The same careful investigator (Mr. Wyrrall) of every particular relating to the iron works of the Forest, formed a glossary of the terms used in the above specifications, which not only sufficiently explains them, but also shows that very similar apparatus continued to be used in this neighbourhood up to the close of the last century.  It proceeds thus:—

Sows of Iron are the long pieces of cast iron as they run into the sand immediately from the furnace; thus called from the appearance of this and the shorter pieces which are runned into smaller gutters made in the same sand, from the resemblance they have to a sow lying on her side with her pigs at her dugs.  These are for working up in the forges; but it is usual to cast other sows of iron of very great size to lay in the walls of the furnaces as beams to support the great strain of the work.

Dam Plate is a large flat plate of cast iron placed on its edge against the front of the furnace, with a stone cut sloping and placed on the inside.  This plate has a notch on the top for the cinder or scruff to run off, and a place at the side to discharge the metal at casting.

The Shaft of a wheel is a large round beam having the wheel fixed near the one end of it, and turning upon gudgeons or centres fixed in the two ends.

The Furnace House I take to be what we call the casting-house, where the metal runs out of the furnace into the sand.

The Bridge is the place where the raw materials are laid down ready to be thrown into the furnace.  I conceive that it had its name (which is still continued) from this circumstance—that in the infancy of these works it was built as a bridge, hollow underneath.  It was not at first known what strength was required to support the blast of a furnace bellows; and the consequence was that they were often out of repair, and frequently obliged to be built almost entirely new.

Bellows Boards—Not very different from the present dimensions.

Water Troughs—scooped out of the solid timber.  This shows the great simplicity of these times, not 150 years ago.

The Hutch, or as it is now corruptly called the Witch, a wide covered drain below the furnace-wheel to carry off the water from it, usually arched, but here only covered with timbers to support the rubbish and earth thrown upon it.

Cambs are iron cogs fixed in the shaft to work the bellows as the wheel turns round.

Cinder Shovels, iron shovels for taking up the cinders into the boxes, both to measure them and to fill the furnace.

Moulding Ship, an iron tool fixed on a wooden handle, so formed as to make the gutters in the sand for casting the pig and sow iron.

Casting Ladles, made hollow like a dish, with a lip to lade up the liquid iron for small castings.

Wringers, large long bars of iron to wring the furnace, that is to clear it of the grosser and least fluid cinder which rises on the upper surface, and would there coagulate and soon prevent the furnace from working aright.

Constable, a bar of very great substance and length, kept always lying by a furnace in readiness for extraordinary purposes in which uncommon strength and purchase was required.  I suppose this name to have been given to this tool on account of its superior bulk and power, and in allusion to the Constable of St. Briavel’s Castle, an officer heretofore of very great weight and consequence in this forest.

Cinder Hook, a hook of iron for drawing away the scruff or cinder which runs liquid out of the furnace over the dam plate, and soon becomes a solid substance, which must be removed to make room for fresh cinder to run out into its place.

Plackett, a tool contrived as a kind of trowel for smoothing and shaping the clay.

Buckstones, now called Buckstaves, are two thick plates of iron, about 5 or 6 feet long, fixed one on each side of the front of the furnace down to the ground to support the stone work.

Iron Tempe is a plate fixed at the bottom of the front wall of the furnace over the flame between the buckstaves.

Tuiron Plate is a plate of cast iron fixed before the noses of the bellows, and so shaped as to conduct the blast into the body of the furnace.

Tuiron Hooke, a tool contrived for conveying a lump of tempered clay before the point of the tuiron plate, to guard the wall from wearing away as it would otherwise do in that part, there being the greatest force of the fire.

Shammel Plate, a piece of cast iron fixed on a wooden frame, in the shape of a Symbol , which works up and down as a crank, so as for the camb to lay hold of this iron, and thereby press down the bellows.

Firketts are large square pieces of timber laid upon the upper woods of the bellows, to steady it and to work it.

Firkett Hooks, two strong hooks of square wrought iron fixed at the smallest end of the bellows to keep it firm and in its place.

Gage, two rods of iron jointed in the middle, with a ring for the filler to drop the shortest end into the furnace at the top, to know when it is worked down low enough to be charged.

Poises, wooden beams, one over each bellows, fixed upon centres across another very large beam; at the longest end of these poises are open boxes bound with iron, and the little end being fixed with harness to the upper ends of the firketts are thus pressed down, and the bellows with it, by the working of the wheel, while the weight of the poises lifts them up alternately as the wheel goes round.”

* * * * *

As to the length of time these works continued in operation, the late Mr. Mushet, who knew the district intimately, in his valuable papers on iron, &c., considered that they were abandoned shortly after the date of the inventory, i.e. 1635, since, “with the exception of the slags, traces of the water-mounds, and the faint lines of the water-courses, not a vestige of any of them remains.”

He adds,—

“About fourteen years ago I first saw the ruins of one of these furnaces, situated below York Lodge, and surrounded by a large heap of slag or scoria that is produced in making pig iron.  As the situation of this furnace was remote from roads, and must at one time have been deemed nearly inaccessible, it had all the appearance at the time of my survey of having remained in the same state for nearly two centuries.  The quantity of slags I computed at from 8000 to 10,000 tons.  If it is assumed that this furnace made upon an average annually 200 tons of pig iron, and that the quantity of slag run from the furnace was equal to one-half the quantity of iron made, we shall have 100 tons of cinders annually, for a period of from 80 to 100 years.  If the abandonment of this furnace took place about the year 1640, the commencement of its smeltings must be assigned to a period between the years 1540 and 1560.”

The oldest piece of cast iron which Mr. Mushet states he ever saw, exhibited the arms of England, with the initials E. R., and bore date 1555 (?), but he found no specimen in the Forest earlier than 1620.  A few cast-iron fire-backs have been noticed in some of the old houses in the vicinity of the Forest, but none have an earlier date on them.  The cast-iron grave-slabs found in the ancient iron-making districts of Surrey and Sussex do not occur here.  He also observes that “although he had carefully examined every spot and relic in Dean Forest likely to denote the site of Dud Dudley’s enterprising but unfortunate experiment of making pig-iron with pit-coal,” no remains had been found.  It was the same with the like operations of Cromwell, Major Wildman, Captain Birch, and other of his officers, doctors of physic and merchants, by whom works and furnaces had been set up in the Forest at a vast charge.

The troubles of the civil wars, in which the country surrounding the Forest was so much involved, materially disturbed its iron manufactures.  Sir John Winter’s large works at Lydney were wholly destroyed, and probably such others as continued in operation were limited to the casting of cannon and shot, similar to what was used in the siege of Goodrich Castle by Colonel Birch in 1646.  Otherwise iron making was for the time suppressed.

When matters had become somewhat settled, the attention of the Commonwealth was directed to them.  They were placed under the general supervision of Major John Wade, who was assisted in their management by John a Deane.

A document exists giving a debtor and creditor account from 13th September, 1653, to 20th August, 1655. [42a]  During these two years, upwards of £12,607 16s. 9¾d. was laid out by the Council of State and the Commissariat of the Admiralty, whilst only £10,705 14s. 3d.  was received, leaving a deficit of £1902 2s. 6¾d.

Another paper states “what iron in pigs, barr, and shott have beene cast and made, sold, or otherwise disposed of, or remaining in stock,” between 28th February, 1653, and 2nd August, 1656.

There remains also “a true inventory of all the tooles and utensils belonging to the forge at Whitecroft, this 13th August, 1656,” divided into “all the chaffery, for the upper finery, for the lower finery.”

John a Deane died in 1655, and was succeeded by Mr. John Roades. [42b]  From 2nd August, 1656, to 15th September, 1657, the Government account stood thus

£

s.

d.

Dr. side

10,135

15

10¾

Cr.

8,023

15

Balance

2,112

0

Hardly had the king’s return been effected when, amidst the innumerable petitions which instantly greeted him, is one from Sir Hugh Middleton, Bart., for “the place of Overseer and Receiver of Profits of His Majestie’s Iron Works in the Forest of Dean.” [42c]  He strengthened his application with the timely remark that the appointment for which he sought was held by Major John Wade, “put in by Cromwell; an officer of which Wade, in July last (1659), robbed him of horses, arms, &c., kept him four months in close imprisonment for adhering to His Maty, & has several times ransacked his house.”

A contemporary petition, to much the same end, but from a different quarter, was presented by Sir Edward Massey.  He stated, truly enough, that “he had formerly held the works for which he now applied, but they and all his stock were taken from him by the Rump Parliament for his loyalty.”  But he suppressed saying, how they were formerly voted to him by the House of Commons for defeating the staunch royalist Sir John Winter, to whom they previously belonged.

Sir John, himself, was a third, and reasonable applicant for the restoration of his patent for the same, which was as justly restored him; the other, but unsuccessful candidate, being Sir Baynham Throckmorton.

In an elaborate return, [43] addressed to the Barons of the Exchequer, and dated the 12th April, 1662, the question is mooted, “What advantages will yearly accrue to His Maty by his furnace and forge, if taken into his owne hands?”  The answer is worked out in the following manner:—

“Imprimis.—Fower Long Coards of Wood will make two Loads of Coles wch two Loads of Coales will make one Tunne of Sowe Iron.

“Charges to make a Tunn of Sow Iron.

li.

s.

d.

For cutting and coarding of Four Long
Coards genrlly will cost

00

14

00

For Coaleing at 3s 6d  per loade

00

07

00

For carrying it to the Furnace, genrlly

00

07

00

For Mine and Oar

00

05

00

For Cinders

00

03

00

To the Founder or Caster

00

02

06

01

18

06

“Price of a Tun of Sow Iron.

“Which Tune of Sow Iron will yield cõib annis, although now debased by the late mispending of the Stock, but wil bee brought up agn to 6li 10.

“What Quantity the Furnace will cast yearly.

“The Furnace may wth the Expence of 100li to pr serve & pcure a greater ppcõn of water, cast Were Thirty Tunn p weeke, but to reduce it to a greater certainty we will compute at 26 Tunne p weeke, wch at 6li 10s 6d p Tunn amounts to 1248 Tunn p An., wch at 6li 10s Od p Tunn amounts to 8112li.  But the Charges to be deducted at 1li 18s 6d p Tunn amounts to 2402li 8s deducting wch out of the generall pfitt there remains 709li 12s Od.

“Other Charges to be deducted and alowed out of the
Furnace profits.

li.

s.

d.

To a Stock Taker p An.

16

00

00

To a Clerk

40

00

00

To a Carpinter

6

13

04

Other Reprs of the Furnace (cõib annis)

12

00

00

For travelling Charges to the Clerk to sell iron

05

00

00

To two Wood Clerks p An.

20

00

00

And for Sacks and Hurdles p An.

20

00

00

Totall

119

13

04

“Charges of Product of the Forge.

“The Forge will make Cõibus Annis 150 Tunn wch will yield genrally 16li 10s p Tunn, although now debased by the late mispending of the Stock.

“Charges to make a Tunn of Barr Iron.

“Three Load of Coales will make a Tunn of Barr Iron, whereof one may be brasses, but sett it at three Loade,

li.

s.

d.

The Cutting, Cording, Coaling, and Carriage will amount unto

02

02

00

And 2650 weight of Sow Iron will make one Tunn of Barr Iron, wch said 2650 weight of Sow Iron at 6li 10s p Tun amounts unto

08

12

00

And to the Workmen (viz.) Raffiners and Hammermen

01

00

00

11

14

00

Produce 150 Tunn at 16li 10s 0d p Tun amounts p an. to

2475

0

0

Charges at 11li 14s 0d p Tun as aforesaid amounts to

1740

0

0

Remaynes cleare

735

0

0

“Other Charges to be allowed out of the yearly
pfitts of the Forge.

li.

s.

d.

To a Clerk p Ann.

25

0

0

To a Stock taker

16

0

0

To a Carpinter

09

13

4

For other Reprs, as Oyle, Greese, &c., Cõibus Annis

20

0

0

64

13

4

li.

s.

d.

Totall of the Furnace, deducting the Officers’ Fees, &c., is

5609

18

8

Totall of the Forge, deducting the Officers’ Fees, &c., p An. is

0667

06

8

6277

5

4

So considerable a balance each year, from one furnace and a single forge, admits of comparison with the profits made by ironmasters now.

The Commissioners further report that all necessary appliances existed on the spot:—

“One excellent Furnace called the Park Furnace, and one Forge called Whitecros Forge.  The later is in good repre, but the Furnace wants a Roofe to ye Cole hous, and some other Reprs, wch we compute may cost us circa 40li, and care must be taken whensoever his Maty shall take them into his own handes, that all the Implemts the late psõns intrusted wth the managemt thereof had deliv’d to them by inventory or otherwise, be forthcoming, or else it will be a great prjudice to his Maty.”

It was also pointed out that, besides “the greate yearely pfitt” likely to accrue to the King, should he take the Iron Works into his own hands, they were “capable to serve his Navey both wth beter Iron and at much Easier Rates then now he payes for all sorts, and wee conceive that Iron Ordinance might be cast here for ye Service of ye Navey also at ye same rates.”  Some of the Forest iron, in the form of iron hoops, had already found its way to the navy store at Woolwich. [46]

Even the last winter’s great storm (18th of February, 1662) is made to support their counsels, for the Commissioners affirmed that—“500li, together with the young beechen timber lately blowne downe in the Lea Bayley, will sett the workes a goeing.”

Lastly, the same officials suggested that a check should be put to the practice of sending iron ore and cinder out of the Forest, lest the supply to the king’s works, as proposed, should run short.  They suggest a tax “6d. at first, for fifteen bushells,” adding “that they were informed that there is carryed out yearly at least 4000 dozen; and there is now lying at Newnham a small vessell to transport some for Ireland.  There must needs be a Prohibition to carry out of the Forrest any cinders, least his Maty’s owne works should need them in tyme.” [47a]

Reasons so carefully analyzed for inducing the Crown to take in hand iron making at Park End, deserved a better fate.  But the king had irons enough in the fire, without becoming a manufacturer of iron in the Forest of Dean.  Its timber was rather wanted for the navy, which the Duke of York longed to render more effective.  Besides, places more convenient of access, in Surrey and Sussex, were supplying the iron trade.  Hence, when in 1683 the above-named proposal was renewed by Sir John Erule, the Forest supervisor, it was rejected, although he promised a profit of £5390 per annum. [47b]

The authorities went further than this, in refusing, as they thought, to sacrifice the timber for the iron.  They even directed, about this time, the demolition of the Forest furnaces, thus reducing its iron works to such a degree as almost to annihilate them for the next hundred years.

What their recent state of prosperity had been, Andrew Yarranton, in his book of novel suggestions for the “Improvement of England by Sea and Land,” printed in 1677, describes as follows:—

“And first, I will begin in Monmouthshire, and go through the Forest of Dean, and there take notice what infinite quantities of raw iron is there made, with bar iron and wire; and consider the infinite number of men, horses, and carriages which are to supply these works, and also digging of ironstone, providing of cinders, carrying to the works, making it into sows and bars, cutting of wood and converting into charcoal.  Consider also, in all these parts, the woods are not worth the cutting and bringing home by the owner to burn in their houses; and it is because in all these places there are pit coal very cheap. . . .  If these advantages were not there, it would be little less than a howling wilderness.  I believe if this comes to the hands of Sir Baynom Frogmorton and Sir Duncomb Colchester, they will be on my side.  Moreover, there is yet a most great benefit to the kingdom in general by the sow iron made of the ironstone and Roman cinders in the Forest of Dean, for that metal is of a most gentle, pliable, soft nature, easily and quickly to be wrought into manufacture, over what any other iron is, and it is the best in the known world; and the greatest part of this sow iron is sent up Severne to the forges into Worcester, Shropshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire and Cheshire, and there it’s made into bar iron: and because of its kind and gentle nature to work, it is now at Sturbridge, Dudley, Wolverhampton, Sedgley, Wasall and Burmingham, and there bent, wrought, and manufactured into all small commodities, and diffused all England over, and thereby a great trade made of it; and, when manufactured, into most parts of the world.  And I can very easily make it appear, that in the Forest of Dean and thereabouts, and about the material that comes from thence, there are employed and have their subsistence therefrom no less than 60,000 persons.  And certainly, if this be true, then it is certain it is better these iron works were up and in being than that there were none.  And it were well if there were an Act of Parliament for enclosing all common fit or any way likely to bear wood in the Forest of Dean and six miles round the Forest; and that great quantities of timber might by the same law be there preserved, for to supply in future ages timber for shipping and building.  And I dare say the Forest of Dean is, as to the iron, to be compared to the sheep’s back as to the woollen; nothing being of more advantage to England than these two are. . . .

“In the Forest of Dean and thereabouts, the iron is made at this day of cinders, being the rough and offal thrown by in the Romans’ time; they then having only foot blasts to melt the iron stone; but now, by the force of a great wheel that drives a pair of bellows twenty feet long, all that iron is extracted out of the cinders, which could not be forced from it by the Roman foot blast.  And in the Forest of Dean and thereabouts, and as high as Worcester, there are great and infinite quantities of these cinders, some in vast mounts above ground, some underground, which will supply the iron works some hundreds of years, and these cinders are they which make the prime and best iron, and with much less charcoal than doth the ironstone. . . .  Let there be one ton of this bar-iron made of Forest iron, and £20 will be given for it.”

The 4th “Order” of the Mine Law Court, dated 27th April, 1680, fixes the prices at which twelve Winchester bushels of iron mine should be delivered at the following places:—St. Wonnarth’s furnace, 10s.; Whitechurch, 7s.; Linton, 9s.; Bishopswood, 9s.; Longhope, 9s.; Flaxley, 8s.; Gunnsmills (if rebuilt), 7s.; Blakeney, 6s.; Lydney, 6s.; at those within the Forest (if rebuilt), the same as in 1668; Redbrooke, 4s. 6d.; the Abbey (Tintern), 9s.; Brochweare, 6s. 6d.; Redbrooke Passage, 5s. 6d.; Gunnpill, 7s.; or ore (intended for inland) shipped on the Severn, 6s. 6d.

Most of these localities present traces of long continued iron manufacture, especially St. Wonnarth’s, Whitchurch, Bishopswood, and Flaxley, where the energetic proprietress, Mrs. Boevey, is said by Sir R. Atkyns to have had (c. A.D. 1712) “a furnace for casting of iron, and three forges.”  Charcoal is the only fuel of which any indications remain, the coppice woods being in several instances preserved from which it used to be obtained, and the furnaces are shown to have been invariably situated where waterpower was at command.

The prices affixed to the ore, including delivery, indicate a discontinuance, in a measure, of the mines on the north-east edge of the Forest.  Those adjoining Newland and in Noxon Park, both on the opposite side of the Forest, appear to have formed the principal sources of supply.  The records of the Court of Mine Law, belonging to this date, allude oftener to these works than to others, for the same reason.

Its “order,” dated 8th December, 1685, in providing that “the one-half of the jury of 48 should be iron-miners, and the other half colliers,” manifests considerable decay in the influence and number of the former operatives, once so much otherwise.  It is remarkable that the later orders are silent as regards iron, owing to the suppression of the Forest furnaces.

With respect to the mode now in use of reducing the mine ore, there is preserved so explicit an account, from the pen of Dr. Parsons, the county antiquary and naturalist of that age, as to call for its verbatim insertion here:—

“The ore and cinder, wherewith they make their iron (which is the great employment of the poorer sort of inhabitants), ’tis dug in most parts of the Forest, one in the bowells, and the other towards the surface of the earth.

“There are two sorts of ore: the best ore is your Brush ore, of blewish colour, very ponderous, and full of shiny specks, like grains of silver; this affordeth the greatest quantity of iron, but being melted alone, produceth a metal very short and brittle.  To remedy this inconvenience, they make use of another material, which they call cinder, it being nothing else but the refuse of the ore, after the melting hath been extracted, which, being melted with the other in due quantity, gives it that excellent temper of toughness for which this iron is preferred before any other that is brought from foreign parts.

“After they have provided their ore, their first work is to calcine it, which is done in kilns, much after the fashion of our ordinary lime kilns; these they fill up to the top with coal and ore untill it be full, and so, putting fire to the bottom, they let it burn till the coal be wasted, and then renew the kilnes with fresh ore and coal.  This is done without any infusion of mettal, and serves to consume the more drossy part of the ore, and to make it fryable, supplying the beating and washing, which are to no other mettals; from hence they carry it to their furnaces, which are built of brick and stone, about 24 foot square on the outside, and near 30 foot in hight within, and not above 8 or 10 foot over where it is widest, which is about the middle, the top and bottom having a narrow compass, much like the form of an egg.  Behind the furnace are placed two high pair of bellows, whose noses meet at a little hole near the bottom: these are compressed together by certain buttons placed on the axis of a very large wheel, which is turned round by water, in the manner of an over-shot mill.  As soon as these buttons are slid off, the bellows are raised again by a counterpoise of weights, whereby they are made to play alternately, the one giving its blast whilst the other is rising.

“At first they fill these furnaces with ore and cinder intermixt with fuel, which in these works is always charcoal, laying them hollow at the bottom, that they may the more easily take fire; but after they are once kindled, the materials run together into an hard cake or lump, which is sustained by the furnace, and through this the mettal as it runs trickles down the receivers, which are placed at the bottom, where there is a passage open, by which they take away the scum and dross, and let out their mettal as they see occasion.

“Before the mouth of the furnace lyeth a great bed of sand, where they make furrows of the fashion they desire to cast their iron: into these, when the receivers are full, they let in their mettal, which is made so very fluid by the violence of the fire that it not only runs to a considerable distance, but stands afterwards boiling a great while.

“After these furnaces are once at work, they keep them constantly employed for many months together, never suffering the fire to slacken night or day, but still supplying the waste of fuel and other materials with fresh, poured in at the top.

“Several attempts have been made to bring in the use of the sea coal in these works instead of charcoal; the former being to be had at an easy rate, the latter not without a great expence; but hitherto they have proved ineffectual, the workmen finding by experience that a sea-coal fire, how vehement soever, will not penetrate the most fixed parts of the ore, by which means they leave much of the mettal behind them unmelted.

“From these furnaces they bring the sows and piggs of iron, as they call them, to their forges; these are two sorts, though they stood together under the same roof; one they call their finery, and the other chafers: both of them are upon hearths, upon which they place great heaps of sea coal, and behind them bellows like those of the furnaces, but nothing near so large.

“In such finerys they first put their piggs of iron, placing three or four of them together behind the fire, with a little of one end thrust into it, where softening by degrees they stir and work them with long barrs of iron till the mettal runs together in a round masse or lump, which they call an half bloome: this they take out, and giving it a few strokes with their sledges, they carry it to a great weighty hammer, raised likewise by the motion of a water wheel, where, applying it dexterously to the blows, they presently beat it into a thick short square; this they put into the finery again, and heating it red hot, they work it under the same hammer till it comes to the shape of a bar in the middle, with two square knobs in the ends; last of all they give it other heatings in the chaffers, and more workings under the hammer, till they have brought their iron into barrs of several shapes, in which fashion they expose them to sale.

“All their principal iron undergoes the aforementioned preparations, yet for several other purposes, as for backs of chimneys, hearths of ovens, and the like, they have a sort of cast iron which they take out of the receivers of the furnace, so soon as it is melted, in great ladles, and pour it into the moulds of fine sand in like manner as they do cast brass and softer mettals; but this sort of iron is so very brittle, that, being heated with one blow of the hammer, it breaks all to pieces.”

As an instance of the considerable extent to which the old cinders continued to be used in the iron furnaces round the Forest, the following abstract of an indenture, found in Mr. Wyrrall’s collection, and dated 20th October, 1692, may be quoted:—

“Jephthah Wyrall, Gent., to Rd Avenant, Gent., and John Wheeler, Gent.

“Articles for the Sale of 10 thousand dozn of cinders, in certain grounds near Mr. Wyrall’s house, called the Correggio, the Limekiln Patch, the Long Sevens, and the Ockwal Field, if so many could be found there.  The Price, 10 Pence the dozen, or 12 Bushels; 6 to be heaped and the other 6 even with the top of the Bushel, or hand-weaved.  Such of them as should be taken to Bishopswood or Parkend to be measured by the Bushel used at Bishop’s wood Furnace; and such as should be carried to Blakeney Furnace by the Bushel used there.  To be raised and fitted for carriage by Avenant and Whealer.  To employ no persons in raising the cinders but such as Mr. Wyrall approves of.  Mr. Wyrall to carry yearly as many cinders as he should please, not exceeding 250 Dozens, to Parkend, at 4s a dozen.  Should carry to the banks of the river Wye, at 13d a Dozen such as should be used at Bishop’s Wood Furnace.  Avenant and Whealer to get 800 dozn a year, and as many more as they shd please till the 10 Thousand Dozens should be raised: and pay for them yearly on the 1st day of May, and the 1st day of October; and should leave the ground as level and plain as usually is where cinders are gotten (which was promising nothing at all).”

According to a paper examined by Mr. Mushet, and referring probably to the year 1720 or 1730, the iron-making district of the Forest of Dean contained ten blast furnaces, viz., six in Gloucestershire, three in Herefordshire, and one at Tintern, making their total number just equal to that of the then iron-making district of Sussex.  In Mr. Taylor’s map of Gloucestershire, published in 1777, iron furnaces, forges, or engines are indicated at Bishopswood, Lydbrook, the New Wear, Upper Red Brook, Park End, Bradley, and Flaxley.  Yet only a small portion of the mineral used at these works was obtained from the Dean Forest mines, if we may judge from the statement made by Mr. Hopkinson, in 1788, before the Parliamentary Commissioners, to the effect that “there is no regular iron mine work now carried on in the said Forest, but there were about twenty-two poor men who, at times when they had no other work to do, employed themselves in searching for and getting iron mine or ore in the old holes and pits in the said Forest, which have been worked out many years.”  Such a practice is well remembered by the aged miners, the chief part of the ore used in the above-named furnaces having been brought by sea from Whitehaven. [54]  Thus Mr. Mushet represents, “at Tintern the furnace charge for forge pig iron was generally composed of a mixture of seven-eighths of Lancashire iron ore and one-eighth part of a lean calcareous sparry iron ore, from the Forest of Dean, called flux, the average yield of which mixture was fifty per cent. of iron.  When in full work, Tintern Abbey charcoal furnace made weekly from twenty-eight to thirty tons of charcoal forge pig iron, and consumed forty dozen sacks of charcoal; so that sixteen sacks of charcoal were consumed in making one ton of pigs.”  This furnace was, he believes, “the first charcoal furnace which in this country was blown with air compressed in iron cylinders.”

Flaxley was one of the very last places where iron was made in the old way.  The Rev. T. Budge, writing at the commencement of the present century, says of it:—

“The iron manufactory is still carried on, and the metal is esteemed peculiarly good; but its goodness does not arise from any extraordinary qualities in the ore, but from the practice of working the furnace and forges with charcoal wood, without any mixture of pit-coal.

“The quantity of charcoal required is so considerable that the furnace cannot be kept in blow or working more than nine months successively, the wheels which work the bellows and hammers being turned by a powerful stream of water.  At this time (28th Oct. 1802) a cessation has taken place for nearly a year.  Lancashire ore, which is brought to Newnham by sea, furnishes the principal supply; the mine found in the Forest being either too scanty to answer the expense of raising it, or when raised too difficult of fusion, and consequently too consumptive of fuel, to allow the common use of it.

“When the furnace is at work, about twenty tons a week are reduced to pig iron; in this state it is carried to the forges, where about eight tons a week are hammered out into bars, ploughshares, &c., ready for the smith.”

Though these operations have been long given up, the furnace buildings removed, and the pools drained in which the water accumulated for driving the machinery, yet the old people of the neighbourhood still recollect when the Castiard’s Vale, now wholly devoted to the picturesque, resounded with the noise of engines.  A solitary heap of Lancashire iron mine alone remains to show what was once operated upon at this spot.

The year 1795 marks the period when the manufacture of iron was resumed in the Forest by means of pit-coal cokes at Cinderford, the above date being preserved on an inscription stone in No. 1 furnace.  “The conductors of the work succeeded,” in the words of the late Mr. Bishop, communicated to the author,—

“As to fact, and made pig iron of good quality; but from the rude and insufficient character of their arrangements, they failed commercially as a speculation, the quantity produced not reaching twenty tons per week.  The cokes were brought from Broadmoor in boats, by a small canal, the embankment of which may be seen at the present day.  The ore was carried down to the furnaces on mules’ backs, from Edge Hill and other mines.  The rising tide of iron manufacture in Wales and Staffordshire could not fail to swamp such ineffectual arrangements, and as a natural consequence Cinderford sank.

“Attempts still continued to be made from time to time in the locality, but the want of success, and the loss of large capital, placed the whole neighbourhood under a ban.

“Moses Teague was the day-star who ushered in a bright morning after a dark and gloomy night.  Great natural genius, combined with a rare devotion to the interests of the Forest, led him to attempt a solution of the difficulty.  In this he so far succeeded that he formed a company, consisting of Messrs. Whitehouse, James, and Montague, who took a lease of Park End Furnace about the year 1825, erected a large water-wheel to blow the furnace, and got to work in 1826.  Having started this concern, Mr. Teague, who from constitutional tendencies was always seeking something new, and considered nothing done while aught remained to do, cast his eye on Cinderford, which he thought presented the best prospects in the locality; and after making arrangements with Messrs. Montague, Church, and Fraser, those gentlemen with himself formed the first ‘Cinderford Iron Company,’ the writer joining the undertaking when the foundations of the buildings were being laid.  The scheme comprehended two blast furnaces, a powerful blast engine still at work, finery, forge, and rolling-mill, designed to furnish about forty tons of tin-plate per week, with collieries and mine work.  Before the completion of the undertaking it was found that the outlay so far exceeded their expectations and means that the concern became embarrassed almost before it was finished, which, with the then great depression of the iron trade during the years 1829 to 1832 inclusive, led to the stoppage of the works, which had continued in operation from November, 1829, till the close of 1832, in which state they continued to 1835, when Mr. Teague again came to the rescue, and induced Mr. William Allaway, a gentleman in the tin-plate trade, of Lydbrook, to form, in connexion with Messrs. Crawshay, another company.  Mr. Teague having retired from the management of the furnaces, that important post was filled by Mr. James Broad, a man of great practical knowledge, who for twenty years succeeded in making iron at Cinderford Furnaces of quality and in quantities which had never been anticipated.  There are now four blast furnaces, three of which are always in use, and a new blast engine of considerable power is in course of erection, in addition to the old engine, which has been puffing away for twenty-eight years.”

As narrated in an earlier part of this account, Park End long since possessed a furnace and forge, though afterwards suppressed in 1674, and not resumed until 1799, the date of the oldest iron furnace there.  It is situated about half a mile lower down the valley than the former one, and was carried on by a Mr. Perkins.  The Works were eventually sold to Mr. John Protheroe, and by him disposed of to his nephew, Edward Protheroe, Esq., formerly M.P. for Bristol, who was likewise the possessor of several collieries near.  In 1824 Mr. Protheroe granted a lease of the furnace and premises, and also sundry iron mines, to the Forest of Dean Iron Company, then consisting of Messrs. Montague, James, & Co. This arrangement continued until 1826, when Messrs. William Montague, of Gloucester, and John James, Esq., of Lydney, became the sole lessees.  A second furnace was erected by these gentlemen in 1827, as well as an immense water-wheel of 51 feet diameter and 6 feet wide, said at the time to be the largest in the kingdom.  Two extensive ponds, still observable, were formed higher up the vale, and connected with the Works by a canal yet remaining.  Little use was made, however, of these appliances, owing to the general introduction and superior advantages of steam power.  A steam-engine was consequently put up for creating the necessary blast.  Not being found sufficiently powerful to keep two furnaces in operation, each being 45 feet high, 9½ feet diameter at the top, 14 feet across at the boshes, and 5 feet diameter at the hearth, another steam-engine of 80 horse power was erected in 1849; but owing to a depression in the iron trade, and other causes, the two furnaces were not then worked together.

A few years after the decease of Mr. Montague, in 1847, Mr. James bought all his interest in the Works and became the sole lessee, until the year 1854, when he purchased from Mr. Protheroe the fee of the property, together with all the liabilities of the lease.  Since that time the two furnaces have been occasionally worked together, under the superintendence of Mr. Greenham, one of the proprietors, the firm still continuing as “The Forest of Dean Iron Company.”  They produce upwards of 300 tons of pig-iron per week, consuming in the meantime 350 tons of coke, and 600 tons of iron ore, obtained from the neighbouring mines at Oakwood and China Eugene; and from the Perseverance and Findall Mine, on the eastern side of the Forest.  These operations give employment to something like 300 men; and the foundation is now being laid for another furnace.

Besides its iron furnaces, Park End is the site of Messrs. T. and W. Allaway’s extensive Tin-Plate Works, erected at a large outlay by Messrs. James and Greenham in 1851.  They find employment for some 200 work-people, by whom 500 boxes of tinplate are made per week.  Two-thirds of the iron so used is obtained in the Forest.

Similar works, only on a larger scale, are carried on at Lydney by Messrs. W. Allaway and Sons.  These are five in number, and bear the names of The Lower Mill, The Lower Forge, The Middle Forge, The Upper Mill, and The Upper Forge.  About 400 hands are engaged at them, and turn out about 1,000 boxes of tin-plate every week, besides a quantity of sheet-iron.  The materials supplied to these works from the Forest of Dean are pig-iron, coal, fire-bricks and clay, fire-stone and fire-sand, and cordwood for conversion into charcoal.  Lydney has long been famed for its ironworks, which at one time belonged to the Talbot family.

Sowdley, in spite of its natural beauties and retired situation, has been occupied by ironworks since 1565, the ancient family of the Joneses of Hay Hill conducting them as wire-works drawn by power of hand.  Messrs. Parnell and Co. then took to them; from 1784 to 1804 Dobbs and Taylor carried on the works; Browning, Heaven and Tayer followed in 1824, and Todd, Jeffries and Spirrin in 1828, converting a part of the premises into paint and brass works.

In 1837 they were raised to the dignity of blast furnaces by having two of them erected of the usual size, by Edward Protheroe, Esq., and worked by him for four years.  The late Mr. Benjamin Gibbons purchased them in 1857; and in 1863 his representatives sold them to Messrs. Goold, by whom they are conducted.  At present but one furnace is in blast, yielding about 20 tons of Forest iron each casting, South Wales coke being the fuel employed.  Eighty hands are engaged at these works.

Lydbrook has long been the site of several busy ironworks.  They may be specified as the Upper and Lower; the last of these, situated near the Wye, was once the property of the Foleys, by whom so many of the iron works of the beginning of the last century were carried on.  More recently they were in Mr. Partridge’s hands, and were worked in connexion with the furnace at Bishopswood.  In 1817 Mr. Allaway leased them, at which time they comprised three forges, rolling and bar mills, and tin-house complete, capable of producing from 100 to 150 boxes of tin plates per week.  Now, however, under the able management of the late Mr. Allaway’s sons, the Works yield 600 boxes, sent off by the Wye.  The iron used is chiefly that from Cinderford, as being the best suited for the purpose.

The Upper Works, formerly the property of Lord Gage, at the time when the High Meadow Estates belonged to the family, are now owned by Messrs. Russell, the late Mr. Russell having bought them from the Crown in 1818.  His son, Mr. Edward Russell, writes:—

“We have since then considerably improved and enlarged them, and are now employing about 100 hands.  We manufacture wire for fencing, as also for telegraph purposes, of which we can roll from 40 to 50 tons per week.  We likewise make charcoal iron for horse-nails and smith’s work, besides that for agricultural purposes, using the Cinderford, Shropshire, and Staffordshire iron, especially the former.”

Other works, resembling those just described, are being carried on by Mr. James Russell at the Forest Vale Iron Works, near Cinderford.  When perfected, they will employ not less than 60 pairs of hands, and will supply considerable quantities of iron rods for telegraphic and other wire, as well as chain-cable iron, the adjoining furnaces affording the requisite metal.

All the iron ore supplied from this neighbourhood to these different works is derived from one or other of the following iron mines, whose present extent may be thus particularized. [61]

The Shake-mantle, Buckshraft, and St. Annal’s pits, on the eastern side of the Forest, constitute that exceedingly important range of mining operations, from which the Cinderford furnaces have long obtained their chief supply of iron ore.  These are four in number, having a height of 43 feet, an extreme breadth of 14 feet, that of the hearth being 6 feet.  They make 500 tons every week of the finest hot-blast iron.

A peculiar interest attaches to the first of these three pits, owing to its being the oldest mine still at work in this vicinity, though it dates no earlier than 1829, so recently has iron mining been resumed in this part of the district.  Buckshraft was begun in 1835-7, and that at St. Annal’s in 1849, each originating in the increasing demand for iron ore at the adjoining blast furnaces.  They all descend to the same vein of red hematite, as well as to one common “level.”  This runs from one to the others, almost in a direct line two miles long.  The shafts are severally 70, 160, and 221 yards deep.

Upwards of 36,000 tons of rich ore have been annually obtained from these iron mines for many years, leaving a transverse area of cavernous workings about 70 yards wide.  But a far greater void was formed by the old miners, whose holes occur immediately above, and in which a few scattered tools have been discovered, left behind when operations were abruptly stopped in 1674, but not before the men had burrowed down some 150 yards.

The natural drainage of these mines being towards the Shake-mantle pit, a very powerful pumping engine has been put up there, capable of raising 250 gallons of water to the surface at every stroke.

As many as 250 hands are employed in working these valuable iron mines.

The Westbury-brook iron mine, so called from its situation near the head of that stream, is one of the most productive pits on the eastern side of the Forest basin.

It was begun about the year 1837, immediately below “the old men’s workings.”  These proved to be remarkably extensive and searching, all the ore having been cleared out to a depth, in some places, of 160 yards.  They were also found to contain many ancient mining implements, such as plank-ladders, shovels, helves, &c., all of ash, besides leather shoes and mattock heads, left behind probably when the iron furnaces of the district were suppressed in 1674.

Since 1843 this mine work has been very prosperously conducted by the agents of the Dowlais Iron Company, whither most of its ore is sent to be mixed and smelted with the ore there, much to the improvement of the iron so made.

Nearly 200 hands are employed at the Westbury-brook mine pit.  The excavations run north and south for upwards of a mile and a half, their breadth averaging about 16 yards.  They are reached by a shaft 186 yards deep, to the top of which a plunging pump raises 33 gallons of water at each stroke.

For several years past this iron mine has yielded many thousands of tons yearly of the finest red hematite ore.  A steam-engine of 36 horse power brings it to the surface.

The Old Sling iron mine, begun in 1838, on the Clearwell Mean, has long been considered one of the principal mine works on the western edge of the Forest.  Its chief access is by a shaft that descends 105 yards to where the deepest workings begin.  These gradually rise, in accordance with the upward slope of the mine train, until they attain an area of about 20 acres, leaving some 33 acres unwrought above them, to where “the old men’s workings” are reached.  Such is the case about 50 yards below the surface, after they had worked over upwards of seven acres of the mine ore.  These excavations were found to contain some ancient picks and wooden shovels tipped with iron, an addition not met with elsewhere, but rendered necessary in this instance by the harder nature of the matrix of the mine ore.

This iron mine has yielded for several years past 1,000 tons of red hematite ore per month, and employed nearly 100 hands.

Another remunerative iron mine, opened on the western side of the forest, is the Easter iron mine.  It has three shafts sunk upon it, 100, 113, and 118 yards deep respectively.  The first of these, and the only one in work, at which a light steam-engine of 14 horse power is used, communicates with “the old men’s workings,” though none of their tools have been found in them.  About fifty men and boys are employed in this mine, from which upwards of 1,000 tons of ore are procured each month.

The table here appended, by the kind permission of the deputy gaveller, Mr. T. F. Brown, exhibits the proceeds of each of the Dean Forest Iron Mines during the years 1864-5:—

AN ACCOUNT OF IRON ORE RAISED IN DEAN FOREST AND HUNDRED OF
ST. BRIAVEL’S FROM CHRISTMAS, 1863, TO CHRISTMAS, 1865.

name of iron mine.

Half-year ended Mid Summer 1864.

Half-year ended Christmas 1864.

Total.

Half-year ended Mid Summer 1865.

Half-year ended Christmas 1865.

Total.

Perseverance and Findall

5,199

4,217

9,416

5,742

7,126

12,868

New China Level

123

66

189

240

170

410

New Dun Pit

1,255

985

2,190

...

...

...

Buckshraft

21,400

18,370

39,770

22,245

23,882

46,127

Tingle’s Mine Level

548

...

548

...

405

405

Crow’s Nest

1,893

2,975

4,868

...

...

...

Old Ham

514

...

514

89

456

545

Oakwood Mill

2,923

2,222

5,145

1,723

4,761

6,484

Westbury Brook

10,180

9,773

19,953

7,756

11,293

19,049

Old Sling

8,889

7,051

15,940

6,267

6,113

12,380

Easter

5,584

3,911

9,495

1,788

2,760

4,548

Yewtree

173

67

240

...

...

...

Dean’s Meend

7,540

7,228

14,768

8,192

6,176

14,368

Clearwell

1,277

3,416

4,693

...

...

...

Shraves

731

364

1,095

367

186

558

Scar Pit

524

...

524

...

...

...

Staunton

...

...

...

543

941

1,484

Wigpool

...

...

...

...

402

402

Scar Pit

...

488

488

...

...

...

Forty other gales of iron ore have been awarded to various parties, and will no doubt be shortly opened.

No account of the production of iron in the Forest of Dean can be called complete which does not include some description of the “laws and privileges,” the “customs and franchises” of the original operatives by whom the mine ore was obtained.  As the miners themselves invariably refer to the “Book of Dennis” and the seventeen orders of their court of mine law for all authoritative information respecting their guild, or fraternity of free minership, the reader is furnished with the following summary of their contents.

Thus the first-named document begins by specifying the franchises of the mine locally and personally, meaning its liberties or privileges, as not to be trespassed against, and consisting apparently in this, that every man who possessed it, though it is not stated how, might, with the approval of the king’s gaveller, dig for iron ore or coal where he pleased, not limiting him, as in later times, to the Hundred of St. Briavel’s, but giving as his range the whole county south-west of Gloucester and as far south as the Severn.  There was, too, a right of way awarded to every mine, although in certain cases “forbids” to sell might be declared.

One-third part of the profits of the undertaking belonged to the king, whose gaveller called at the works every Tuesday “between Mattens and Masse,” and received one penny from each miner, the fellowship supplying the Crown with twelve charges of ore per week at twelve pence, or three charges of “sea coal” at one penny.

Timber was allowed for the use of the works above and below ground.

Only such persons as had been born and were abiding in the Forest were to frequent the mines, in working which the distance of a stone’s throw was always to be kept, and property in them might be bequeathed.

The miners’ clothes and light are mentioned, as likewise the standard measure called “bellis,” and carts and waynes are prohibited.

It alludes to the “court of the wod” at the speech before the Verderers; but more particularly to the debtor court at St. Briavel’s castle or gate, and to the mine court, as regulated by the constable, clerk, and gaveller, with the miners’ jury of twelve, twenty-four, or forty-eight, where all causes relating to the mines were to be alone heard.  Three hands, or three witnesses, were required in evidence, and the oath was taken with a stick of holly held in the hand.

The miners of Mitcheldeane, Little Deane, and Ruer Deane are called “beneath the wood.”  It also appears that at Carlion, Newport, Barkley, Monmouth, and Tulluh, the manufacture of iron was carried on by “smiths,” who were connected with smith holders living in the Forest, and supplying the ore.

For many ages the mining operations of the Forest and the action of the miners’ court seem to have gone on so smoothly, and as a matter of course, that no notices regarding them occur in the documents of those times.

With the Restoration, however, and the revival of the ancient rights of the crown, it was found necessary to resume the sessions of the court of mine law, under the presidency of Sir Baynham Throckmorton.  Thus it first of all met again on the 16th November, 1663, and continued so to do, from time to time, for the ensuing Hundred years, passing at different periods its seventeen “orders.”  These verdicts are chiefly remarkable for reducing the area of the miners rights to the Hundred of St. Briavel’s, though they fail to say what constituted free minership beyond the old definition given in the “Book of Dennis,” viz., “beene borne and abiding within the castle of St. Brevill’s and the bounds of the Forest as aforesaid.”  In 1834 the Government commissioners were informed that it involved birth from a free father, and working a year and a day in the mines.  They are still a numerous and important fraternity, without whom no new mine works can be commenced.

Effigy of a Forest Free Miner

Their aspect when accoutered for work is given in the frontispiece.  If compared with their mediæval appearance, as displayed in the miners’ crest, the interval of four hundred years is scarcely discoverable.  Every mining appurtenance is retained, only somewhat altered in shape, and that, perhaps, not for the better, be it cap, “bellis,” or general attire.  Only the beard is absent, but then there are the shoes.

Forest of Dean Iron Miners ready for work

On several occasions they conferred their freedom on the leading gentry of the neighbourhood.  By their orders they also sanctioned the sinking of pits, as distinguished from levels, extending the interval between mine and mine from “within so much space that ye miner may stand and cast ridding and stones soe farr from him with a bale as the manner is,” to five hundred yards.  At the present time the deputy gaveller, Mr. T. Forster Brown, is the resident official under the Commissioner in charge of Her Majesty’s Woods, &c., and he, with his respected predecessor, have at all times most obligingly facilitated the author’s inquiries by giving the desired information.  It was during the deputy gavellership of the late Mr. John Atkinson at Coleford that the writer chanced to meet with the original transcript, here presented to the reader, of the “Book of Dennis.”  The first printing and publication of it took place in 1687, by William Cooper, at the Pelican, in Little Britain, and it has been frequently but imperfectly reprinted.

Finding on examination that the reign of the first of the Edwards, and not the third, was the period to which it assigned the confirmation of the Forest of Dean Mine Laws, and that it contained many other inaccuracies, he determined to prepare, in accordance with the valued suggestion of Mr. Smirke, Judge of the Stannaries of Cornwall, a true copy of so ancient and curious a document.

From the note which is appended to it, the existing MS. is evidently the only authentic copy of the original “parchment roll,” out of which it was transcribed by the gaveller, Richard Morse, A.D. 1673, of the penmanship of which period it is a good specimen.

It seems to be a presentment of the Court of Mine Law, duly signed by the jury of forty-eight free miners.  Although its early date, and one or two forms of expression, may seem to indicate that it was first of all written in Latin, yet so many of its words and phrases, together with its concluding signatures, are so thoroughly old English, as to show that it was most probably composed in our own language.  There are no paragraphs nor punctuations.

In character it is “sui generis,” though it exhibits traces of resemblance to the laws and customs of the old mining districts of Somerset and Derbyshire, and even with those of Germany, as the accompanying notes show.  The words between brackets do not occur in the original MS., having been inserted by modern printers.  Those in italics give the corrections needed in modern copies.