St. André, Marshal,
291.
St. Leger, Sir Anthony,
63.
St. Lowe, Sir Wm.,
114.
St. Mary Overy, Church of,
190.
St. Quentin, battle of,
290,
291.
Salkyns quoted,
165.
Sandars, Laurence,
134,
191,
195.
Sanders, Ninian,
7.
Sandgate,
299.
Sandys, Edwin,
16,
21,
22,
28.
Scarborough, occupation of,
286,
287.
Scheyfne,
2,
6,
15.
Schoolboys, fight between,
122.
Scory, Bishop,
32,
47.
Scot, Bishop,
281.
Senarpont,
276,
297,
312.
Shrewsbury, Earl of,
19,
71,
116,
136,
140,
141,
154,
164,
239,
309.
Sidney, Sir Henry,
23.
Simson, Cuthbert,
309.
Six Articles, the,
318.
Skelton, Sir John,
11.
Sloane MSS.,
286.
Smith, Benet,
242.
Smith, Sir Thos.,
287,
309,
310.
Somerset, Duchess of,
30.
Soto, P.,
231,
232.
Southwell, Sir R.,
90-6,
104,
116.
Stafford, Sir Thos.,
286,
287.
Stanley, Sir George,
62.
Stanton, Captain,
268.
Story, Dr.,
224.
Stourton, Lord,
178.
Stow quoted,
130.
Strangways,
264,
265.
Strozzi, Pietro,
144.
Strype quoted,
36,
48,
49,
63,
94,
137,
208,
221,
222,
243,
280,
286-90,
309-11.
Subsidy Bill,
239,
240.
Succession, question of the,
68,
132,
182,
185,
186,
199,
200,
214,
218.
Suffolk, Duchess of,
76,
77,
102.
Suffolk, Duke of,
19,
20,
31,
87,
92-100,
110,
114,
157.
Sussex, Earl of,
11,
71,
116,
123-7,
136.
Swift, Robert,
267,
268.
Talbot, Lord,
239.
Tanner MSS.,
21,
62,
107,
238,
241.
Tate, Richard,
164.
Taylor, Bishop,
67,
134.
Taylor, Rowland,
191,
195.
de Thermes,
311,
312.
Thirlby, Bishop,
69,
245,
246,
280,
313,
314.
Thomas, Wm.,
105,
114.
Thornton, Bishop,
212.
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas,
87,
88,
114,
131,
132,
266.
Throgmortons, the,
264.
Toledo, Antonio de,
139.
Tomkins,
197,
201.
Treason, Act of,
69.
Tregonwell, Dr.,
67.
Tremayne, Edmund,
129.
Tremaynes of Colacombe, the,
262,
264.
Tucker, Lazarus,
84.
Tunstal, Cuthbert,
32,
47,
92,
190.
Tytler quoted,
80,
116,
131,
136,
160,
162,
316.
Underhill, Ed.,
33,
61,
105,
320.
Uvedale,
264-7.
Valles, Marquis de los,
139.
Vannes, Peter,
273,
274.
Vaughan, Cuthbert,
131.
Villegaignon, Admiral,
87.
Waldegrave, Sir Ed.,
71,
83,
116,
267,
268,
308.
Walpole,
267.
Warne,
213.
Warner, Sir Edmund,
87,
90.
Warwick, Earl of,
39-43.
Watson, Bishop,
281.
Watson, Dr.,
41,
46,
70.
Wentworth, Lord,
116,
162,
178,
296-300.
Westmoreland, Lord,
154,
177,
264,
287.
Weston, Dr.,
36,
70,
103,
130,
134,
176.
Wharton, Lord,
11.
White, Bishop,
224.
White, Rawlins,
206.
White, Thomas,
266,
267.
Wight, Isle of,
122,
264.
Wilkins quoted,
177,
315.
Wilkinson, Mrs.,
229.
Williams, Lord, of Thame,
15,
119,
178,
232,
233,
252,
258,
259,
261.
Willoughby, Lord,
264.
Winchester, Bishop of, see Ponet.
Winchester, Marquis of,
9,
16,
116,
124,
136,
178.
Windsor, Lord,
83.
Woodhouse, Sir Wm.,
302,
303.
Woodstock, Elizabeth at,
136,
137,
155,
215.
Worcester, Dean of,
316.
Worcester, Lord,
107,
178.
"Worthies, the nine,"
153.
Wotton, Dr.,
80,
86,
121,
140,
144,
147,
260,
267,
271-6,
285,
286,
313,
314.
Wyatt, Sir Thos.,
23,
87-114,
122,
123,
130,
131,
189.
Young, 70.
Footnote 1: Grey Friars' Chronicle: Machyn.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 2: Baoardo's History of the Revolution in England on the Death of Edward VI., printed at Venice, 1558. A copy of this rare book is in the Bodleian Library at Oxford.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 3: Avant nostre arrivée elle mist en delibération avec aulcungs de ses plus confidens ce qu'elle debvroit faire, advenant la dicte morte; la quelle treuva, que incontinant la dicte morte decouverte, elle se debvoit publier royne par lettres et escriptz, et qu'en ce faisant, elle conciteroit plusieurs à se déclairer pour la maintenir telle, (et aussy que y a quelque observance par de çà que celuy ou celle qui est appelé à la couronne se doit incontinent tel déclairer et publier) pour la haine qu'ilz portent audict duc, le tenant tiran et indigne; s'estant absolument resolue qu'elle debvoit suyvre ceste conclusion et conseil, aultrement elle tomberoit en danger de sa personne plus grand qu'elle n'est et perdroit l'espoir de parvenir à la couronne. La quelle conclusion avons treuvé estrange, difficile, et dangereuse, pour les raisons soubzcriptes: pour aultant que toutes les forces du pays sont ès mains dudict duc: que la dicte dame n'a espoir de contraires forces ny d'assistance pour donner pied à ceulx qu'ilz adhérer luy vouldroient; que se publiant royne, le roy et royne désignés par le dict testament (encores qu'il soit mal) prendroient fondement, de l'invahir par la force et que n'y aura moien d'y résister si vostre majesté ne s'en empesche; ce que avons pesé pour les grands affaires et empeschemens qu'elle a contre les Françoys et en divers lieux, que ne semble convenir que l'on concite en ceste saison les Angloys contre vostre Majesté et ses pays.
Comme n'avons peu communiquer verbalement avec elle, l'avons advertie desdicts difficultés.... Que si la noblesse ses adhérens, ou le peuple la desiroit et maintenoit pour royne, il le pourroit démonstrer par l'effect; que la question estoit grande mêsme entre barbares et gens de telle condition que les Angloys ... luy touchant ces difficultez pour le respect de sa personne et pour suyvre la fin de la dicte instruction qu'est de non troubler le royaulme au désadvantaige de vostre Majesté—The Ambassadors in England to the Emperor: Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iv. pp. 19, 20.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 4: Nous avons veu par vos lectres l'advertissement qu'avez donné soubz main à Madame la princesse nostre cousine, affin qu'elle ne se laisse forcompter par ceulx qui luy persuadent qu'elle se haste de se déclairer pour royne, que nous a semblé tres bien pour les raisons et considerations touschez en vosdictes lectres.—The Emperor to the Ambassadors: Ibid. pp. 24, 25.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 5: Ne se pouvoient faire grand fondement sur la faveur et affection que aulcuns particuliers et le peuple peuvent porter à nostredicte cousine, ne fust que y en y eust plus grant nombre ou des principaulx, n'estant cela souffisant pour contreminer la negociation si fondée et de si longue main que le dict duc de Northumberland a empris avec l'assistance que doubtez de France.—Ibid. pp. 25, 26.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 6: Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 7: In the explanation given on the following Tuesday to the Emperor's ambassadors, Madame Marie was said—"N'estre capable dudict royaulme pour le divorce faict entre le feu Roy Henry et la Royne Katherine; se référant aux causes aians meu ledict divorce; et mesme n'estre suffisante pour l'administration d'icelluy comme estant femme, et pour la religion."—Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle, p. 28. Noailles was instructed to inform the King of France of the good affection of "the new King" ("le nouveaulx Roy"). He had notice of the approaching coronation of "the King;" and in the first communication of Edward's death to Hoby and Morryson in the Netherlands, a "king," and not a "queen," was described as on the throne in his place.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 8: Letters of Lady Jane Grey to Bullinger: Epistolæ Tigurinæ, pp. 3-7.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 9: Baoardo—who tells the story as it was told by Lady Jane herself to Abbot Feckenham.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 10: La detta maestà haveva ben considerato un atto di Parliamento nel quale fu già deliberato che qualunque volesse riconoscere Maria overo Elizabetha sorelle per heredi della corona fusse tenuto traditore.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 11: Mr. John Gough Nichols, the accomplished editor of so many of the best publications of the Camden Society, throws a doubt on the authenticity of this scene, being unable to find contemporary authority for it. It comes to us, through Baoardo, from Lady Jane herself.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 12: Edward Lord Courtenay was son of the executed Marquis of Exeter and great grandson of Edward IV. He was thrown into the Tower with his father when a little boy, and in that confinement, in fifteen years, he had grown to manhood. Of him and his fortunes all that need be said will unfold itself.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 13: Scheyfne to Charles V., July 10: MS. Rolls House.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 14: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 15: Renard to Charles V.: Papiers d'État du Cardinal Granvelle, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 16: Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 17: Le quale parole io senti con mio gran dispiacere.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 18: Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 19: Se faisoit servir de mesme.—Renard to Charles V.: MS. Rolls House.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 20: Renard to Charles V.: MS. Rolls House.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 21: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 22: Queen Jane and Queen Mary. Renard to Charles V.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 23: Grey Friars' Chronicle.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 24: "Ille impigre quidem, utpote cujus res agebatur, proponit magna stipendia; conducit militem partim invitum partim perfidum; constabant enim majori ex parte satellitia nobilium qui secreto Mariæ favebant."—Julius Terentianus to John 'ab Ulmis: Epistolæ Tigurinæ, p. 243.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 25: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 26: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 27: Chronicle of Queen Jane.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 28: Noailles, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 29: Ajoutant menace de la rigeur de leurs lois barbares.—Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 30: Chronicle of Queen Jane.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 31: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 32: "Aliqui subscripserunt, id quod postea compertum est, ut facilius fallerent Northumbrum, cujus consilio hæc omnia videbant fieri et tegerent conspirationem quam adornabant in auxilium Mariæ."—Julius Terentianus to John ab Ulmis: Epistolæ Tigurinæ, p. 242. John Knox allowed his vehemence to carry him too far against the Marquis of Winchester, who unquestionably was not one of those who advised the scheme of Northumberland. In the "aliqui" of Julius Terentianus, the letters of Renard, of Scheyfne, enable us to identify both him and Arundel; but there must have been many more, in the council or out of it, who were acting in concert with them.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 33: Cecil's Submission, printed by Tytler, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 34: Scheyfne to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 35: Chronicle of Queen Jane.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 36: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 37: Cecil's Submission: Tytler, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 38: Stow.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 39: Account of a Sermon at Amersham: Admonition to the Faithful in England, by John Knox.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 40: Some jest, perhaps, upon a shorn crown; at any rate, a euphemism for decapitation; for Foxe, who tells the story, says, "and even so it came to pass, for he and Sir John Gates, who was then at table, were made deacons ere it was long after on the Tower Hill."—Foxe, vol. viii. p. 590.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 41: Foxe, vol. viii. p. 590.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 42: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 43: La peine où se retreuve ledict due est qu'il ne se ose fier en personne, pour n'avoir faict où donné occasion à personne de l'aimer,—que a meu envoyer en France le Millor Dudley son frère, pour l'assurer du secours que luy a esté promis par le roy de France, et le prier en faire demonstration pour intimider ceulx de par deça. Car encores qu'il entende qu'il dégoustera davantage ceulx du pays pour y amener François, si est ce craignant d'estre rebouté de son emprinse, et d'estre massacré du peuple et sa generation, et que ma dicte dame Marie ne parvienne à la couronne, il ne respectera chose quelconque: plustôt donnera il pied aux François ou peys: tel est le couraige d'ung homme tiran, obstiné, et resolu, signamment quant il est question de se démesurer pour regner.—Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 38.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 44: The letter is among the Lansdowne MSS. It is in the hand of Sir John Cheke, and dated July 19. The signatures are Cranmer, Goodrich, Winchester, Bedford, Suffolk, Arundel, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, Darcy, Paget, Cheyne, Cotton, Petre, Cheke, Baker, Bowes.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 45: Fronting the river, about three-quarters of a mile above London Bridge. The original castle of Baynard the Norman had fallen into ruins at the end of the fifteenth century. Henry VII. built a palace on the site of it, which retained the name.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 46: E quando le persuasioni del conte d'Arundel non habiano luogo appresso di voi, o questa spada farà Reina Maria, o perderò io la vita.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 47: Renard had been prepared, by a singular notice, to expect their coming, and to suspect their good faith. Ce matin, he wrote, relating the counter-revolution to the Emperor; ce matin, à bonne heure, il y a venu une vieille femme de soixante ans en nostre logis pour nous advertir que l'on deust faire sçavoir à madicte dame Marie qu'elle se donna garde de ceulx de conseil car its la vouloient tromper soubz couleur de luy monstrer affection.—Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 48: Baoardo to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 49: Narrative of Edward Underhill: Harleian MSS. 425.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 50: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. All authorities agree in the general description of the state of London. Renard, Noailles, and Baoardo are the most explicit and interesting.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 51: This letter is among the Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. It was printed by Stowe.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 52: "Our bounden duties most humbly remembered to your excellent Majesty. It may like the same to understand, that we, your most humble, faithful, and obedient subjects, having always, God we take to witness, remained your Highness's true and humble subjects in our hearts, ever since the death of our late Sovereign Lord and master your Highness's brother, whom God pardon, and seeing hitherto no possibility to utter our determination without great destruction and bloodshed, both of ourselves and others, till this time, have this day proclaimed in your city of London your Majesty to be our true natural sovereign liege Lady and Queen; most humbly beseeching your Majesty to pardon and remit our former infirmities, and most graciously to accept our meanings, which have been ever to serve your Highness truly, and so shall remain with all our power and force, to the effusion of our blood, as these bearers, our very good Lords, the Earls of Arundel and Paget, can, and be ready more particularly to declare—to whom it may please your excellent Majesty to give firm credence; and thus we do and shall daily pray to Almighty God for the preservation of your most royal person long to reign over us."—Lansdowne MSS. 3. Endorsed, in Cecil's hand, "Copy of the Letter of the Lords to the Queen Mary from Baynard's Castle." The signatures are, unfortunately, wanting.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 53: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 54: Foxe, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 55: Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 56: Foxe, vol. viii. pp. 591-2.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 57: I must again remind my readers of the distinction between Catholic and Papist. Three-quarters of the English people were Catholics; that is, they were attached to the hereditary and traditionary doctrines of the Church. They detested, as cordially as the Protestants, the interference of a foreign power, whether secular or spiritual, with English liberty.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 58: "Adversity is a good thing. I trust in the Lord to live to see the day her Grace to marry such an one as knoweth what adversity meaneth; so shall we have both a merciful queen and king to their subjects; and would to God I might live to have another virtuous Edward."—Epistle of Poor Pratt to Gilbert Potter, written July 13: Queen Jane and Queen Mary, Appendix, p. 116. The occasion of this curious epistle was the punishment of Gilbert on the pillory. The writer was a Protestant, and evidently thought the Reformation in greater danger from Northumberland than Mary. "We have had many prophets and true preachers," he said, "which did declare that our king shall be taken away from us, and a tyrant shall reign. The gospel shall be plucked away, and the right heir shall be dispossessed; and all for our unthankfulness. And, thinkest thou not, Gilbert, this world is now come? Yea! truly! and what shall follow, if we repent not in time? The same God will take from us the virtuous Lady Mary our lawful Queen, and send such a cruel Pharaoh as the Ragged Bear to rule us, which shall pull and poll us, and utterly destroy us, and bring us in great calamities and miseries."(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 59: MS. Harleian, 523.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 60: Governor of Calais.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 61: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 62: Charles V. to Renard, July 22: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 63: Elle sera odieuse, suspecte, et dangereuse.—Renard to the Emperor: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 64: Renard to Queen Mary, copy enclosed to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 65: Vous avez tres bien faict de desconseillier à la dicte Royne qu'elle fist les obsèques du feu Roy, ce qu'elle peult tant plus delaisser avecque le repos de sa conscience, puisque comme escripvez il est décedé soustenant jusques à la fin, selon, qu'il avoit esté persuadé de depuis sa jeunesse, les opinions de desvoyez de nostre ancienne religion: par ou l'on ne peult sans scrupule luy faire l'enterrement et obsèques accoustumez en nostre dicte religion. Et est bien que l'ayez persuadé par vostre dicte lettre à la dicte dilation.—Charles V. to Renard, July 29: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 66: Et il seroit a esperer que y appellant ceulx du Noort et de Cornuailles avec les autres comme ce sont ceulx qui sont demeurez plus ferme en la religion, et qui ont démonstré plus d'affection en son endroit qu'elle trouveroit envers iceulx pour tout ce qu'elle vouldroit ordonner plus de faveur.—Ibid.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 67: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. Baoardo. Grey Friars' Chronicle.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 68: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 69: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 70: She, perhaps, imagined that she was not exceeding her statutable right in the refusal. The 17th of the 28th of Henry VIII. empowered any one of the heirs to the crown named in the king's will, on arriving at the age of twenty-four, to repeal laws passed not only in his or her own minority; but under circumstances such as those which had actually occurred, where the first heir had died before coming of age. The 11th of the 1st of Edward VI. modified the act of Henry, limiting the power of repeal to the sovereign in whose own reign the law to be repealed had been passed. But this act of Edward's was, itself, passed in a minority, and Mary might urge that she might repeal that as well as any other statute passed in his reign in virtue of the act of her father.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 71: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 72: "La beauté de visage plus que médiocre," are Renard's words to Charles.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 73: Renard; Noailles; Machyn; Grey Friars' Chronicle.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 74: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 75: Et luy fust proposé l'exemple de Maximus et Victor son filz que Theodose l'Empereur feit mourir pour s'estre attribué le nom d'Empereur par tyrannie et l'avoir voulu continuer en son diet filz Victor, escripvant l'histoire que l'on feit mourir le filz pour le scandale et danger qu'en eust peu advenir.—Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. For the story, see Gibbon, cap. xxvii.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 76: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 77: Signantment sembleroit que vostre majesté ne se deust confier en Madame Elizabeth que bien a point, et discouvrir sur ce qu'elle ne se voit en espoir d'entrer en règne, ne avoir voulu fleschir quant au point de la religion ny ouyr la messe; ce que l'on jugeoit elle deust faire pour la respect de vostre majesté, et pour les courtoysies dont elle use en son endroit encores qu'elle ny eust faict sinon l'assister et l'accompaigner. Et davantage l'on peult discouvrir comme elle se maintient en la nouvelle religion par practique, pour attirer et gaigner a sa dévotion ceulx quilz sont de la dicte religion en s'en aider, si elle avoit intention de maligner; et jaçois l'on se pourroit fourcompter quant à son intention, si est en ce commencement, qu'il est plus sure prévenir que d'estre prévenu et penser a ce que peult advenir; actendu que les objects sont evidens.—Les Ambassadeurs de l'Empereur à Marie, Reine d'Angleterre: Granvelle Papers, vol. ii. pp. 64-69.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 78: Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 82.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 79: August 1553. Debts of the crown. Irish debt, £36,094 18s. Household debts, £14,574 16s. Further household debts, £7450 5s. Berwick debt, with the wages of the officers, £16,639 18s. Calais debt, beside £17,000 of loans and other things, £21,184 10s. Ordnance Office, £3134 7s. Public works, £3200. Admiralty debt, £3923 4s. Debts in the Office of the Chamber, £17,968. Debts beyond the seas by Sir Thomas Gresham's particular bill, £61,068. Alderney's debt, £3028. Scilly debt, £3071.—MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. i. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 80: Note of things to be attended to: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. i.(Back to Main Text)
Footnote 81: Another natural feature of these curious days was the arrest of suspected persons; one of whom, Edward Underhill, the Hot Gospeller, has left behind him, in the account of his own adventures, a very vivid picture of the time. Underhill was a yeoman of the guard. He had seen service in the French wars, but had been noted chiefly for the zeal which he had shown in the late reign in hunting Catholics into gaol. He had thus worked his way into Court favour. During the brief royalty of Jane Grey, his wife was confined. His child was christened at the Tower church, and Suffolk and Pembroke were "gossips," and Jane herself was godmother. The day that Mary was proclaimed, he put out a ballad, which, as he expected, brought him into trouble. "The next day," he is telling his own story, "after the queen was come to the Tower, the foresaid ballad came into the hands of Secretary Bourne, who straightway made inquiry for the said Edward, who dwelt in Lymehurst; which he having intelligence of, sent the sheriff of Middlesex with a company of bills and glaives, who came into my house, being in my bed, and my wife newly laid in childbed. The high constable, whose name is Thomas Joy, dwelled at the house next to me, whom the sheriff brought also with him. He being my very friend, desired the sheriff and his company to stay without for frighting of my wife, and he would go fetch me unto him; who knocked at the door, saying, he must speak with me. I, lying so near that I might hear him, called unto him, willing him to come unto me, for that he was always my very friend and earnest in the gospel, who declared unto me that the sheriff and a great company was sent for me. Whereupon I rose and made me ready to come unto him.
"Sir, said he, I have commandment from the council to apprehend you and bring you unto them.
"Why, said I, it is now ten of the clock at night; you cannot now carry me unto them.
"No, sir, said he, you shall go with me to my house in London, where you shall have a bed, and to-morrow I will bring you unto them in the Tower.
"In the name of God, quoth I, and so went with him, requiring him if I might understand the cause. He said he knew none."
Underhill, however, conjectured that it was the ballad. He "was nothing dismayed;" and in the morning went readily to the Tower, where he waited in the presence chamber talking to the pensioners.
Sir Edward Hastings passed through, and as he saw him, "frowned earnestly." "Are you come?" said Hastings, "we will talk with you ere you part, I warrant you." They were old acquaintances. Underhill had been controller of the ordnance at Calais when Lord Huntingdon was in command there. The earl being in bad health, his brother Sir Edward was with him, assisting in the duties of the office; and Underhill, being able to play and sing, had been a frequent visitor at the Government House. The earl, moreover, "took great delight to hear him reason" with Sir Edward, on points of controversy—chiefly on the real presence—where the controller of the ordnance (according to his own account) would quote Scripture, and Sir Edward would "swear great oaths," "especially by the Lord's foot;" on which Underhill would say, "Nay, then, it must needs be so, and you prove it with such oaths," and the earl would laugh and exclaim, "Brother, give him over, Underhill is too good for you."
Hastings, it seemed, could not forgive these passages of wit, and Underhill was too smart for them. While he stood waiting, Secretary Bourne came in, "looking as the wolf at the lamb," and seeing the man that he had sent for, carried him off into the council room. Hastings was gone, Bedford sat as President, "and Bedford," says Underhill, "was my friend, for that my chance was to be at the recovery of his son, my Lord Russell, when he was cast into the Thames by Lymehurst, whom I received into my house, and gate him to bed, who was in great peril of his life, the weather being very cold."
Bedford, however, made no sign of recognition. Bourne read the ballad; on which Underhill protested that there was no attack on the queen's title in it. No! Bourne said, but it maintains the queen's title with the help of an arrant heretic, Tyndal. Underhill used the word Papist. Sir John Mason asked what he meant by that: "Sir," he says that he replied, "I think, if you look among the priests in Paul's, you shall find some old mumpsimusses there.
"Mumpsimusses, knave, said he, mumpsimusses! Thou art an heretic knave, by God's blood!
"Yea! by the mass, said the Earl of Bath, I warrant him an heretic knave indeed.
"I beseech your honours," Underhill said, "speaking to the Lords that sat at the table (for those others stood by and were not of the council), be my good Lords. I have offended no laws. I have served the Queen's Majesty's father and brother long time, and spent and consumed my living therein. I went not forth against her Majesty, notwithstanding I was commanded."
He was interrupted by Arundel, who said that, "by his writing," "he wished to set them all by the ears." Hastings re-entered at the moment, telling the council that they must repair to the queen, and the Hot Gospeller was promptly ordered to Newgate.
The sheriff led him through the streets, his friend Joy "following afar off, as Peter followed Christ." He wrote a few words to his wife at the door of Newgate, asking her to send him "his nightgown, his Bible, and his lute;" and then entered the prison, his life in which he goes on to describe.
In the centre of Newgate was "a great open hall." "As soon as it was supper time," the board was covered in the same hall. The keeper, whose name was "Alisander," with his wife, came and sat down, and half a dozen prisoners that were there for felony, Underhill "being the first that for religion was sent unto that prison." One of the felons had served with him in France. "After supper," the story continues, "this good fellow, whose name was Bristow, procured me to have a bed in his chamber, who could play well upon a rebeck. He was a tall fellow, and after one of Queen Mary's guard; yet a Protestant, which he kept secret, for else, he said, he should not have found such favour as he did at the keeper's hands and his wife's, for to such as loved the gospel they were very cruel. Well, said Underhill, I have sent for my Bible, and, by God's grace, therein shall be my daily exercise; I will not hide it from them. Sir, said he, I am poor; but they will bear with you, for they see your estate is to pay well; and I will shew you the nature and manner of them; for I have been here a good while. They both do love music very well. Wherefore you with your lute, and I to play with you on my rebeck, will please them greatly. He loveth to be merry, and to drink wine, and she also. If you will bestow upon them, every dinner and supper, a quart of wine and some music, you shall be their white son, and have all the favour they can shew you."