diligence, posted for hir factioun. Maister James Balfour was nocht ydill in the meantyme. The Lordis, to purge thame of these odious crymes, wrait unto hir a letter, in forme as efter followeth:—

And for farther purgatioun heirof, it was thocht necessar that we should sempillie expone, alsweill to hir Grace as to the hole people, what war our requeastis and just petitionis. And for that purpoise, after that salf conduct was purchessed and granted, we directed unto hir two grave men of our counsale, to witt, the Lardis of Pittarrow and Cuninghamheid,[855] to whame we gaif commissioun and power, First, To expone our hole purpose and intent, whiche was none other than befoir at all tymes we had required, to witt, That we mycht injoy the libertie of conscience. Secundlie, [That] Christ Jesus mycht be trewlie preached, and his holie Sacramentis rychtlie ministrat unto us. [Thirdly,] That unable ministeris micht be removed from ecclesiasticall administratioun; and that our preacheouris mycht be relaxit from the horne, and permitted to execut thair chargis without molestatioun, unto such tyme as ather by a Generall Counsale, lauchfullie convened, or by a Parliament within the realme, the contraverseis in religioun wer decided. And, for declaratioun that hir Grace was heirto willing, that the bandis[856] of Frenche men, who than war a burthein untollerable to the cuntrey, and to us so fearfull, that we durst nocht in peaciable and quiet maner hant the places whare thay did lye, should be send to France, thair native cuntrey: Whiche thing is granted, hir Grace should have experience of our accustomed obedience.

To these headis sche did answer at the first so plesandlie, that sche put boith our Commissioneris in full esperance that all should be granted; and for that purpose, sche desyred to speak with sum of greatter authoritie, promesing, that yf thay wald assure hir of thair detfull[857] obedience, that sche wald deny nothing of that whiche was required. For satisfactioun of hir mynd, we send agane the Erle of Glencarne, the Lord Ruthven, the Lord Uchiltrie, and the said Lard of Pittarrow, with the same commissioun as of befoir. Bot than sche began to handill the matter more craftelie, compleaning that sche was nocht sought in a gentill maner; and that thay in whome sche had put maist singular confidence, had left hir in hir greattest neid; and suche uther thingis, perteaning nothing to thair commissioun, proponed sche, to spend and dryve the tyme. Thai answered, "That, by injust tyranny devised aganis thame and thair bretherin, (as hir Grace did weill know,) thay war compelled to seak the extreme remedie; and thairfoir, that hir Grace aucht nocht to wonder thocht godlie men left the cumpany whare thai nether fand fidelitie nor treuth." In the end of this communing, whiche was the xij day of Julij 1559, sche desyred to have talked privelie with the Erle of Ergyle, and Lord James, Priour of Sanctandrois, "For ellis, (as sche alledged,) sche culd nocht bot suspect that thai pretendit to some uther hiear purpose nor religioun." ACCUSATIONIS Sche and hir craftie Counsale had abuesd the Duke, perswaiding unto him, and unto his freindis, that the saidis Erle and Priour had conspyred, first to deprive our Soverane hir dochter of hir authoritie, and thairefter the Duke and his successioun of thair titill to the Crown of Scotland. By these invented lyes, sche inflambed the hartis of many against us, in so muche that some of our awin number began to murmur; whiche perceaved, alsweall the preacheouris, in thair publict sermonis, as we our selffis, by our publict proclamationis, gave purgatioun and satisfactioun to the people, planelie and simplie declairing what was our purpose, tacking God to witnes, that no suche crymes ever entered in our hartis as most injustlie was layed to our charge. The Counsale, efter consultatioun, thocht nocht expedient that the saidis Erle and Priour should talk with the Quene in ony sort; for hir former practises put all men in suspitioun, that some deceat lurked under suche colorat commoning. Sche had befoir said, That yf sche culd by any meane sunder those two from the rest, sche was assured schortlie to cum by hir hole purpose; and one of hir cheaf Counsale in those dayis, (and we fear bot over inward with hir yit,) said, "That or Michelmess day, thay two should leaf thair headis;" and thairfoir all men feared to committ two suche young plantis to hir mercie and fidelitie. It was, thairfoir, finallie denyed that thai should talk [with] the Quene, or ony to hir apperteaning, bot in places void of all suspitioun, whare thay should be equall in nomber with those that should talk [with] thame.

The Quene perceaving that hir craft culd nocht prevaill, was content that the Duke's Grace and the Erle of Huntlie, with utheris by hir appointed, should convene at Prestoun, to commone [with] the saidis Erle and Priour, and suche utheris as the Lordis of the Congregatioun wald appoint, to the nomber of ane hundreth on the syde, of the whiche nomber aucht personis onelie should meit for conference. The principallis for thair partie war, the Duke, the Erle Huntlie, the Lordis Erskin and Somervell, Maister Gavine Hammiltoun, and the Justice Clerk.[858] From us war directed the Erlis of Ergyle and Glencarne, the Lordis Ruthven, Lord James, Boyd, and Uchiltrie, the Lairdis Dun and Pittarrow, who, conveaning at Prestoun, spak the hole day without any certane conclusioun: For this was the practise of the Quene, and of hir factioun, by dryft of tyme to weary our cumpany, who, for the most parte, had bein upoun the feildis from the tent day of Maij, that we being dispersed, sche mycht cum to hir purpose. In whiche sche was nocht altogidder deceaved; for our commonis war compelled to skaill for lack of expenssis, and our gentilmen, partelie constraned be lack of furnessing, and partlie houping sum small appointment, after so many communingis, returned for the most parte to thair duelling places, for reposing of thame selffis.

The Quene, in all these conventionis, seamed that sche wald geve libertie to religioun, provided, "That wharesoever sche was, our Preacheouris sould cease, and the Masse sould be maynteaned." We perceaving hir malitious craft, ansuered, "That as we wald compell hir Grace to no religioun, so could we nocht of conscience, for the pleasur of any earthlie creature, put silence to Godis trew messingeris; nather culd we suffer that the rycht administratioun of Christis trew sacramentis should gif place to manifest idolatrie; for in so doing, we should declair ourselffis ennemeis to God, to Christ Jesus his Sone, to his eternall veritie, and to the libertie and establishment of his Churche within this realme; for your requeist being granted, there can no Kirk within the same be so estableshit but at your pleasour, and by your residence and remaning thare ye myeht overthrow the samin." THE LAST OFFERIS OF THE PROTESTANTIS TO THE QUENE REGENT This our last answer we send unto hir with the Lord Ruthven and Laird of Pittarrow; requiring of hir Grace, in plane wordis, to signifie unto us what houpe we myeht have of hir favouris toward the outsetting of religioun. We also required that sche wald remove hir Frenchemen, who war a fear to us, and a burthein most grevouse to our cuntrey: And that sche wald promess to us, in the word of a Prince, that sche wald procure no mo to be send in; and than should we nocht onelie support, to the uttermost of our poweris, to furnish schippis and victuallis for thair transporting, bot also, upoun our honouris, should we tak hir body in our protectioun; and should promess, in the presence of God and the hole realme, to serve our Soverane hir Dochter, and hir Grace Regent, als faithfullie and als obedientlie as ever we did Kingis within Scotland: That, moreover, we should caus our Preacheouris geve reasone of thair doctrin in hir audience, till any that pleased till impugne any thing that thay did or taught: Finallie, that we should submit our selflis to a lauchtfull Parliament, provided that the Bischoppis, as the party accused, and our plane ennemeis, should be removed from judgement.

To no point wald sche answer directlie; bot in all thingis sche was so generall and so ambigua, that hir craft appeared to all men. Sche had gottin assured knowlege that our cumpany was skailled, (for hir Frenchemen war daylie amongis us, without molestatioun or hurt done unto thame,) and thairfoir sche began to discloise hir mynde, and said, "The Congregatioun hes roung these two monethis bypast: me my selff wald ring now other two." The malice of hir hart being planelie perceaved, deliberatioun was had what was to be done. It was concluded, that the Lordis, Barronis, and gentilmen, with thare substantious housholdis, should remane in Edinburgh that hole winter, for establissing of the Church[859] thair. THE CAUS QUHY THE IRNES STAYED And becaus it was found, that by the corrupting of our money, the Quene maid to hir selff immoderat gaines for maynteaning of hir soldiouris, to the distructioun of our haill commone weill, it was thocht necessar[860] that the printing irnes, and all thingis to thame perteaning, should be stayed, for fear that sche should privelie caus transport thame to Dumbar.

In this meantyme came the assured word, first, that the King of France was hurt, and after, that he was dead[861] whiche, albeit it aucht to have put hir in mynd of hir awin estait and wicked interprise: for he that same tyme, in the fulnes of his glorie, (as sche hir self useth to speak,) had determined most crewell persecutioun aganis the sanctis of God in France, evin as sche hir selff was heir persecutand in Scotland: and yit he so perished in his pryde, that all men mycht see that Godis just vengeance did stryke him, evin quhen his iniquitie was cumed to full rypenes. Albeit, (we say,) that this wonderouse wark of God in his suddane death, aucht to have dantoned hir furie, and gevin unto hir admonitioun, that the same God culd nocht suffer her obstinat malice against his treuth long to be unpunished; yit culd hir indurat hart nothing be moved to repentance: for hearing the staying of the printing irnes, sche raiged more outragiouslie than of befoir, and sending for all suche as wer of hir factioun, exponed hir grevous complaint, aggredging the same with many lyes, to wit, "That we had declaired that whiche befoir sche suspected; for what culd we meane ellis, bot usurpatioun of the Crown, when we durst put handis to the Cunze-hous, whiche was a portioun of the patrimony of the Crown." Sche farther alleged, "That we had spoyled the Cunze-house of great sowmes of money." To the whiche we ansuered, boith by our letteris send to hir, and hir Counsale, and by publict proclamatioun to the people, that we, without usurpatioun of any thing justlie perteaning to the Crown of Scotland, did stay the printing irnes, in consideratioun that the commone wealth was greatlie hurt by corrupting of our money; and becaus that we war borne counsalouris of this realme, sworne to procure the proffite of the same, we culd do no less of dewetie and of conscience than to stay that for a tyme, whiche we saw so abused, that oneles remedy war fundin, should turne to the detriment of the hole body of this realme. And as to hir fals accusatioun of spuilzie, we did remit us to the conscience of Maister Robert Richesone[862], Maister of the Cunze-hous, who from our handis receaved silver, gold, and mettall, alsweill cunzeit as uncunzeit; so that with us thair did nocht remane the valour of a bawbie.[863]

Richardson's name occurs as one of the Auditors of the Treasurer's Accounts, 1551, 1552; and as connected with the Mint, in 1554-5. As Clerk of the Treasury, he rendered the Accounts of the late Gilbert Earl of Cassillis on the 24th March 1558-9, that Nobleman having died in France, on the 14th November 1558, (Register of Conf. Testaments, Feb. 24, 1575,) and not on the 28th of that month, as stated at page 263. Richardson continued to officiate in the room of the High Treasurer, until his own appointment to the office 5th March 1560-1. He also held more than one lucrative ecclesiastical situation. On the 10th February 1555-6, a charter under the Great Seal, of the lands of Nether Gogar, in the county of Edinburgh, was granted to Mr. Robert Richardson, Vicar of Exfurde. On the last of March 1558-9, he obtained a gift of the Priory of St. Mary's Isle of Trail, near Kirkcudbright (Reg. Secr. Sig.): this dignity entitled him to sit as a Lord and member of Parliament. At a later date, (in 1567,) we find him styled Archdeacon of Teviotdale. He died in 1571: and William Lord Ruthven, on the 24th June 1571, was appointed High Treasurer, the office being vacant by the death of the Commendator of St. Mary's Isle. Sir John Scott says, that Richardson had "conquest a great estate." This is very evident, from the various charters he had of lands in the counties of Edinburgh and East Lothian; and his estates were apportioned to his two sons, Sir James Richardson of Smeaton, and Sir Robert Richardson of Pencaitland, Baronet: see Crawfurd, ut supra, and Scott's Staggering State, p. 27.

This our declaratioun and purgatioun nochtwithstanding, sche, partelie by hir craft and policie, and partelie by the lawbouris of the Bischopis of Sanctandrois and Glasgw; procured the hole nomber that war with hir to consent to persew us with all creweltie and expeditioun, befoir that we culd haif our cumpany (whiche than was dispersed for new furnessing) assembled agane. The certantie heirof cuming to our knawlege, the Setterday at nycht, the 25. [22d] of Julij, we did in what us lay to gif advertisment to our bretherin; bot impossible it was that those of the West, Anguss, Mearnis, Stratherin, or Fyeff, in any nomber culd come to us; for the ennemie marched from Dumbar upoun the Sounday, and approched within two myles of us befoir the sone-rysing upoun Monunday; for thay verrelie supposed to have found no resistance, being assured that the Lordis onelie with certane gentillmen remaned, with thair privat housses. Calling upoun God for counsale in that straytt, we soght what was the nixt defence. We mycht have left the town, and mycht have reteired our selffis without any danger; bot than we should have abandoned our bretherin of Edinburgh, and suffered the ministrie thairof to have decayed, whiche to our hartis was so dolorous, that we thocht better to hasard the extreamitie than so to do. For than the most parte of the town appeared rather to favour us than the Quenis factioun; and did offer unto us the uttermost of thair support, whiche for the most parte thay did faithfullie keap. LEYTH LEFT THE CONGREGATIOUN The same did the town of Leyth, bot thay keapit nocht the lyek fidelitie; for when we war upoun the feild, marching fordward for thair support, (for the Frenche marched neye to thame,) thai randered thame selffis, without ferther resistance. And this thay did, as was supposed, by the treasone of some within thame selffis, and by the perswasioun of the Lard of Restalrig,[864] who of befoir declaired himselff to have bein one of us, and nochtwithstanding,[865] that day randered him selff undesyred to Monsieur Dosell. Thair unprovided and suddane defectioun astonished many; and yit we retyred quyetlie to the syde of Cragingatt,[866] which place we tooke for resisting the ennemie.

In the meantyme, diverse mediatouris passed betuix, amongis whome the Lord Ruthven, for our parte, wes principall. Alexander Erskin[867] did muche travell to stay us and our soldiouris, that we should nocht joyne with thame of Leyth, till that thay, as said is, had randered thame selffis to the Frenche. The said Alexander did oft promese, That the Frenche wald stay, provided that we wold nocht joyne with these of Leyth. Bot efter that thai war randerit, we hard nothing of him bot threatning and disconfortable wordis. Befoir it was eight houris in the morning, God had gevin unto us boith curage, and a reasonable nomber to withstand thair furie. The town of Edinburght, sa mony as had subject thame selffis to discipline, and diverse utheris besydis thame, behavit thame selffis boith faithfullie and stoutlie. The gentilmen of Lowthiane, especiall Caldar, Haltoun, and Ormestoun, war verrey confortable, alsweill for thair counsale as for thair hole assistance. Some gentilmen of Fiffe prevented the Frenche men; otheris war stopped, be reasone that the Frenche had possessed[868] Leyth. Alwais the ennemie tooke suche a fear, that thai determined nocht to invaid us whare we stoode, bot tooke purpose to have passed to Edinburgh, by the other syde of the Watter of Leyth, and that becaus thay had the Castell to thair freind, whiche was to us unknawin; for we supponed the Lord Erskin, Capitane of the same, ather to have bein our freind, or at the least to have bein indifferent. THE LORD ERSKIN AND HIS FACT Bot when we had determined to feght, he send word to the Erle of Ergyle, to Lord James, his sister sone,[869] and to the uther Noble men,[870] that he wald declair him selff boith ennemie to thame and to the town, and wald schoote at boith, gif thay maid any resistance to the Frenche men to enter in the town. This his treasonable defyence, send unto us by the Lard of Ricartoun,[871] did abait the corage of many; for we culd nocht feght nor stop the ennemie, bot under the mercie of the Castell and hole ordinance thairof.

Heirupoun was consultatioun tackin; and in conclusioun, it was found less domage to tak ane Appointment, albeit the conditionis war nocht suche as we desyred, than to hasard battall betuix two suche ennemeis. After lang talkin, certane Headis war drawin by us, whiche we desyred to be granted:—