1412 (return)
[ Mrs. Grote's 'Life of
Ary Scheffer,' pp. 154-5.]
1413 (return)
[ The sufferings of
this noble woman, together with those of her unfortunate husband, were
touchingly described in a letter afterwards addressed by her to a female
friend, which was published some years ago at Haarlem, entitled, 'Gertrude
von der Wart; or, Fidelity unto Death.' Mrs. Hemans wrote a poem of great
pathos and beauty, commemorating the sad story in her 'Records of Woman.']
151 (return)
[ 'Social Statics,' p.
185.]
152 (return)
[ "In all cases," says
Jeremy Bentham, "when the power of the will can be exercised over the
thoughts, let those thoughts be directed towards happiness. Look out for
the bright, for the brightest side of things, and keep your face
constantly turned to it.... A large part of existence is necessarily
passed in inaction. By day [15to take an instance from the thousand in
constant recurrence], when in attendance on others, and time is lost by
being kept waiting; by night when sleep is unwilling to close the eyelids,
the economy of happiness recommends the occupation of pleasurable thought.
In walking abroad, or in resting at home, the mind cannot be vacant; its
thoughts may be useful, useless, or pernicious to happiness. Direct them
aright; the habit of happy thought will spring up like any other habit."
DEONTOLOGY, ii. 105-6.]
153 (return)
[ The following extract
from a letter of M. Boyd, Esq., is given by Earl Stanhope in his
'Miscellanies':—"There was a circumstance told me by the late Mr.
Christmas, who for many years held an important official situation in the
Bank of England. He was, I believe, in early life a clerk in the Treasury,
or one of the government offices, and for some time acted for Mr. Pitt as
his confidential clerk, or temporary private secretary. Christmas was one
of the most obliging men I ever knew; and, from the, position he occupied,
was constantly exposed to interruptions, yet I never saw his temper in the
least ruffled. One day I found him more than usually engaged, having a
mass of accounts to prepare for one of the law-courts—still the same
equanimity, and I could not resist the opportunity of asking the old
gentleman the secret. 'Well, Mr. Boyd, you shall know it. Mr. Pitt gave it
to me:—NOT TO LOSE MY TEMPER, IF POSSIBLE, AT ANY TIME, AND NEVER
DURING THE HOURS OF BUSINESS. My labours here [15Bank of England] commence
at nine and end at three; and, acting on the advice of the illustrious
statesman, I NEVER LOSE MY TEMPER DURING THOSE HOURS.'"]
154 (return)
[ 'Strafford Papers,' i.
87.]
155 (return)
[ Jared Sparks' 'Life of
Washington,' pp. 7, 534.]
156 (return)
[ Brialmont's 'Life of
Wellington.']
157 (return)
[ Professor Tyndall, on
'Faraday as a Discoverer,' p. 156.]
158 (return)
[ 'Life of Perthes,' ii.
216.]
159 (return)
[ Lady Elizabeth Carew.]
1510 (return)
[ Francis Horner, in
one of his letters, says: "It is among the very sincere and zealous
friends of liberty that you will find the most perfect specimens of
wrongheadedness; men of a dissenting, provincial cast of virtue—who
[15according to one of Sharpe's favourite phrases] WILL drive a wedge the
broad end foremost—utter strangers to all moderation in political
business."—Francis Horner's LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE (1843, ii.
133.)]
1511 (return)
[ Professor Tyndall on
'Faraday as a Discoverer,' pp. 40-1.]
1512 (return)
[ Yet Burke himself;
though capable of giving Barry such excellent advice, was by no means
immaculate as regarded his own temper. When he lay ill at Beaconsfield,
Fox, from whom he had become separated by political differences arising
out of the French Revolution, went down to see his old friend. But Burke
would not grant him an interview; he positively refused to see him. On his
return to town, Fox told his friend Coke the result of his journey; and
when Coke lamented Burke's obstinacy, Fox only replied, goodnaturedly:
"Ah! never mind, Tom; I always find every Irishman has got a piece of
potato in his head." Yet Fox, with his usual generosity, when he heard of
Burke's impending death, wrote a most kind and cordial letter to Mrs.
Burke, expressive of his grief and sympathy; and when Burke was no more,
Fox was the first to propose that he should be interred with public
honours in Westminster Abbey—which only Burke's own express wish,
that he should be buried at Beaconsfield, prevented being carried out.]
1513 (return)
[ When Curran, the
Irish barrister, visited Burns's cabin in 1810, he found it converted into
a public house, and the landlord who showed it was drunk. "There," said
he, pointing to a corner on one side of the fire, with a most MALAPROPOS
laugh-"there is the very spot where Robert Burns was born." "The genius
and the fate of the man," says Curran, "were already heavy on my heart;
but the drunken laugh of the landlord gave me such a view of the rock on
which he had foundered, that I could not stand it, but burst into tears."]
1514 (return)
[ The chaplain of
Horsemongerlane Gaol, in his annual report to the Surrey justices, thus
states the result of his careful study of the causes of dishonesty: "From
my experience of predatory crime, founded upon careful study of the
character of a great variety of prisoners, I conclude that habitual
dishonesty is to be referred neither to ignorance, nor to drunkenness, nor
to poverty, nor to overcrowding in towns, nor to temptation from
surrounding wealth—nor, indeed, to any one of the many indirect
causes to which it is sometimes referred—but mainly TO A DISPOSITION
TO ACQUIRE PROPERTY WITH A LESS DEGREE OF LABOUR THAN ORDINARY INDUSTRY."
The italics are the author's.]
1515 (return)
[ S. C. Hall's
'Memories.']
1516 (return)
[ Moore's 'Life of
Byron,' 8vo. Ed., p. 182.]
1517 (return)
[ Captain Basil Hall
records the following conversation with Scott:-"It occurs to me," I
observed, "that people are apt to make too much fuss about the loss of
fortune, which is one of the smallest of the great evils of life, and
ought to be among the most tolerable."—"Do you call it a small
misfortune to be ruined in money-matters?" he asked. "It is not so
painful, at all events, as the loss of friends."—"I grant that," he
said. "As the loss of character?"—"True again." "As the loss of
health?"—"Ay, there you have me," he muttered to himself, in a tone
so melancholy that I wished I had not spoken. "What is the loss of fortune
to the loss of peace of mind?" I continued. "In short," said he,
playfully, "you will make it out that there is no harm in a man's being
plunged over-head-and-ears in a debt he cannot remove." "Much depends, I
think, on how it was incurred, and what efforts are made to redeem it—at
least, if the sufferer be a rightminded man." "I hope it does," he said,
cheerfully and firmly.—FRAGMENTS OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, 3rd series,
pp. 308-9.]
1518 (return)
[ "These battles," he
wrote in his Diary, "have been the death of many a man, I think they will
be mine."]
1519 (return)
[ Scott's Diary,
December 17th, 1827.]
161 (return)
[ From Lovelace's lines
to Lucusta [16Lucy Sacheverell], 'Going to the Wars.']
162 (return)
[ Amongst other great men
of genius, Ariosto and Michael Angelo devoted to her their service and
their muse.]
163 (return)
[ See the Rev. F. W.
Farrar's admirable book, entitled 'Seekers after God' [16Sunday Library].
The author there says: "Epictetus was not a Christian. He has only once
alluded to the Christians in his works, and then it is under the
opprobrious title of 'Galileans,' who practised a kind of insensibility in
painful circumstances, and an indifference to worldly interests, which
Epictetus unjustly sets down to 'mere habit.' Unhappily, it was not
granted to these heathen philosophers in any true sense to know what
Christianity was. They thought that it was an attempt to imitate the
results of philosophy, without having passed through the necessary
discipline. They viewed it with suspicion, they treated it with injustice.
And yet in Christianity, and in Christianity alone, they would have found
an ideal which would have surpassed their loftiest anticipations."]
164 (return)
[ Sparks' 'Life of
Washington,' pp. 141-2.]
165 (return)
[ Wellington, like
Washington, had to pay the penalty of his adherence to the cause he
thought right, in his loss of "popularity." He was mobbed in the streets
of London, and had his windows smashed by the mob, while his wife lay dead
in the house. Sir Walter Scott also was hooted and pelted at Hawick by
"the people," amidst cries of "Burke Sir Walter!"]
166 (return)
[ Robertson's 'Life and
Letters,' ii. 157.]
167 (return)
[ We select the following
passages from this remarkable report of Baron Stoffel, as being of more
than merely temporary interest:—Who that has lived here [16Berlin]
will deny that the Prussians are energetic, patriotic, and teeming with
youthful vigour; that they are not corrupted by sensual pleasures, but are
manly, have earnest convictions, do not think it beneath them to reverence
sincerely what is noble and lofty? What a melancholy contrast does France
offer in all this? Having sneered at everything, she has lost the faculty
of respecting anything. Virtue, family life, patriotism, honour, religion,
are represented to a frivolous generation as fitting subjects of ridicule.
The theatres have become schools of shamelessness and obscenity. Drop by
drop, poison is instilled into the very core of an ignorant and enervated
society, which has neither the insight nor the energy left to amend its
institutions, nor—which would be the most necessary step to take—become
better informed or more moral. One after the other the fine qualities of
the nation are dying out. Where is the generosity, the loyalty, the charm
of our ESPRIT, and our former elevation of soul? If this goes on, the time
will come when this noble race of France will be known only by its faults.
And France has no idea that while she is sinking, more earnest nations are
stealing the march upon her, are distancing her on the road to progress,
and are preparing for her a secondary position in the world.
"I am afraid that these opinions will not be relished in France. However correct, they differ too much from what is usually said and asserted at home. I should wish some enlightened and unprejudiced Frenchmen to come to Prussia and make this country their study. They would soon discover that they were living in the midst of a strong, earnest, and intelligent nation, entirely destitute, it is true, of noble and delicate feelings, of all fascinating charms, but endowed with every solid virtue, and alike distinguished for untiring industry, order, and economy, as well as for patriotism, a strong sense of duty, and that consciousness of personal dignity which in their case is so happily blended with respect for authority and obedience to the law. They would see a country with firm, sound, and moral institutions, whose upper classes are worthy of their rank, and, by possessing the highest degree of culture, devoting themselves to the service of the State, setting an example of patriotism, and knowing how to preserve the influence legitimately their own. They would find a State with an excellent administration where everything is in its right place, and where the most admirable order prevails in every branch of the social and political system. Prussia may be well compared to a massive structure of lofty proportions and astounding solidity, which, though it has nothing to delight the eye or speak to the heart, cannot but impress us with its grand symmetry, equally observable in its broad foundations as in its strong and sheltering roof.
"And what is France? What is French society in these latter days? A hurly-burly of disorderly elements, all mixed and jumbled together; a country in which everybody claims the right to occupy the highest posts, yet few remember that a man to be employed in a responsible position ought to have a well-balanced mind, ought to be strictly moral, to know something of the world, and possess certain intellectual powers; a country in which the highest offices are frequently held by ignorant and uneducated persons, who either boast some special talent, or whose only claim is social position and some versatility and address. What a baneful and degrading state of things! And how natural that, while it lasts, France should be full of a people without a position, without a calling, who do not know what to do with themselves, but are none the less eager to envy and malign every one who does....
"The French do not possess in any very marked degree the qualities required to render general conscription acceptable, or to turn it to account. Conceited and egotistic as they are, the people would object to an innovation whose invigorating force they are unable to comprehend, and which cannot be carried out without virtues which they do not possess—self-abnegation, conscientious recognition of duty, and a willingness to sacrifice personal interests to the loftier demands of the country. As the character of individuals is only improved by experience, most nations require a chastisement before they set about reorganising their political institutions. So Prussia wanted a Jena to make her the strong and healthy country she is."]
168 (return)
[ Yet even in De
Tocqueville's benevolent nature, there was a pervading element of
impatience. In the very letter in which the above passage occurs, he says:
"Some persons try to be of use to men while they despise them, and others
because they love them. In the services rendered by the first, there is
always something incomplete, rough, and contemptuous, that inspires
neither confidence nor gratitude. I should like to belong to the second
class, but often I cannot. I love mankind in general, but I constantly
meet with individuals whose baseness revolts me. I struggle daily against
a universal contempt for my fellow, creatures."—MEMOIRS AND REMAINS
OF DE TOCQUEVILLE, vol. i. p. 813. [Footnote 16Letter to Kergorlay, Nov.
13th, 1833].]
169 (return)
[ Gleig's 'Life of
Wellington,' pp. 314, 315.]
1610 (return)
[ 'Life of Arnold,' i.
94.]
1611 (return)
[ See the 'Memoir of
George Wilson, M.D., F.R.S.E.' By his sister [Footnote 16Edinburgh,
1860].]
1612 (return)
[ Such cases are not
unusual. We personally knew a young lady, a countrywoman of Professor
Wilson, afflicted by cancer in the breast, who concealed the disease from
her parents lest it should occasion them distress. An operation became
necessary; and when the surgeons called for the purpose of performing it,
she herself answered the door, received them with a cheerful countenance,
led them upstairs to her room, and submitted to the knife; and her parents
knew nothing of the operation until it was all over. But the disease had
become too deeply seated for recovery, and the noble self-denying girl
died, cheerful and uncomplaining to the end.
1613 (return)
[ "One night, about
eleven o'clock, Keats returned home in a state of strange physical
excitement—it might have appeared, to those who did not know him,
one of fierce intoxication. He told his friend he had been outside the
stage-coach, had received a severe chill, was a little fevered, but added,
'I don't feel it now.' He was easily persuaded to go to bed, and as he
leapt into the cold sheets, before his head was on the pillow, he slightly
coughed and said, 'That is blood from my mouth; bring me the candle; let
me see this blood' He gazed steadfastly for some moments at the ruddy
stain, and then, looking in his friend's face with an expression of sudden
calmness never to be forgotten, said, 'I know the colour of that blood—it
is arterial blood. I cannot be deceived in that colour; that drop is my
death-warrant. I must die!'"—Houghton's LIFE OF KEATS, Ed. 1867, p.
289.
In the case of George Wilson, the bleeding was in the first instance from the stomach, though he afterwards suffered from lung haemorrhage like Keats. Wilson afterwards, speaking of the Lives of Lamb and Keats, which had just appeared, said he had been reading them with great sadness. "There is," said he, "something in the noble brotherly love of Charles to brighten, and hallow, and relieve that sadness; but Keats's deathbed is the blackness of midnight, unmitigated by one ray of light!"]
1614 (return)
[ On the doctors, who
attended him in his first attack, mistaking the haemorrhage from the
stomach for haemorrhage from the lungs, he wrote: "It would have been but
poor consolation to have had as an epitaph:—
1615 (return)
[ 'Memoir,' p. 427.]
171 (return)
[ Jeremy Taylor's 'Holy
Living.']
172 (return)
[ 'Michelet's 'Life of
Luther,' pp. 411-12.]
173 (return)
[ Sir John Kaye's 'Lives
of Indian Officers.']
174 (return)
[ 'Deontology,' pp.
130-1, 144.]
175 (return)
[ 'Letters and Essays,'
p. 67.]
176 (return)
[ 'Beauties of St.
Francis de Sales.']
177 (return)
[ Ibid.]
178 (return)
[ 'Life of Perthes,' ii.
449.]
179 (return)
[ Moore's 'Life of
Byron,' 8vo. Ed., p. 483.]
181 (return)
[ Locke thought it of
greater importance that an educator of youth should be well-bred and
well-tempered, than that he should be either a thorough classicist or man
of science. Writing to Lord Peterborough on his son's education, Locke
said: "Your Lordship would have your son's tutor a thorough scholar, and I
think it not much matter whether he be any scholar or no: if he but
understand Latin well, and have a general scheme of the sciences, I think
that enough. But I would have him WELL-BRED and WELL-TEMPERED."]
182 (return)
[ Mrs. Hutchinson's
'Memoir of the Life of Lieut.-Colonel Hutchinson,' p. 32.]
183 (return)
[ 'Letters and Essays,'
p. 59.]
184 (return)
[ 'Lettres d'un
Voyageur.']
185 (return)
[ Sir Henry Taylor's
'Statesman,' p. 59.]
186 (return)
[ Introduction to the
'Principal Speeches and Addresses of His Royal Highness the Prince
Consort,' 1862.]
187 (return)
[
188 (return)
[ "And strength, by
LIMPING sway disabled," &c.—SONNET LXVI.
189 (return)
[
1810 (return)
[
1811 (return)
[ It is related of
Garrick, that when subpoenaed on Baretti's trial, and required to give his
evidence before the court—though he had been accustomed for thirty
years to act with the greatest self-possession in the presence of
thousands—he became so perplexed and confused, that he was actually
sent from the witness-box by the judge, as a man from whom no evidence
could be obtained.]
1812 (return)
[ Mrs. Mathews' 'Life
and Correspondence of Charles Mathews,' [18Ed. 1860: p. 232.]
1813 (return)
[ Archbishop Whately's
'Commonplace Book.']
1814 (return)
[ Emerson is said to
have had Nathaniel Hawthorne in his mind when writing the following
passage in his 'Society and Solitude:'—"The most agreeable
compliment you could pay him was, to imply that you had not observed him
in a house or a street where you had met him. Whilst he suffered at being
seen where he was, he consoled himself with the delicious thought of the
inconceivable number of places where he was not. All he wished of his
tailor was to provide that sober mean of colour and cut which would never
detain the eye for a moment.... He had a remorse, running to despair, of
his social GAUCHERIES, and walked miles and miles to get the twitchings
out of his face, and the starts and shrugs out of his arms and shoulders.
'God may forgive sins,' he said, 'but awkwardness has no forgiveness in
heaven or earth.'"]
1815 (return)
[ In a series of clever
articles in the REVUE DES DEUX MONDES, entitled, 'Six mille Lieues a toute
Vapeur,' giving a description of his travels in North America, Maurice
Sand keenly observed the comparatively anti-social proclivities of the
American compared with the Frenchman. The one, he says, is inspired by the
spirit of individuality, the other by the spirit of society. In America he
sees the individual absorbing society; as in France he sees society
absorbing the individual. "Ce peuple Anglo-Saxon," he says, "qui trouvait
devant lui la terre, l'instrument de travail, sinon inepuisable, du mons
inepuise, s'est mis a l'exploiter sous l'inspiration de l'egoisme; et nous
autres Francais, nous n'avons rien su en faire, parceque NOUS NE POUVONS
RIEN DANS L'ISOLEMENT.... L'Americain supporte la solitude avec un
stoicisme admirable, mais effrayant; il ne l'aime pas, il ne songe qu'a la
detruire.... Le Francais est tout autre. Il aime son parent, son ami, son
compagnon, et jusqu'a son voisin d'omnibus ou de theatre, si sa figure lui
est sympathetique. Pourquoi? Parce qu'il le regarde et cherche son ame,
parce qu'il vit dans son semblable autant qu'en lui-meme. Quand il est
longtemps seul, il deperit, et quand il est toujours seul, it meurt."]
All this is perfectly true, and it explains why the comparatively unsociable Germans, English, and Americans, are spreading over the earth, while the intensely sociable Frenchmen, unable to enjoy life without each other's society, prefer to stay at home, and France fails to extend itself beyond France.]
1816 (return)
[ The Irish have, in
many respects, the same strong social instincts as the French. In the
United States they cluster naturally in the towns, where they have their
"Irish Quarters," as in England. They are even more Irish there than at
home, and can no more forget that they are Irishmen than the French can
that they are Frenchmen. "I deliberately assert," says Mr. Maguire, in his
recent work on 'The Irish in America,' "that it is not within the power of
language to describe adequately, much less to exaggerate, the evils
consequent on the unhappy tendency of the Irish to congregate in the large
towns of America." It is this intense socialism of the Irish that keeps
them in a comparatively hand-to-mouth condition in all the States of the
Union.]
1817 (return)
[ 'The Statesman,' p.
35.]
1818 (return)
[ Nathaniel Hawthorne,
in his 'First Impressions of France and Italy,' says his opinion of the
uncleanly character of the modern Romans is so unfavourable that he hardly
knows how to express it "But the fact is that through the Forum, and
everywhere out of the commonest foot-track and roadway, you must look well
to your steps.... Perhaps there is something in the minds of the people of
these countries that enables them to dissever small ugliness from great
sublimity and beauty. They spit upon the glorious pavement of St. Peter's,
and wherever else they like; they place paltry-looking wooden
confessionals beneath its sublime arches, and ornament them with cheap
little coloured prints of the Crucifixion; they hang tin hearts, and other
tinsel and trumpery, at the gorgeous shrines of the saints, in chapels
that are encrusted with gems, or marbles almost as precious; they put
pasteboard statues of saints beneath the dome of the Pantheon;—in
short, they let the sublime and the ridiculous come close together, and
are not in the least troubled by the proximity."]
1819 (return)
[ Edwin Chadwick's
'Address to the Economic Science and Statistic Section,' British
Association [18Meeting, 1862].]
191 (return)
[ 'Kaye's 'Lives of
Indian Officers.']
192 (return)
[ Emerson, in his
'Society and Solitude,' says "In contemporaries, it is not so easy to
distinguish between notoriety and fame. Be sure, then, to read no mean
books. Shun the spawn of the press or the gossip of the hour.... The three
practical rules I have to offer are these:—1. Never read a book that
is not a year old; 2. Never read any but famed books; 3. Never read any
but what you like." Lord Lytton's maxim is: "In science, read by
preference the newest books; in literature, the oldest."]
193 (return)
[ A friend of Sir Walter
Scott, who had the same habit, and prided himself on his powers of
conversation, one day tried to "draw out" a fellow-passenger who sat
beside him on the outside of a coach, but with indifferent success. At
length the conversationalist descended to expostulation. "I have talked to
you, my friend," said he, "on all the ordinary subjects—literature,
farming, merchandise, gaming, game-laws, horse-races, suits at law,
politics, and swindling, and blasphemy, and philosophy: is there any one
subject that you will favour me by opening upon?" The wight writhed his
countenance into a grin: "Sir," said he, "can you say anything clever
about BEND-LEATHER?" As might be expected, the conversationalist was
completely nonplussed.]
194 (return)
[ Coleridge, in his 'Lay
Sermon,' points out, as a fact of history, how large a part of our present
knowledge and civilization is owing, directly or indirectly, to the Bible;
that the Bible has been the main lever by which the moral and intellectual
character of Europe has been raised to its present comparative height; and
he specifies the marked and prominent difference of this book from the
works which it is the fashion to quote as guides and authorities in
morals, politics, and history. "In the Bible," he says, "every agent
appears and acts as a self-substituting individual: each has a life of its
own, and yet all are in life. The elements of necessity and freewill are
reconciled in the higher power of an omnipresent Providence, that
predestinates the whole in the moral freedom of the integral parts. Of
this the Bible never suffers us to lose sight. The root is never detached
from the ground, it is God everywhere; and all creatures conform to His
decrees—the righteous by performance of the law, the disobedient by
the sufferance of the penalty."]
195 (return)
[ Montaigne's Essay
[19Book I. chap. xxv.]—'Of the Education of Children.']
196 (return)
[ "Tant il est vrai,"
says Voltaire, "que les hommes, qui sont audessus des autres par les
talents, s'en RAPPROCHENT PRESQUE TOUJOURS PAR LES FAIBLESSES; car
pourquoi les talents nous mettraient-ils audessous de l'humanite."—VIE
DE MOLIERE.]
197 (return)
[ 'Life,' 8vo Ed., p.
102.]
198 (return)
[ 'Autobiography of Sir
Egerton Brydges, Bart.,' vol. i. p. 91.]
199 (return)
[ It was wanting in
Plutarch, in Southey [19'Life of Nelson'], and in Forster [19'Life of
Goldsmith']; yet it must be acknowledged that personal knowledge gives the
principal charm to Tacitus's 'Agricola,' Roper's 'Life of More,' Johnson's
'Lives of Savage and Pope,' Boswell's 'Johnson,' Lockhart's 'Scott,'
Carlyle's 'Sterling,' and Moore's 'Byron,']
1910 (return)
[ The 'Dialogus
Novitiorum de Contemptu Mundi.']
1911 (return)
[ The Life of Sir
Charles Bell, one of our greatest physiologists, was left to be written by
Amedee Pichot, a Frenchman; and though Sir Charles Bell's letters to his
brother have since been published, his Life still remains to be written.
It may also be added that the best Life of Goethe has been written by an
Englishman, and the best Life of Frederick the Great by a Scotchman.]
1912 (return)
[ It is not a little
remarkable that the pious Schleiermacher should have concurred in opinion
with Goethe as to the merits of Spinoza, though he was a man
excommunicated by the Jews, to whom he belonged, and denounced by the
Christians as a man little better than an atheist. "The Great Spirit of
the world," says Schleiermacher, in his REDE UBER DIE RELIGION,
"penetrated the holy but repudiated Spinoza; the Infinite was his
beginning and his end; the universe his only and eternal love. He was
filled with religion and religious feeling: and therefore is it that he
stands alone unapproachable, the master in his art, but elevated above the
profane world, without adherents, and without even citizenship."]
Cousin also says of Spinoza:—"The author whom this pretended atheist most resembles is the unknown author of 'The Imitation of Jesus Christ.'"]
1913 (return)
[ Preface to Southeys
'Life of Wesley' [191864].]
1914 (return)
[ Napoleon also read
Milton carefully, and it has been related of him by Sir Colin Campbell,
who resided with Napoleon at Elba, that when speaking of the Battle of
Austerlitz, he said that a particular disposition of his artillery, which,
in its results, had a decisive effect in winning the battle, was suggested
to his mind by the recollection of four lines in Milton. The lines occur
in the sixth book, and are descriptive of Satan's artifice during the war
with Heaven.