The revolt, despite its miserable end, was followed by widespread results. The example of a bold stroke had been given, and the weakness of the government had been exposed. While Riego's followers were still hunted from place to place, the soldiers and citizens of Corona together declared for the Constitution. The revolutionary movement spread to Ferrol and thence along the coast towns of Galicia.

In South America, Cochrane in a brilliant action took the Spanish Cochrane's exploit stronghold of Valdivia, held to be a Gibraltar in strength. King Ferdinand in Madrid was terrified. From all points of Spain the commandants wrote that they could not answer for their garrisons. Abisbas was ordered to return to Cadiz with reinforcements. On leaving Madrid he boasted to the Abisbas' treachery king that he knew how to deal with rebels. By the time he reached Ocaña, early in March, he himself proclaimed the Constitution. The news of Abisbas' defection created consternation in Madrid. On the night of March 6, the king convoked his Council of State. On the morrow he issued a summons for the Cortes. This was not enough. Crowds gathered in the streets and clamored for the Constitution. A report that the guards were on the point of going over to the people brought the king around. From the balcony of the royal palace Ferdinand announced his readiness to take the oath to the Constitution. The next day was spent in riotous rejoicing. The prison of the Inquisition was sacked and all political prisoners were liberated. On the following day the mob broke into the gates and gardens of the royal palace. The members of the old municipal council entered the royal private King Ferdinand succumbs chamber and called for a fulfilment of the king's public promise. Ferdinand accepted the inevitable under a smiling exterior, and swore an oath of fidelity to the Constitution of 1812. A provisional Junta took charge of affairs until the new Cortes should be convened.

The news of the Spanish revolution astounded Europe. In France a fanatic by the name of Louvel deemed the moment come to strike at the reigning house of France. Louvel had followed Napoleon to exile in Elba. After the Hundred Days he dogged the footsteps of the Bourbon princes with a settled project of murder. The heir-presumptive to the French crown was the Duc de Berry. Duc de Berry assassinated If he died without a son the elder Bourbon line was bound to become extinct as a reigning house. On the night of February 13, Louvel attacked the Duc de Berry at the entrance of the opera house and plunged a knife into his heart. The Duchess was covered with her husband's blood. That night Duc de Berry died beseeching forgiveness for the man who had killed him. King Louis XVIII. himself closed the eyes of his nephew.

The assassination of the Duc de Berry involved the ruin of the Ministry of Decazes. The ultra-royalists in their frenzy of grief and indignation charged their chief opponent with complicity. Clausel de Coussergues, a member of the Court of Cassation, moved the impeachment of Minister Decazes in the Chambers as an accomplice in the assassination. The King himself felt menaced by the unwarranted accusation. "The Royalists give me the finishing stroke," said he; "they know that the policy of M. Decazes is Fall of Decazes' Ministry also mine, and they accuse him of assassinating my nephew." Yet he had to abandon his favorite to the violent entreaties of the Comte d'Artois and the Duchesse de Angoulême. Decazes was permitted to retire, and set out for London with his new titles of Duke and Ambassador to the Court of St. James. Richelieu was recalled to the Ministry. The Duchesse de Berry retired to Sicily.

In Naples and Sicily the recent events in Spain and France exerted a powerful influence over the minds of the people. In southern Italy the secret society of the Carbonari had become a power in the land. The members of this society, after the manner of Freemasons, took their name and the Rise of the Carbonari symbolism of their rites from the calling of the charcoal burners. Since the revolt against Bourbon tyranny in 1799, the Carbonari had played their part as revolutionary conspirators. By the year 1820 it was believed that one person out of every twenty-five in Naples belonged to the society. To offset their hidden power, the government encouraged the foundation of a rival society, known as the Calderari, or Braziers. This only made matters worse. After the success of the revolution in Spain, the head lodge of the Carbonari in Salerno issued orders for a rising in June. Later the date was Neapolitan military revolt postponed. A score of Carbonari serving in the ranks of a cavalry regiment at Nola, persuaded one of the officers, Lieutenant Morelli, to head a revolt in favor of a constitutional government. On July 2, Morelli marched out with a squadron of 150 men, and proclaimed for the Constitution. Only one trooper refused to follow his standard. The others rode along the road to Avellino and were received with enthusiasm all along the way. The country was ripe for revolt. At Avellino the commandant with all his garrison and the Bishop with the townspeople gave them a magnificent reception. The news of the revolt spread like wildfire throughout the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Everywhere the Carbonari declared in its favor. Before the government had taken a single step, the Constitution was generally proclaimed and joyfully accepted by the populace. From Naples the King sent General Carrascosa to negotiate with the insurgents. In the meanwhile General Pepe, himself a Carbonaro of high rank, hastened to Avellino and placed himself at the head of the revolution. On July 6, the King published an edict promising a constitution within eight days, and then, feigning illness, committed the royal authority to his son, the Duke of Calabria. The Carbonari, recalling the fact that the King, in order to preserve his contingent rights to the Spanish crown, had but recently helped to sign the Spanish Constitution of 1812, insisted that this same Constitution should be proclaimed for Naples. Old King Ferdinand yielded and signed an edict to that effect. General Pepe and Morelli, at the head Revolution in Naples of the garrison of Avellino, and the national guards of Naples, triumphantly entered the city with public honors, and were received by the Duke of Calabria, in his capacity as viceroy. On July 13, the King in person swore to support the Constitution. Standing before the altar in the royal chapel, he raised his eyes to the crucifix and prayed that the vengeance of God might fall upon him if ever he broke his oath. Immediately Bourbon duplicity afterward he wrote to the Emperors of Austria and Russia, declaring that his conduct on this occasion was a mere farce and that he regarded his obligations as null and void.

The contagion of Spain and Sicily proved too much for the people of Portugal. The continued absence of the royal family in Brazil, and the unwelcome prolongation of the British regency had long caused dissatisfaction in Portugal. The feeling of discontent was deepened by industrial and commercial distress which made the manifest prosperity of Brazil seem all the more galling. Marshal Beresford, the English commander-in-chief of the Portuguese army, was generally execrated for his barbarous treatment of military conspirators. After the outbreak of the Spanish revolution, the aspect of affairs became so threatening in Portugal that Beresford set out for Rio Janeiro to induce the Princes of Braganza to return to their Court in Lisbon. Before he could accomplish his purpose, the government that he had left behind him was overthrown by the people. On August 24, the city of Oporto rose against the regency. The officers of the army, the magistrates, the priests and townspeople united in declaring Revolution in Portugal against the regency. They established a provisional Junta to govern in the name of the King until the Cortes of Portugal could be convened to frame a constitution. The authority of the regency in Oporto was lost without a blow. The Junta immediately seized the reins of government, and began its career by dismissing all English officers and paying the arrears of the soldiers. In Lisbon the regency itself tried to stem the storm by giving its formal approval to the measures of the Junta of Oporto. The troops of Lisbon, however, would no longer recognize the authority of the government. Within a fortnight the regency was deposed, and a Junta installed in its End of Lisbon regency place. Beresford was forbidden to return to Portugal. He went to England, but found there that the British Ministry did not deem it advisable to interfere further in the domestic affairs of Portugal. Dom Juan VI., in Rio Janeiro, promised to return to Portugal and bestow on his subjects a liberal constitution.

In England, Lord Beresford's attempt to induce the government to suppress the revolutionists of Portugal only served to strengthen the popular antipathy that had grown up against the reactionary tendencies of the Holy Alliance. Prior to this an attempt had been made to persuade England to act as instrument of the Alliance by suppressing the rebellious colonies of Spain in South America. At the last session of the Holy Alliance, the envoys of Russia and France submitted a paper in which they suggested that British liberalism Wellington, as "the man of Europe," should go to Madrid to preside over a negotiation between the Court of Spain and all the Ambassadors, regarding the terms to be offered to the transatlantic States. If the colonies continued rebellious, England's fleet was counted upon to reduce them to submission. But the force of liberalism was too strong in England for any British Minister to enter into such a scheme. Then it was that the Czar of Sale of Russian fleet Russia sold a large part of the Russian fleet to Spain. To Englishmen, who had seen these same ships in their harbors at the time they were held as hostages by England, this action gave but little concern. The scandal that followed in Spain was anticipated in England. On their arrival at Cadiz, the Russian ships were found to be useless rotten hulks.

Another more trying scandal engrossed public attention in England. On January 29, old King George III. had at last sunk into his grave. His son, Death of George III. George IV., became king, and began his rule with the same Ministry under Lord Liverpool that had served him as Prince Regent. The new king's first public act was to call for a bill for the divorce of his wife, Caroline of Brunswick. The Cabinet refused to favor such a bill. On April 23, Parliament met. The King sent "a green bag" to each House of Parliament, containing a mass of testimony and accusations concerning the queen's conduct with her Italian chamberlain, Pergami. On June 6, Queen Caroline arrived from Italy. Having been refused passage on a royal ship, she chartered a vessel of her own. This bold step was taken to imply innocence. She was received with great popular demonstrations in her favor. Before a secret committee of Parliament, Queen Caroline offset the King's charges Queen Caroline's trial against her by laying stress on his own well-known failings as a husband. On July 5, Lord Liverpool introduced a bill of "Pains and Penalties" to dissolve the marriage of Queen Caroline. Her trial was taken up by the House of Lords, where she was defended by Lord Brougham. To this day the proceedings of the trial are remembered as one of the most outrageous scandals in England. The feelings thereby engendered in the people have been immortalized in the trenchant writings of Thackeray. Before the trial was concluded, Lord Liverpool's bill was brought up for the third time in Parliament. It passed by a majority of a few votes. With so slender an indorsement, the Ministry had cause to tremble for its existence. Lord Death of the Queen Liverpool prevailed upon the King to recede from his extreme position, and, succeeding in this, moved for the abandonment of the bill. The trial was quashed. Queen Caroline died shortly afterward.

In America, public feeling was no less excited. The occasion for this was the first serious clash of the Northern and Southern factions of the United States over what was known as the Missouri Compromise. On February 18, the Missouri Compromise bill passed the Senate, and on March 2 the House. It admitted Missouri as a slave State, and prohibited slavery north of The Missouri Compromise parallel 36° 30', the southern line of Missouri. Henry Clay declared that it settled the slavery question "forever." The bill went to the President. There was still another compromise, and that was in the Cabinet. The President asked advice on two points. The first point was whether Congress had a Constitutional right to prohibit slavery in a Territory. The Cabinet agreed that the right existed. Then the question arose whether the section prohibiting slavery "forever" referred only to the territorial condition, or whether it also applied when the Territory became a State. The Cabinet, with the exception of Adams, agreed that "forever" applied only to the territorial condition; Adams held that "forever" meant literally forever, in State as well as in Territory. In order to escape this dilemma it was proposed that the question of "forever," as relating to States, should be avoided; and that the only question should be, whether the section Cabinet in a quandary prohibiting slavery in the Territories forever was Constitutional. The order of proceeding was reversed; Mr. Adams was to reply in the affirmative without giving his reasons, while the others were to explain in writing that the provision was Constitutional; but "forever" meant only while the territorial condition existed. With this understanding the bill was signed. It is plain now that in the unsettled point the whole pith and meaning of the Missouri Compromise was contained, as the country learned fully and decisively thirty-five years afterward.

New issues then came to the front—protection, internal improvements, and recognition of the South American republics. Presently, in order to preserve the balance of power between slavery and freedom, it was enacted that Maine was to be admitted on March 15, making twelve free and twelve slave holding States. A bill was passed pronouncing the maritime slave Monroe elected President trade piracy. On October 20, Spain ratified the treaty ceding Florida. Congress reassembled in November. James Monroe and John Quincy Adams were the opposing candidates for the Presidency. Monroe received 231 electoral votes; Adams received one from a New Hampshire elector who voted in sympathy with a popular sentiment that Washington should stand alone in the high honor of a unanimous choice.

In this year the great fever drug quinine was first clearly separated and identified by Drs. Pelletier and Caventou, who were spurred on to their labors by the previous experiments with the drug by Drs. Gomez and Lambert. In its crude form the bark of the chinchona tree had been used for its medical properties since times immemorial.

It was about this time that the German physician Hahnemann's theory of homeopathy caused general discussion among medical practitioners and laymen. Hahnemann's first thesis was that many diseases could most quickly be eradicated by similar effects—fever with fever, poison with anti-poison. This theory of "like with like"—the Greek ὁμοια ὁμοιοις—was accordingly named by him homeopathy. It was most fully Homeopathy expressed in his "Dogma of Rational Healing" and in the later treatise "Chronic Ailments and their Homeopathic Cure." These books created such a widespread sensation that they were at once translated into several languages and ran through a great number of editions. As a matter of course, Hahnemann's peculiar theories were violently combated by his fellow practitioners.

Almost at the same time with the rise of the new science of homeopathy came Vincenz Priessnitz's innovation of hydropathy or water cure. He established his first sanitarium at Grafenberg, his birthplace, and in the face of vehement medical opposition soon won government recognition for his sanitarium. Similar water-cure establishments were erected by many imitators and followers in Germany and elsewhere.

Late in the year Emperor Alexander of Russia and Metternich came together to settle on the counter strokes to be delivered against the revolutionists of Spain and southern Italy. When Metternich first heard of the fall of absolute government in Naples he was dismayed. Gentz, who saw him at that time, has left this record: "Prince Metternich went to-day to inform the Emperor of the sad events in Naples. As long as I know him I have never seen him so upset by any event." Metternich had reason to feel alarmed. A revolution in Naples was almost sure to be followed by an Italian uprising in the Austrian possessions of Venice and an insurrection in the Papal States. Had Metternich felt free to follow his own devices, he would forthwith have marched an Austrian army into southern Italy to put an end to the troubles there. With all his exasperation he did not feel free to Convention of Troppau cut loose from joint action with the Czar and with the other sovereigns of Europe. Thus it came that the summer was spent in arranging for another conference of the allied monarchs. They met on October 20, at Troppau in Moravia. The Emperors of Austria and Russia and the King of Prussia received one another in state. The envoys of England and France were found to be in accord against armed intervention in southern Italy. The other powers determined to proceed on their course without them. Metternich's diplomatic dealings with the Czar were greatly hampered by the clever intrigues of Count Capodistrias, Alexander's foreign minister. For once Metternich found himself matched by a diplomat even more subtle than himself. In the end, he prevailed over Capodistrias sufficiently to Intervention in Naples overcome Alexander's scruples against harsh measures in Naples. It was determined to invite King Ferdinand to meet the sovereigns at Leibach, in Austria, and to address a summons to the Neapolitans commanding them to abandon their constitution, under threat of immediate invasion. Accordingly a note was issued from Troppau to all the courts of Europe, embodying the doctrine of federative intervention, as applied to Naples.

As soon as King Ferdinand received the summons he prepared to leave Naples. The populace became aroused, and angry crowds surrounded the palace. Ferdinand was not allowed to leave Naples until he had once more sworn on his honor to maintain the constitution borrowed from Spain. The King took King Ferdinand's duplicity this oath as readily as he did the other. Then he journeyed northward. Half way, at Leghorn, he sent letters to each of the five principal sovereigns of Europe declaring his last declaration just as null and void as his previous perjuries. His double-dealing was rather too much even for the Holy Alliance. As Gentz, the secretary of the Congress, expressed himself in private: "The conduct of this wretched sovereign, since the beginning of his troubles, has been nothing but a tissue of weaknesses and lies. Happily they will remain secret. No Cabinet will care to draw them from the graveyard of its archives. Till then there is not much harm done."

Benjamin West, the celebrated American-English artist, died at London in Benjamin West his eighty-second year. At the opening of the Eighteenth Century, West was in the forefront of the agitation that grew out of his contested succession to Sir Joshua Reynolds as president of the Royal Academy. Wearied with these quarrels he visited Paris, where he studied the newly pillaged masterpieces at the Louvre. He resigned from the Royal Academy, but was almost unanimously re-elected. It was then that he painted his famous "Christ Healing the Sick." His later works failed to attain the success of his earlier historical paintings. When West died, his reputation had declined appreciably, still a public funeral at St. Paul's Cathedral was accorded to him, a unique honor for an American.

1821

THE Congress of Leibach met in January. It was attended by the representatives of Russia, Austria, Prussia, England, France, Sardinia and Modena. When King Ferdinand of Naples arrived he was received by the Congress of Leibach Emperors of Russia and Austria in person. It was predetermined that absolute government in Naples should be restored by Austrian arms. The only problem remaining to diplomacy was to put a respectable face on King Ferdinand's dishonor. Capodistrias offered to make up some fictitious correspondence in which Ferdinand was proudly to uphold the constitution which he had sworn to support, and to yield protestingly to the powers only after actual threats of war. The device was rejected as too transparent. Moreover, the old king scarcely cared how his conduct appeared to his subjects. A letter was sent in his name to his son, the acting-viceroy, stating that the Powers were determined not to tolerate the order of things Naples under duress sprung from revolution, and that certain securities for peace would have to be given. The reference to securities meant the occupation of the country by an Austrian army. The letter reached Naples on February 9. Three days before the Austrian troops had received their orders to cross the Po.

The invading army of Austria was 50,000 strong. The Neapolitan soldiers numbered a little more than 40,000, of whom 12,000 were in Sicily engaged Battle of Rieti at Palermo in suppressing a counter revolution for home rule. At the first encounter at Rieti in the Papal territory, the Neapolitans under General Pepe were utterly routed. Their forces melted away, as they did when Murat made his last stroke for Italy and Napoleon. Not a single strong point was defended. On March 24, the Austrians entered Naples. Then came a moment of danger. Rebellion broke out in Piedmont, and an attempt was made to unite Revolt of Piedmont the troops of Piedmont with those of Lombardy. The King of Piedmont rather than sign the Spanish Constitution abdicated his throne. On the refusal of the King's brother, Charles Felix, to recognize a constitution, his cousin Charles Albert of Carignano was made the regent and commander of the troops. He advanced so cautiously that the conspirators at Milan dared not follow suit with a revolution of their own. In the meanwhile the Czar had ordered 100,000 Russians to march in the direction of the Adriatic. The Austrian forces advanced westward from the Venetian strongholds, and, brushing aside all resistance, entered Piedmont.

The victory of absolutism in Italy was complete. Courts-martial sat all over Italy. Morelli, the officer who had led out the so-called sacred band of Nola, was shot. His followers were expressly excluded from all amnesty acts. An attempted insurrection in Sicily cost the conspirators their lives. Hundreds of persons were cast into prison, or were marched off to distant fortresses in Austria. It was at this time that Silvio Pellico, the Silvio Pellico author of the famous "Prison Records," was sent to the dungeon of Spielberg. Then began that long stream of fugitives to England and America.

The Holy Alliance, sitting at Leibach, thought the time was ripe to pronounce its anathema against all peoples seeking their liberties Revolt in Brazil elsewhere than in the grace of their legitimate sovereigns. Yet the spirit of revolt was abroad, and its flames continued to flicker up at widely separated points. On February 26, the Portuguese troops in Brazil rose in revolt. The king, still residing at Rio Janeiro, was compelled to appoint a new Ministry pledged to give to both Portugal and Brazil a new representative system. In Mexico, General Iturbide, at the same time, Mexican independence issued a pronunciamiento, containing his so-called "Plan of Iguala," which proposed independence for Mexico under a Spanish Bourbon prince. Several rebel leaders acquiesced in this, and forced the Spanish viceroy to resign. Juan O'Donoju became acting-viceroy. He signed a treaty with Iturbide virtually accepting the plan. The people of Buenos Ayres profited by the military troubles in Brazil to throw in their lot with that of the San Martin's Campaign Argentine Republic. Their popular idol, San Martin, meanwhile was leading his victorious troops from Chile into Peru. Lima, one of the greatest Spanish strongholds in South America, was threatened by the revolutionists.

At the other end of the earth, the new force of national feeling showed itself in popular uprisings. War in Annam In distant Annam the death of Emperor Gia-Long, followed by a bloody struggle for the succession between his sons, incited the people to a national demonstration against the encroachments of the French in Tonquin. In China the new Emperor Taouk-Wang Taouk-Wang was enthroned. He was the first to throw his whole personal influence against the evils of the opium trade inflicted upon China by English merchants since 1800.

In Greece and in the Balkans the people rose against the yoke of Turkey. The plan of the Philike Hetairia—i.e. Patriotic Association—was to begin their revolution on the Danube, so as to induce Russia to take a hand in their favor. They believed that Capodistrias, the Prime Minister of Russia, himself a Greek, would win the Czar to their cause. Unfortunately for them, Metternich's influence proved stronger than that of the Greek Minister. Capodistrias deemed it advisable to publish a pamphlet warning Ypsilanti his countrymen against any rash step. Failing to win the open support of Capodistrias, the Hetairists turned to Prince Alexander Ypsilanti, a Greek exile serving in the Russian army. Ypsilanti agreed to raise the standard of revolt in Moldavia. It was arranged that Theodore Vladimiresco, a Vladimiresco Roumanian who had served in the Russian army, was to call his countrymen to arms against the Turk. Then the Greeks were to step in, and the help of Russia was to be invoked.

In February, Vladimiresco proclaimed the abolition of feudal servitude in Roumania, and marched with a horde of peasants upon Bucharest. Early in March, the Greek troops at Galatz, let loose by their commander, Karavias, massacred the Turkish population of that town.

Ypsilanti, waiting on the Russian frontier, crossed the Pruth and appeared at Jassee with a few hundred followers. A proclamation was issued, calling upon all Christians to rise against the Crescent. Ypsilanti went so far as to declare that "a great European power," meaning Russia, was "pledged to support him." The Greek Hospodar of Jassee immediately surrendered the government, and supplied a large sum of money. Troops to the number of 2,000 gathered around Ypsilanti. The road to the Danube lay open.

Ypsilanti wasted valuable time loitering at Jassee. A month was lost before Ypsilanti repudiated he reached Bucharest. He delayed partly on account of his expectations of Russian help in response to a letter he had written to the Czar. The delay proved fatal to him. The Czar, now wholly under the influence of Metternich, sent a stern answer from Leibach. Ypsilanti was dismissed from the Russian service. The Russian consul at Jassee issued a manifesto that Russia repudiated and condemned Ypsilanti's enterprise. The Patriarch of Constantinople was made to issue a ban of excommunication against the rebels. In an official note of the Powers, the Congress of Leibach branded the Greek revolt as a token of the same spirit which had produced the revolution of Italy and Spain. Turkish troops crossed the Danube. The Roumanian peasants, seeing no help from Russia, held aloof. Vladimiresco plotted against the Death of Vladimiresco Greeks. It was in vain that brave Georgakis captured the traitor at his own headquarters and carried him to his death in the Greek camp. Ypsilanti was defeated in his first encounter with the Turks. He retired before them toward the Austrian frontier. In the end he fled across the border and was promptly made a prisoner in Austria. His followers dearly sold their lives. At Skuleni, 400 of them under Georgakis Georgakis made a last stand on the Pruth. They were surrounded by ten times their number. Georgakis refused to surrender. Bidding his followers flee, at the moment when the Turks broke in the doors, he blew himself up in the monastery of Skuleni.

At the news of Ypsilanti's uprising in Moldavia the entire Greek population of the Morea rose against the Turk. From the outset, the Moreotes waged a Revolt of Morea war of extermination. They massacred all Turks, men, women and children. Within a few weeks the open country was swept clear of its Mohammedan population. The fugitive Turks were invested within the walls of Tripolitza, Patras, and other strong towns. Sultan Mahmud took prompt vengeance. A number of innocent Greeks at Constantinople were strangled by his executioners. The fury of the Moslem was let loose on the Infidel. All Greek settlements along the Bosphorus were burned. But the crowning stroke came on Easter Sunday, the most sacred day of the Greek Church. The Patriarch of Constantinople, while he was celebrating service, was summoned away by the dragoman of the Porte. At the order of the Sultan he was haledGregorios hanged before a hastily assembled synod and there degraded from his office as a traitor. The synod was commanded to elect his successor. While the trembling prelates did their bidding, Patriarch Gregorios was led out in his sacred robes and hanged at the gate of his palace. His body remained hanging throughout the Easter celebration, and was then given to the Jews to be dragged through the streets and cast into the Bosphorus. A similar fate befell the Greek archbishops of Salonica, Tirnovo, and Adrianople. The body of Gregorios floating in the sea was picked up by a Greek ship and carried to Odessa. This return to Christian soil of the remains of the Patriarch was hailed as a miracle in Russia. Gregorios was solemnly buried by the Russian Government as a martyr.

If the will of the Russian people had been carried out, the Russian army and nation would have avenged the murder of their high-priest by an Russia aroused immediate war upon the Turks. Strogonov, the Russian Ambassador at Constantinople, at once proposed to his diplomatic colleagues to join him in calling for warships to protect the Christians there. Lord Stranford, the British Ambassador, refused to accede to this proposition. Single-handed, Strogonov presented an ultimatum to the Sultan demanding the restoration of Christian churches and the Porte's protection for Christian worship. A written answer was exacted within eight days. Encouraged by England's attitude, the Sultan ignored Strogonov's requests. On July 27, the Russian Ambassador left Constantinople. To the amazement of his moujiks, the Czar did not declare war. The councils of Prince Metternich The Czar found wanting prevailed. With the help of the representatives of England, Metternich persuaded the Czar to view the rebellion of Greece as a mere unfortunate disturbance. Any countenance of it, he argued, would imperil the peace of Europe.

The murder of the Greek Patriarch was followed by risings of the Greeks throughout continental Greece and the Archipelago. Here, as in the Morea, the cause of Greek freedom was disgraced by massacres, and indignities to Turkish women. The Sultan's troops, led by able commanders, retaliated in kind. Khurshid, with a large Turkish army, besieged Janina. He held firmly to his task, even after his whole household fell into the hands of the Moreotes. The Greeks in Thessaly failed to rise, and thus the border Ali Pasha provinces were saved for the Ottoman Empire. The risings in remoter districts were soon quelled. In Epirus, Ali Pasha, the Albanian chieftain, was surrounded by overwhelming numbers and lost his life. On the Macedonian coast the Hetairist revolt, in which the monks of Mount Athos took part, proved abortive. Moreover, the desultory warfare on water carried on by the Moreote campaign islanders of Hydra, Spetza, and Psara served only to annoy the Turks. The real campaign was waged in the Morea, where Tripolitza, the seat of the Turkish Government, was besieged by the insurgents. Demetrios Ypsilanti, Prince Alexander's brother, landed on the coast and was welcomed as a leader by the peasants in arms. Three other leaders rose to prominence. Petrobei First, in the eyes of the people, came Petrobei, chief of the family of Mauromichalis. Surrounded by his nine sons, this sturdy chieftain appeared like one of the old Homeric kings. Second in popular favor was Kolokotrones Kolokotrones, a typical modern Clepht, cunning and treacherous, but a born soldier. The ablest political leader was Maurokordatos, a man of some breadth of view and foresight, but over-cautious as a general. The early Maurokordatos insurgent successes were marred by bad faith and gross savagery. On the surrender of Navarino, in August, a formal capitulation was signed, safeguarding the lives of the Turkish inhabitants. In the face of this Massacre of Navarino compact the victorious Greeks put men, women and children to the sword. Two months later the Turkish garrison of Tripolitza, after sustaining a siege of six months, began negotiations for surrender. In the midst of the truce, the Greek soldiery got wind of a secret bargain of their leaders to extend protection for private gain. In defiance of the officers, the peasant soldiers stormed Tripolitza and scaled the walls. Then followed three days Sack of Tripolitza of indiscriminate looting and carnage. By thousands, the Turks, with their women and children, were slaughtered. Kolokotrones himself records how he rode from the gateway to the citadel of Tripolitza, his horse's hoofs touching nothing but human bodies.

The Greek struggle for independence aroused conflicting emotions in Europe. The passionate sympathy of the Russians rested wholly on their religious bonds. The more enlightened Philhellenes of France and Germany affected to Philhellenism see in this struggle a revival of the ancient Greek spirit that blazed forth at Thermopylæ and Marathon. For this same reason, perhaps, Metternich and his colleagues in the Holy Alliance looked upon the Greek revolution with an evil eye. Any cause espoused by the hot-headed liberals at the universities in those days of itself became obnoxious to the reactionary rulers of the German and Austrian states.

The sympathy with the Greeks was most pronounced in England. There the stirring lyrics of Lord Byron had reached the height of their popularity. Lord Byron's Greek lyrics His songs of Greece and Greek freedom were justly regarded as among his best. It was but a short time before this that the poet, to use his own phrase, had awakened one morning to find himself famous. Now his Greek songs were hailed by the whole world as classics. Notable among them were the "Isles of Greece," embodied in the third canto of his "Don Juan" with the famous stanza:

And the equally celebrated lines from "The Bride of Abydos":

In English literary annals this year was marked furthermore by the death of Death of Keats John Keats. He was but twenty-five, still in the first flush of his genius. Keats was buried in Rome, where he died. On his gravestone is the epitaph composed by himself: "Here lies one whose name was writ in water." It was generally assumed in England that the poet's death was caused by his anguish over the merciless criticisms of "Blackwood's Magazine" and the "Quarterly Review." Lord Byron was unkind enough to exploit this notion in his "Don Juan":

As a matter of fact Keats died of consumption. The ravages of this disease in his case were accelerated by his feverish passion for poetry, his love Keats's work affair with Fanny Brawne, financial embarrassments, and only to a slight extent by the inevitable disappointment arising from adverse criticisms. What Byron did for modern Greece in England, Keats may be said to have done for ancient Greece. The beautiful songs of Greece, embodied in "Endymion" and "Hyperion," no less than the enthusiastic odes and sonnets in praise of Hellenic works of art, opened the eyes of many of the contemporaries of Keats to the enduring beauties of Greece. It was in his exquisite "Ode to a Grecian Urn,"that Keats expressed his poetical master passion for beauty:

Other literary events of the year were the publication of Goethe's "Wilhelm Meister's Wander Jahre," and of Alexander Sergeyevich Pushkin's first long poem, "Ruslan and Ludmilla." In this epic, written during Pushkin's early banishment to Bessarabia, an old Russian theme of the heroic times of Kiev Rise of romantic literature was treated much after the manner of Byron's romantic examples. In France the romantic period in literature was inaugurated by young Victor Hugo, who, but the year before, had been crowned as "Maître des jeux floraux" for a prize poem on Henri IV. Now Chateaubriand, in his journal "Le Conservateur," welcomed him as "Un enfant sublime." By his own romantic Victor Hugo followers Hugo was hailed as chief of their poetic "Bataillon Sacré." During the same year the poet, then barely nineteen, married Mademoiselle Foucher, a girl of fifteen.

The most important event of the year for Frenchmen was the death of Napoleon Bonaparte at Longwood, in St. Helena. He died on May 5, after taking the holy sacrament. He left a last will with several codicils. In it Napoleon made the following declarations:

"I die in the Apostolical and Roman religion, in the bosom of which I was born more than fifty years ago. It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people whom I have loved so well. I have always had reason to be pleased with my dearest wife, Maria Louisa. I retain for her, to the last moment, the most tender sentiments. I beseech her to watch, in order to preserve my son from the snares which yet environ his infancy. I recommend to my son never to forget that he was born a French prince, and never to allow himself to become an instrument in the hands of the triumvirs who oppress the nations of Europe: he ought never to fight against France, or to injure her in any manner; he ought to adopt my Napoleon's will motto—Everything for the French people. I die prematurely, assassinated by the English oligarchy and its tool. The English nation will not be slow in avenging me. The two unfortunate results of the invasions of France, when she had still so many resources, are to be attributed to the treason of Marmont, Augereau, Talleyrand, and Lafayette. I forgive them—may the posterity of France forgive them as I do! I pardon Louis for the libel he published in 1820; it is replete with false assertions and falsified documents. I disavow the 'Manuscript of St. Helena,' and other works, under the title of 'Maxims, Sayings,' etc., which persons have been pleased to publish for the last six years. Such are not the rules which have guided my life. I caused the Duc d'Enghien to be arrested and tried because that step was essential to the safety, interest and honor of the French people, when the Comte d'Artois was maintaining, by his own confession, sixty assassins at Paris. Under similar circumstances I should act in the same way."

To his son and immediate relatives, Napoleon left most of his personal effects. Among his relatives and favorite followers he distributed a sum of 6,000,000 francs, left in the hands of his bankers at the time of his flight from Paris; likewise the proceeds of a possible sale of his confiscated crown jewels. Count Lavalette and the children of Labédoyère were remembered with bequests of 100,000 and 50,000 francs, respectively. The final clauses were:

"To be distributed among such proscribed persons as wander in foreign countries, whether they be French, Italians, Belgians, Dutch, Spanish, or inhabitants of the departments of the Rhine, under the directions of my executors, one hundred thousand francs. To be distributed among those who suffered amputation, or were severely wounded at Ligny or Waterloo, who may be still living, according to lists drawn up by my executors. The Guards shall be paid double, those of the Island of Elba quadruple, two hundred thousand francs."