Footnote 502: Latimer's Remains, p. 429.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 503: A Rev. P. Soto accepi litteras Oxonio datas quibus me certiorem facit quid cum duobus illis hæreticis egerit qui jam erant damnati, quorum alter ne loqui quidem cum eo voluit: cum altero est locutus sed nihil profecit, ut facile intelligatur a nemine servari posse quos Deus projecerit. Itaque de illis supplicium est sumptum.—Pole to Philip: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. v. p. 47.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 504: Foxe, vol. vii. p. 545. It is to the discredit of Mary that she paid no attention to this appeal, and left Bonner's injustice to be repaired by the first parliament of Elizabeth. Commons Journals, 1 Elizabeth.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 505: The execution, however, was doubtless appointed to take place on that spot, that Cranmer might see it. An old engraving in Foxe's Martyrs represents him as on the leads of the Tower while the burning was going forward, looking at it, and praying.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 506: Foxe, vols. vii. viii., passim, especially vol. vii. p. 605. Philpot's Petition, Ibid. p. 682; and an account of the Prisons at Canterbury, vol. viii. p. 255. At Canterbury, after Pole became archbishop, his archdeacon, Harpsfeld, had fifteen prisoners confined together, of whom five were starved to death; the other ten were burnt. But before they suffered, and while one of those who died of hunger still survived, they left on record the following account of their treatment, and threw it out of a window of the castle:—

"Be it known to all men that shall read, or hear read, these our letters, that we, the poor prisoners of the castle of Canterbury, for God's truth, are kept and lie in cold irons, and our keeper will not suffer any meat to be brought to us to comfort us. And if any man do bring in anything—as bread, butter, cheese, or any other food—the said keeper will charge them that so bring us anything (except money or raiment), to carry it thence again; or else, if he do receive any food of any for us, he doth keep it for himself, and he and his servants do spend it; so that we have nothing thereof: and thus the keeper keepeth away our victuals from us; insomuch that there are four of us prisoners there for God's truth famished already, and thus it is his mind to famish us all. And we think he is appointed thereto by the bishops and priests, and also of the justices, so to famish us; and not only us of the said castle, but also all other prisoners in other prisons for the like cause to be also famished. Notwithstanding, we write not these our letters to that intent we might not afford to be famished for the Lord Jesus' sake, but for this cause and intent, that they having no law so to famish us in prison, should not do it privily, but that the murderers' hearts should be openly known to all the world, that all men may know of what church they are, and who is their father."—Foxe, vol. viii. p. 255.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 507: See especially his conversation with Philpot: Foxe, vol. vii. p. 611.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 508: Godly Letter addressed to Bonner: Ibid. p. 712.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 509: Pour le faire plustost retourner elle fera toutes choses incrédible en ce dict parlement en faveur dudict Sieur.... L'on dict que l'occasion pour laquelle le dict parlement a esté assemblé, ne tend à aultre fin que pour faire s'il est possible tomber le gouvernement absolu de ce royaulme entre les mains de ce roy.Noailles to the King of France, October 21: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 510: Ce soit ung argument plus grand que tout aultre pour faire entrer ceulx cy à la guerre ouverte; estant ceste nation comme ung chascung sçait fort ennemie de sadict Sainctité.Noailles to Montmorency: Ambassades, vol. v. p. 188.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 511: Same to the same.—Ibid. p. 150.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 512: Special Grace appointed to have been said at York on the Accession of Elizabeth.—Tanner MSS., Bodleian Library.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 513: Commons Journals, 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 514: Commons Journals, 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary.—Noailles to the Constable, October 31.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 515: Commons Journal. Noailles says that the queen demanded the fifteenths, and that the Commons refused to grant them. The account in the Journals is confirmed by a letter of Lord Talbot to the Earl of Shrewsbury.—Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i. p. 207.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 516: Mr. Speaker declared the queen's pleasure to be spoken yesterday, for to depart with the first-fruits and tenths; and my Lord Cardinal spake for the tithes and impropriations of benefices to be spiritual.—Commons Journals, November 20: 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 517: Lords Journals.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 518: 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary, cap. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 519: Commons Journals.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 520: Ibid. The temper of the opposition may be gathered from the language of a pamphlet which appeared on the accession of Elizabeth.

The writer describes the clergy as "lads of circumspection, and verily filii hujus sæculi." He complains of their avarice in inducing the queen, "at one chop, to give away fifty thousand pounds and better yearly from the inheritance of her crown unto them, and many a thousand after, unto those idle hypocrites besides."

He then goes on:—

"And yet this great profusion of their prince did so smally serve their hungry guts, like starven tikes that were never content with more than enough; at all their collations, assemblies, and sermons, they never left yelling and yelping in pursuit of their prey, Restore! Restore! These devout deacons nothing regarded how some for long service and travail abroad, while they sat at home—some for shedding his blood in defence of his prince's cause and country, while they with safety, all careless in their cabins, in luxe and lewdness, did sail in a sure port—some selling his antient patrimony for purchase of these lands, while they must have all by gift a God's name—they nothing regarding, I say, what injury to thousands, what undoing to most men, what danger of uproar and tumult throughout the whole realm, and what a weakening to the State, should thereby arise; with none of these matters were they moved a whit, but still held on their cry, Restore! Restore!"

"And that ye may be sure they meant nothing more than how to have all, and that with all haste; after that their Pope, this seditious Paul IV., that now is, had sent hither his bulls and his thunderbolts for that cause, and other (and yet little restored, because the world, indeed, would not be so faced out of their livelihood) sundry of our prelates, like hardy champions, slacke not a whit themselves to thrust lords out of their lands, and picked quarrels to their lawful possessions. Well. Let nobility consider the case as they list; but, as some think, if the clergy come to be masters again, they will teach them a school point. Christ taught the young man that perfection was in vade, vende, et da, not in mane, acquire, accumula."—Grace to be said at the Accession of Elizabeth: Tannes MSS., Bodleian Library.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 521: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 522: Michele, the Venetian ambassador, in his curious but most inaccurate account of England during this reign, states that the queen had it in her power to cut off Elizabeth from the succession, but that she was prevented from doing it by Philip. Michele's information suffered from the policy of Venice. Venice held aloof from the complications of the rest of Europe, and her representatives were punished by exclusion from secrets of state. The letters of Noailles might be suspected, but the correspondence of Renard with Charles V. leaves no doubt whatever either as to the views of the Spaniards towards Elizabeth, of their designs on the crown, or of the causes by which they were baffled.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 523: Noailles to the King of France, December 16.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 524: The witty Katherine Brandon, widow of Henry VIII.'s Charles Brandon, married to Richard Bertie. She was a lady of advanced opinions, between whom and the Bishop of Winchester there were some passages-at-arms. She dressed a dog in a rochet on one occasion, and called it Bishop Gardiner.

Gardiner himself said that he was once at a party at the Duke of Suffolk's, and it was a question who should take the duchess down to dinner. She wanted to go with her husband; but as that could not be, "My lady," said Gardiner, "taking me by the hand, for that my lord would not take her himself, said that, forasmuch as she could not sit down with my lord whom she loved best, she had chosen me whom she loved worst."—Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 525: Et de mesme fust rejetté audict parlement à la grande confusion de ladicte dame ung aultre bill, par lequel elle vouloit confisquer les personnes et biens de ceulx qui sont transfuges de ce royaulme despuis son advènement à la couronne.Noailles to the King of France, December 16: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 526: 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary, cap. 17.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 527: François de Noailles to Madame de Roye: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 528: Among the surviving memorials of Mary, none is more affecting than a rough copy of an answer to one of these epistles, which is preserved in the Cotton Library. It is painfully scrawled, and covered with erasures and corrections, in which may be traced the dread in which she stood of offending Philip. Demander license de votre Haultesse, is crossed through and altered into Supplier très humblement. Where she had described herself as obeissante, she enlarged the word into très obeissante; and the tone throughout is most piteous. She entreats the king to appoint some person or persons to talk with her about the marriage. She says that the conscience which she has about it she has had for twenty-four years; that is to say, since Elizabeth's birth. Nevertheless, she will agree to Philip's wish, if the realm will agree. She is ready to discuss it; but she complains, so far as she dares complain, of the confessor. The priests trouble her, she says. "Alfonsez espécialement me proposoit questions si obscures que mon simple entendement ne les pouvoit comprehendre, comme pour exemple il me demandoit qui estoit roy au temps de Adam, et disoit comme j'estoy obligée de faire ceste marriage par ung article de mon Credo, mais il ne l'exposoit.... Aultres choses trop difficiles pour moy d'entendre ... ainsy qu'il estoit impossible en si peu de temps de changer ... conscience.... Votre Haultesse escript en ses dictes lettres que si le consent de ce royaulme iroyt au contraire, Votre Haultesse en imputeroit la coulpe en moy. Je supplie en toute humilité votre Haultesse de différer ceste affaire jusques à votre retour; et donques Votre Haultesse sera juge si je seray coulpable ou non. Car autrement je vinray en jalousie de Votre Haultesse la quelle sera pire à moy que mort; car j'en ay commencé déjà d'en taster trop à mon grand regret," etc.—Cotton MSS., Titus, B. 2: printed very incorrectly in Strype's Memorials, vol. vi. 418.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 529: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 530: Cranmer to Queen Mary: Jenkins, vol. i. p. 369. This protest was committed to Pole to answer, who replied to it at length.

The authority of the pope in a secular kingdom, the legate said, was no more a foreign power than "the authority of the soul of man coming from heaven in the body generate on earth." "The pope's laws spiritual did no other but that the soul did in the body, giving life to the same, confirming and strengthening the same;" and that it was which the angel signified in Christ's conception, declaring what his authority should be, that he should sit super domum David, which was a temporal reign, ut confirmet illud et corroboret, as the spiritual laws did.

The quotation is inaccurate. The words in the Vulgate are, Dabit illi Dominus sedem David patris ejus: et regnabit in domo Jacob in æternum.

The letter contains another illustration of Pole's habit of mind. "There was never spiritual man," he says, "put to execution according to the order of the laws of the realm but he was first by the canon laws condemned and degraded; whereof there be as many examples afore the time of breaking the old order of the realm these last years, as hath been delinquents. Let the records be seen. And specially this is notable of the Bishop of ——, which, being imprisoned for high treason, the king would not proceed to his condemnation and punishment afore he had the pope's bull given him...."

The historical argument proceeded smoothly up to the name, which, however, was not and is not to be found. Pole was probably thinking of Archbishop Scrope, who, however, unfortunately for the argument, was put to death without the pope's sanction.—Draft of a Letter from Cardinal Pole to Cranmer: Harleian MSS. 417.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 531: Pole to Philip: Epistolæ Reg. Pol., vol. v. p. 47.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 532: Damnatæ memoriæ. Sentence Definitive against Thomas Cranmer: Foxe, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 533: An allusion to a scaffold in St. Paul's Church, on which Cranmer had sat as a commissioner; said to have been erected over an altar.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 534: Foxe, vol. viii. p. 73.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 535: Cranmer to a Lawyer: Jenkins, vol. i. p. 384.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 536: Epist. Reg. Pol., vol. v. p. 248. I am obliged to abridge and epitomise.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 537: Car se je n'écourtois que les mouvemens de la nature, se je ne vous parlois qu'en mon nom, je vous tiendrois un autre langage au plutôt je ne vous dirois rien; je m'entretiendrois avec Dieu seul at je lui demanderois de faire tomber le feu du ciel pour vous consumer avec cette maison où vous avez passé en abandonnant l'Église. The letter was only known to the editor of Pole's remains in a French translation. I do not know whether the original exists, or whether it was in Latin or in English.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 538: The innumerable modern writers who agree with Pole on the iniquity of the divorce of Catherine forget that, according to the rule which most of us now acknowledge, the marriage of Henry with his brother's wife really was incestuous—really was forbidden by the laws of God and nature; that the pope had no more authority to dispense with those laws then than he has now; and that if modern law is right, Cranmer did no more than his duty.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 539: Jenkins, vol. iv. p. 129.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 540: Forasmuch as the king's and queen's majesties, by consent of parliament, have received the pope's authority within this realm, I am content to submit myself to their laws herein, and to take the pope for chief head of this Church of England so far as God's laws and the customs of this realm will permit.—Thomas Cranmer.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 541: Of this fifth submission there is a contemporary copy among the MSS. at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. It was the only one known to Foxe; and this, with the fact of its being found in a separate form, gives a colour of probability to Mr. Southey's suspicion that the rest were forgeries. The whole collection was published by Bonner, who injured his claims to credit by printing with the others a seventh recantation, which was never made, and by concealing the real truth. But the balance of evidence I still think is in favour of the genuineness of the first six. The first four lead up to the fifth, and the invention of them after the fifth had been made would have been needless. The sixth I agree with Strype in considering to have been composed by Pole, and signed by Cranmer.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 542: Recantations of Thomas Cranmer: Jenkins, vol. iv. p. 393.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 543: Death of Cranmer, related by a Bystander: Harleian MSS., 442. Printed, with some inaccuracies, by Strype.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 544: Narrative of the Execution of Thomas Cranmer: MS. Harleian, 422. Another account gives among the causes which Cole mentioned, that "it seemed meet, according to the law of equality, that, as the death of the Duke of Northumberland of late made even with Sir Thomas More, Chancellor, that died for the Church, so there should be one that should make even with Fisher, Bishop of Rochester; and because that Ridley, Hooper, and Ferrars were not able to make even with that man, it seemed that Cranmer should be joined with them to fill up their part of equality."—Foxe, vol. viii. p. 85. Jenkins, vol. iv. p. 133.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 545: MS. Harleian, 422.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 546: Shakspeare was perhaps thinking of this speech of Cranmer when he wrote the magnificent lines which he placed in the mouth of the dying Gaunt:—

"O, but they say, the tongues of dying men
Enforce attention, like deep harmony:
Where words are scarce, they are seldom spent in vain:
For they breathe truth, that breathe their words in pain.
He, that no more must say, is listened more
Than they whom youth and ease have taught to gloze;
More are men's ends marked, than their lives before:
The setting sun, and music at the close,
As the last taste of sweets, is sweetest last;
Writ in remembrance more than things long past."
(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 547: There are two original contemporary accounts of Cranmer's words—Harleian MSS., 417 and 422—and they agree so far almost word for word with "The Prayer and Saying of Thomas Cranmer a little before his Death," which was published immediately after by Bonner. But we now encounter the singular difficulty, that the conclusion given by Bonner is altogether different. The archbishop is made to repeat his recantation, and express especial grief for the books which he had written upon the Sacrament.

There is no uncertainty as to what Cranmer really said; but, inasmuch is Bonner at the head of his version of the speech has described it as "written with his own hand," it has been inferred that he was required to make a copy of what he intended to say—that he actually wrote what Bonner printed, hoping to the end that his life would be spared; and that he would have repeated it publicly, had he seen that there was a chance of his escape. Finding, however, that his execution had been irrevocably determined on, he made the substitution at the last moment.

There are many difficulties in this view, chiefly from the character of the speech itself, which has the stamp upon it of too evident sincerity to have been composed with any underhand intentions. The tone is in harmony throughout, and the beginning leads naturally to the conclusion which Cranmer really spoke.

There is another explanation, which is to me more credible. The Catholics were furious at their expected triumph being snatched from them. Whether Cranmer did or did not write what Bonner says he wrote, Bonner knew that he had not spoken it, and yet was dishonest enough to print it as having been spoken by him, evidently hoping that the truth could be suppressed, and that the Catholic cause might escape the injury which the archbishop's recovered constancy must inflict upon it. A man who was capable of so considerable a falsehood would not have hesitated for the same good purpose to alter a few sentences. Pious frauds have been committed by more religious men than Edmund Bonner. See the Recantation of Thomas Cranmer, reprinted from Bonner's original pamphlet: Jenkins, vol. iv. p. 393.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 548: Harleian MS., 422. Strype has misread the word into "run," losing the point of the expression.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 549: Saying of Sir Nicholas Arnold: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 550: The conversations with Ashton were sometimes at his own house; sometimes at an inn by the waterside, near Lambeth; sometimes at other places. The localities are not always easy to make out.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 551: Deposition of Thomas White: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 552: Wotton to the Queen, cypher: French MSS., bundle 13. State Paper Office. Kingston was one of the members of the House of Commons who was imprisoned at the close of the late session, for the freedom of his language in parliament. He was "Vice-Admiral of the Ports about the Severn," and a man of large influence in the Welsh Marches.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 553: Younger son of Sir Edward Peckham, Cofferer of the Household, and Member of Council under Edward VI.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 554: Lord Williams of Thame, who superintended the executions of Ridley, Latimer, and Cranmer.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 555: Confession of Sir Henry Peckham: Mary, Domestic, MS. vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 556: Confession of John Daniel: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 557: Noailles to the King of France, March 12: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 558: Uvedale's Confession: Mary, Domestic, MS., vol. vii.; Peckham's Confession, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 559: John Throgmorton said to Bedyll, Derick, and me, on this wise: "Whatsoever becomes of any of us in this dangerous enterprise, we will here promise, that albeit, I, you, and your nannye, every of us, by name, should accuse any of us of this, or any part touching this enterprise, bye and bye to revile him with most taunting and naughty rebukes that may be devised. And thereby setting a stern countenance, and for our couraging and better comfort herein, he shewed us of a matter that was most true, and accused by Strangways against two brethren, meaning [the] Tremaynes, who being but little men in personage, so reviled Strangways, accusing them before your honours, that because Strangways had no further proof but his only saying, and they so stoutly denying it, even to the threatening of the rack (or whether they were anything thereto constrained or no, as he said, I do not perfectly remember); but at length Strangways was in effect ready to weep, and think he had accused them wrongfully, and so they dismissed, and Strangways much of your honours rebuked."—Thomas White to the Council: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 560: The Constable to Noailles, Feb. 7: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 561: De leur prêtur un peu d'espaule.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 562: Wotton to the Queen: French MSS., bundle 13.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 563: Although they be promised by your means to move the queen's majesty to be gracious lady to them, they know that it is not so meant; but to suck out of others all ye may, and yet thereby to have no mercy shewed.—Thomas White to the Council: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 564: Robert Swift to Lord Shrewsbury: Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 565: Walpole's Deposition: MS. Lodge's Illustrations, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 566: Peckham's Confession: MS. Lodge's Illustrations, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 567: Swift to Lord Shrewsbury: Ibid., vol. i.; Machyn's Diary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 568: Daniel was supposed, like Throgmorton, to know more than he had told; and to quicken his confession he was confined in a dungeon, of which he has left his own description in an appeal to the mercy of the commissioners. "I beseech your honours be good to me," he wrote, "for I am a sick man, laid here in a dungeon where I am fain to do —— and —— in the place that I do lie in, and if I do lie here all this night, I think I shall not be alive to-morrow. Mr. Binifield [perhaps an examiner] as he cometh to me is ready to cast his gorge, so he saith; and I have no light all day so much as to see my hands perfectly. Pity me, for God's sake—Your honours' footstool, John Daniel. Good Master of the House, good Mr. Controller, good Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, good Mr. Englefield, good Mr. Waldegrave!"

Again in another letter, he writes:—

"For God's sake, be my honourable masters, and rid me out of this dungeon, for I do lie here a man sore pained with the stone, and among the newts and spiders. For the love of God, I ask it; for I do all things in the place that I do lie in. My good and honourable masters, for God's sake, be good to me, and consider that I did never give my consent to do no evil. Good Mr. Englefield, consider my meaning, and be good master to me, and consider the place I lie in, and the pain of the stone."—Daniel's Confessions: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. viii.

The effect, however, apparently was what the examiners desired. A note of the council remains to the effect that—

"Daniel being yesterday removed, to a worse lodging, beginneth this day to be more open and plain than he hath been, whereby we perceive he knoweth all, and we trust and think verily he will utter the same."—Privy Council Minutes, Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 569: Estant en continuel fureur de ne pouvoir jouir de la présence de son mary ny de l'amour de son peuple, et dans une fort grande peur d'estre offensée de sa propre vie par aulcungs des siens.Noailles to the King of France, May 7: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 570: Same to Montmorency, April 21: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 571: Foxe. This hideous story was challenged by Harding, the controversialist, in the next reign. He was unfortunate in calling attention to it, for the case was inquired into, and the account was found too certainly true.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 572: Machyn's Diary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 573: Machyn.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 574: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 575: See their stories: Foxe, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 576: Foxe, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 577: Wotton to Petre, cypher: French MSS., Mary, bundle 13. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 578: The Queen to Wotton: MS. France, bundle 13.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 579: Gens abominables, hérétiques et traistres villains et exécrables.Noailles to the King, May 7: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 580: Wotton to Petre, cypher: French MSS. State Paper Office, bundle 13.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 581: His death was of course attributed by the world to poison. Courtenay's birth, and the fortune which was so nearly thrust upon him, give his fate a kind of interest, and an authentic account of it may not be unwelcome.

On the 18th of September, Peter Vannes, the English resident at Venice, wrote to the queen from Padua:—

"It hath pleased Almighty God, as the Author of all goodness, and as One that doth nothing in vain, to call the Earl of Devonshire to his mercy, even about the hour, or little more or less, that I am writing of this present; and being very sorry to trouble your Highness with this kind of news, yet forasmuch as the providence of God must be fulfilled in all things, I shall somewhat touch his sickness till the hour of death. True it is that he, as I have perceived, for the avoiding all suspicion from himself, hath chosen a life more solitary than needed, saving the company of certain gentlemen, Venetians, among whom he was much made of. It chanced him upon three weeks agone, for his honest recreation, to go to a place called Lio, a piece of an island five miles from Venice, for to see his hawks fly upon a wasted ground, without any houses; and there he was suddenly taken with a great tempest of wind and rain, insomuch that his boat, called [a] gondola, could not well return to Venice: and he was fain, for his succour, to take a certain searcher's boat that by chance there arrived, and so to Venice he came, being body and legs very thinly clothed, refusing to change them with any warmer garment. And upon that time, or within few days after, as he told me, had a fall upon the stairs of his house, and after seeming to himself to be well, and finding no pain, took his journey hither unto Padua; and for the avoiding of the weariness of the water, and the labouring of horses, chose the worse way coming; and so by certain waggons called coaches, very shaking and uneasy to my judgment, came to Padua upon Saturday at night. Of whose coming being advertised, I went to visit him on the morrow after, and found him very weak; and since that time he began to appear every day worse and worse, avoiding friends' visitations; and drew himself to the counsel of two of the best physicians of this town, and entered into a continued hot ague, sometimes more vehement than at another; and as I have seen and heard, he hath been always diligently attended. I have charged his servants in your name, and as they will avoid your displeasure, that a true inventory shall be made of such small movables as he had here, and that especially all kind of writings and letters that he had either here or at Venice, shall be put in assurance, abiding for your commandment. I am now about to see the order of his burial, with as much sparing and as much honour as can be done; for the merchantmen on whom, by your Grace's commandment, he had a credit of 3 or 4 thousand crowns, are not as yet willing to disburse any money without a sufficient discharge of my Lord of Devonshire's hand, the doing whereof is past. I shall shift to see him buried as well as I can; notwithstanding, I beseech your Grace not to be discontented with me that I am at the next door to go a begging.

"My said Lord of Devonshire is dead, in mine opinion a very good Christian man; for after that I had much exhorted him to take his communion and rites of the Church as a thing most necessary, and by whose means God giveth unto His chosen people health, both bodily and ghostly, he answered me, by broken words, that he was well content so to do: and in token thereof, and in repentance for his sins, he lift up his eyes and knocked himself upon the heart; and after I had suffered him to pause a good while, I caused the Sacrament to be brought, and after the priest's godly exhortation, he forced himself to receive the blessed Communion; but his tongue had so stopped his mouth, and his teeth so clove together, that in no wise he could receive that same; and after this sort this gentleman is gone, as I do not doubt, to God his mercy.

"I shall not let to say to your Grace, that since his coming to Padua, by way of communication, he showed unto me, that it had been reported unto him that some one had said that he was better French than English, and if God did recover him and send him his health so that he might come to the knowledge of his misreporter, he was minded to try that quarrel by the sword."

In a letter written a few days later, Vannes said that, in consequence of rumours having gone abroad that the earl had been poisoned, the Podesta, at his request, had ordered the body to be opened, and examined by physicians, which was accordingly done.—Peter Vannes to the Queen: Venetian MSS. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 582: Letters of Wotton to the Queen: French MSS., bundle 13, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 583: Wotton to Petre: MS. Ibid. Compare Sir James Melville's Memoirs, p. 38.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 584: "Pontifex, tantum abest ut mollissimis obsequiis atque officiis acquieverit, non potuit tandem sibi obtemperare quin pleno Cardinalium Senatu Regni Neapolitani privationem per suum fiscalem proposuerit, cum nullius nos in ipsum Pontificem, aut sedem apostolicam contumaciæ, summæ quin potius uti fas est observantiæ nobis simus conscii, ac ne in præfractâ quidem ejus obstinatione a solitis officiis destitum est, donec cum nullâ molliore ope malum posset mitigari; magisque indies ac magis propagaretur videretque Albæ Dux copias eum undique contrahere, apparatum facere, tempus ducere, quoscumque principes quibuscumque conditionibus sollicitare, ut ingruenti rerum omnium ruinæ occurreret, ad hoc extremum remedium invitus coactusque descendit. Quæ omnia quanquam vobis comperta quando in eorum mentionem per vestras litteras incidistis, per nos etiam vobis significanda duximus; atque id præterea eâ temperantiâ ac modestiâ hoc bellum a duce geri atque administrari, ut nihil nisi orbis Christiani tranquillitas, sedis apostolicæ dignitas, et nostrorum regnorum securitas procuretur, neque ullum nos ex hoc bello gloriæ aucupemur, summum potius dolorem animique ægritudinem percipiamus."—Philip to the English Council: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. ix. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 585: "There is a faction or dissension within Calais for religion's sake, whereof it seemeth that a commission of late sent thither, I cannot tell whether somewhat rigorously used, may have given occasion."—Wotton to the Queen, cypher: French MSS., bundle 13, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 586: Wotton to the Queen, cypher: French MSS., bundle 13, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 587: The Council to Philip, November 22nd: MS. Domestic, Mary, vol. ix.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 588: Machyn.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 589: The new monks did not do credit to their restoration. Anne of Cleves died the next year, and lay in state in the abbey.

"The 22nd of August," says Machyn, "was the herse of my Lady Anne Cleves taken down at Westminster, the which the monks by night had spoiled of all velvet cloth, arms, banners, penselles, of all the majesty and valence, the which was never seen afore so done."—Diary, p. 148.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 590: Desmond to the Queen: Irish MSS. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 591: "Three years and more after the restoration of the people to the church," the legate says in the body of the letter. The date of it will be December, 1556, or December, 1557, as the three years are calculated from the restoration of Orthodoxy, or from the reunion with Rome.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 592: Address of Cardinal Pole to the citizens of London: Strype's Memorials, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 593: Royal Commission printed in Foxe, vol. viii. p. 301, and by Burnet in his Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 594: Articles of the visitation of Cardinal Pole: Foxe, vol. iii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 595: Wood's Annals of the University of Oxford.—The story is authentic. The following is the Roman Catholic version of it:—"Oxonii sepulta fuerat digna Petro Martyre concubina, parthenonis et ipsa desertrix sacrilega ut ille cœnobii. Ejus ossa refodi jusserat Maria et sterquilinio ut par erat condi. Nunc æmulo plane sanctitatis et virginitatis in Elizabâthe ingenio requisita sunt inter sordes sterquilinii publici quarum fœdissima pars erant, et incredibili studio inventa purgata lota in thecam eandem reponuntur in quâ S. Frideswidæ reliquiæ colebantur, et cum his adeo confusa ut nullâ unquam possunt diligentiâ secerni. Clauditur loculus et cubitalibus litteris hoc epitaphio decoratur, 'Hic jacet religio cum superstitione,' meliore titulo meretrici hæretici pessimi concubinæ; proh nefas! deteriore ancillæ Christi sanctissimæ virgini attributo."—Foxe, vol. viii. Editor's note.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 596: An excellent epistle, translated from French into English by Thomas Pownell, with a preface, A.D. 1556. The copy from which I make my extract is in the Bodleian Library at Oxford; it is marked in the margin in various places with a finger ☞ apparently almost as old as the printing; and this finger was perhaps drawn by some one whom the words were consoling or inspiriting in the hour of his own trial.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 597: Wotton to Petre: French MSS., bundle 13, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 598: Answer of the Privy Council to the queen's question whether England shall enter the wars with France.—Sloane MSS. 1786, British Museum.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 599: Proclamation of Thomas Stafford, son to the Lord Henry, rightful Duke of Buckingham.—Strype's Memorials, vol. vi. p. 515.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 600: Exchequer Accounts: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 601: Bitterly hating their work that they were sent upon, "the people went to the musters, said Sir Thomas Smith, with kerchiefs on their heads—they went to the wars hanging down their looks; they came from them as men dismayed and forlorn."—Strype's Life of Sir Thomas Smith, Appendix, p. 249.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 602: Instructions to the Lord Admiral: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 603: Sir Edward Karne to the Queen: Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 604: Printed by Strype, Memorials of the Reformation, vol. vi. p. 476, and described by him as a letter of the parliament. But at this time there was no parliament in existence; the last had been dissolved eighteen months before, the next did not meet till the ensuing January. The queen's letter is dated the 21st May, and the letter which I suppose to have been from the council, and another, said also to have been from "the nobility," were evidently written under the same impression, and at the same time, when the idea of the recall was new.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 605: Letters to the Pope: Strype, vol. vi. pp. 476-482. The drafts of the letters are not signed, nor does it appear what names were attached to them. It is not even certain that they were sent.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 606: Pole to the Pope: Strype's Memorials, vol. vi. p. 34, etc.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 607: Pole's sufferings in consequence were really piteous. "Your holiness," he wrote on the 30th of March, 1558, "is taking my life from me when you take from me the reputation of orthodoxy. You told the English ambassador it was God's doing; God has told you, like Abraham, to kill your son; and that your holiness intends that kind of death for me, I know far more certainly than Isaac seemed to know his father's purpose. When I see the fire and the knife in the hands of your holiness, and the wood laid upon my shoulders, there is no need for me to ask where is the victim.

"When I was yet a lamb, I gave myself as a sacrifice to the pontiff, who chose me for a cardinal. Thus I thought of myself; thus I spoke when I lay prostrate before the altar. Little did I then think the time would come, when I should be offered up by my father's hands a second time, especially when the Bishop of Rochester was here hanging as a ram among the briars ready to be immolated," etc.—Pole to the Pope: Epistolæ, vol. v. p. 31.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 608: Commission for the Loan: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 609: Ibid. vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 610: The queen to all sheriffs, mayors, etc.—For the well choosing of the knights of the shire and burgesses:

"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well: and whereas for certain great and weighty causes touching both the honour of Almighty God, and the wealth and good government of this our realm, we have summoned our High Court of Parliament, to be holden at Westminster, the 20th of January next: and forasmuch as we consider that a great part of the furthering of such things, as shall be treated in our said parliament, and bringing them to good effect, shall consist in the well appointing and choosing of such as shall be knights of shires, citizens of any city, or burgesses of other towns corporate, we have thought good to require you to have good regard, and so far forth as in you may lie, to provide that such as shall be appointed may be men given to good order, Catholic, and discreet, and so qualified, as the antient law of this realm requireth; giving the freeholders, citizens, burgesses within our said county to understand, what our will and pleasure is in that behalf. Hereby as you shall do good service unto God and this your country, so shall you also do us right acceptable pleasure, which we shall consider towards you as any occasion may shew. Given under our signet, December 10, 1557."—MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 611: MS. Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 612: A complete account of the repairs at Calais, with the cost of work, and the wages of the workmen, is printed in an appendix to the Chronicle of Calais, published by the Camden Society.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 613: Chronicle of Calais.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 614: Lord Grey to the Queen, June 13, 1557: Calais MSS. bundle 10, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 615: In 1550, Sir John Mason wrote to the council, "I have heard say that, not long sythen the Low Countries were able to set to the field 300 able men on horseback; I think there lacketh of that number at this present a great many, the occasion whereof, by the report of the king's ministers on this side, is for that the king's lands are so raised as no man is able to live thereupon unless it is a sort of poor dryvells, that must dig their living with their nails out of the ground, and be not able scarce to maintain a jade to carry their corn to market." French MSS. Edward VI. bundle 9.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 616: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 617: Cornwallis to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 618: When all your majesty's pieces on this side make account to be furnished of victuals and other necessaries from hence, it is so that of victuals your highness hath presently none here, and the town hath none; by reason that the restraint in the realm hath been so strait, and the victuallers as were wont to bring daily hither good quantities of butter, cheese, bacon, wheat, and other things, might not of late be suffered to have any recourse hither, whereby is grown a very great scarcity.—Wentworth to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 619: Sir Arthur Grey.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 620: Grey to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 621: He was held up by the Earl of Warwick, who sprang from his own horse, and "did lift a firkin of ale" to Grey's mouth. Life of Lord Grey of Wilton, by his son.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 622: Grey to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 623: Wentworth and Grey to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 624: The Queen to Wentworth: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)