1 (return)
[ See ii. 1.]
2 (return)
[ {'Amasin}. This
accusative must be taken with {eprexe}. Some Editors adopt the conjecture
{'Amasi}, to be taken with {memphomenos} as in ch. 4, "did this because he
had a quarrel with Amasis."]
3 (return)
[ See ii. 152, 154.]
4 (return)
[ {Suron}: see ii. 104.]
5 (return)
[ {keinon}: most MSS. and
many editions have {keimenon}, "laid up."]
6 (return)
[ {demarkhon}.]
7 (return)
[ {exaireomenos}: explained
by some "disembarked" or "unloaded."]
8 (return)
[ Or "Orotal."]
9 (return)
[ {dia de touton}.]
10 (return)
[ {trion}: omitted by
some good MSS.]
11 (return)
[ See ii. 169.]
12 (return)
[ {alla kai tote uathesan
ai Thebai psakadi}.]
13 (return)
[ The so-called {Leukon
teikhon} on the south side of Memphis: cp. ch. 91.]
14 (return)
[ {omoios kai} omitting
{a}.]
15 (return)
[ {pentakosias mneas}.]
16 (return)
[ {aneklaion}: perhaps
{anteklaion}, which has most MS. authority, may be right, "answer their
lamentations."]
17 (return)
[ See ch. 31.]
18 (return)
[ {egeomenon}: some
Editors adopt the conjecture {agomenon}, "was being led."]
19 (return)
[ {sphi}: so in the MSS.:
some editions (following the Aldine) have {oi}.]
20 (return)
[ {to te}: a correction
for {tode}: some Editors read {tode, to}, "by this, namely by the case
of," etc.]
21 (return)
[ "gypsum."]
22 (return)
[ {epi}, lit. "after."]
23 (return)
[ {leukon tetragonon}: so
the MSS. Some Editors, in order to bring the statement of Herodotus into
agreement with the fact, read {leukon ti trigonon}, "a kind of white
triangle": so Stein.]
24 (return)
[ {epi}: this is altered
unnecessarily by most recent Editors to {upo}, on the authority of
Eusebius and Pliny, who say that the mark was under the tongue.]
25 (return)
[ {ekeino}: some
understand this to refer to Cambyses, "that there was no one now who would
come to the assistance of Cambyses, if he were in trouble," an office
which would properly have belonged to Smerdis, cp. ch. 65: but the other
reference seems more natural.]
26 (return)
[ Epilepsy or something
similar.]
2601 (return)
[ Cp. note on i.
114.]
27 (return)
[ {pros ton patera
[telesai] Kuron}: the word {telesai} seems to be corrupt. Stein suggests
{eikasai}, "as compared with." Some Editors omit the word.]
28 (return)
[ {nomon panton basilea
pheras einai}: but {nomos} in this fragment of Pindar is rather the
natural law by which the strong prevail over the weak.]
29 (return)
[ {iakhon}: Stein reads
by conjecture {skhon}, "having obtained possession."]
30 (return)
[ {mede}: Abicht reads
{meden} by conjecture.]
31 (return)
[ {alla}, under the
influence of the preceding negative.]
32 (return)
[ {prosson} refers
grammatically only to {autos}, and marks the reference as being chiefly to
himself throughout the sentence.]
33 (return)
[ {prorrizos}, "by the
roots."]
34 (return)
[ {toi tesi pathesi}: the
MSS. mostly have {toi autaisi} or {toiautaisi}.]
35 (return)
[ See i. 51.]
36 (return)
[ {es Aigupton epetheke},
"delivered it (to a messenger to convey) to Egypt."]
37 (return)
[ The island of
Carpathos, the modern Scarpanto.]
38 (return)
[ {to thulako
periergasthai}: which is susceptible of a variety of meanings. In a
similar story told of the Chians the Spartans are made to say that it
would have been enough to show the empty bag without saying anything.
(Sext. Empir. ii. 23.) Probably the meaning here is that if they were
going to say so much, they need not have shown the bag, for the words were
enough without the sight of the bag: or it may be only that the words
{o thulakos} were unnecessary in the sentence {o thulakos alphiton
deitai}.]
39 (return)
[ See i. 70.]
40 (return)
[ {genee}. To save the
chronology some insert {trite} before {genee}, but this will be useless
unless the clause {kata de ton auton khronon tou kreteros te arpage} be
omitted, as it is also proposed to do. Periander is thought to have died
about 585 B.C.; but see v. 95.]
41 (return)
[ The MSS. add {eontes
eoutoisi}, and apparently something has been lost. Stein and others follow
Valckenär in adding {suggenees}, "are ever at variance with one another in
spite of their kinship."]
42 (return)
[ {noo labon}: the MSS.
have {now labon kai touto}.]
43 (return)
[ {iren zemien}.]
44 (return)
[ {tauta ta nun ekhon
presseis}: the form of sentence is determined by its antithesis to {ta
agatha ta nun ego ekho}.]
45 (return)
[ {basileus}, because
already destined as his father's successor.]
46 (return)
[ {sphea}: the MSS. have
{sphe} here, and in the middle of the next chapter.]
4601 (return)
[ The Lacedemonians
who were not Dorians had of course taken part in the Trojan war.]
47 (return)
[ {leuka genetai}.]
48 (return)
[ {prutaneia}.]
49 (return)
[ {lokhon}.]
50 (return)
[ {prosiskhon}: some read
{proseskhon}, "had put in."]
51 (return)
[ {kai ton tes Diktunes
neon}: omitted by some Editors.]
52 (return)
[ {orguias}.]
53 (return)
[ {stadioi}.]
54 (return)
[ {kai}: the MSS. have
{kata}.]
55 (return)
[ {en te gar anthropeie
phusi ouk enen ara}.]
56 (return)
[ Or possibly, "the most
necessary of those things which remain to be done, is this."]
57 (return)
[ {apistie polle
upekekhuto}, cp. ii. 152.]
58 (return)
[ Or perhaps Phaidymia.]
59 (return)
[ {Gobrues} or
{Gobrues}.]
60 (return)
[ {'Intaphrenea}: this
form, which is given by at least one MS. throughout, seems preferable, as
being closer to the Persian name which it represents, "Vindafrana," cp. v.
25. Most of the MSS. have {'Intaphernea}.]
61 (return)
[ {phthas emeu}.]
62 (return)
[ {ti}: some MSS. have
{tis}, "in order that persons may trust (themselves) to them more."]
63 (return)
[ i.e. "let him be killed
on the spot."]
64 (return)
[ {ta panta muria}, "ten
thousand of every possible thing," (or, "of all the usual gifts"; cp. ch.
84 {ten pasan doreen}).]
65 (return)
[ {dethen}.]
66 (return)
[ {oideonton ton
pregmaton}: "while things were swelling," cp. ch. 127: perhaps here,
"before things came to a head."]
6601 (return)
[ {andreona}, as in
ch. 121.]
67 (return)
[ {ana te edramon palin},
i.e. they ran back into the room out of which they had come to see what
was the matter; with this communicated a bedchamber which had its light
only by the open door of communication.]
6701 (return)
[ {magophonia}.]
68 (return)
[ Or, "after it had
lasted more than five days," taking {thorubos} as the subject of
{egeneto}. The reason for mentioning the particular number five seems to
be contained in the passage quoted by Stein from Sextus Empiricus,
{enteuphen kai oi Person kharientes nomon ekhousi, basileos par' autois
teleutesantos pente tas ephexes emeras anomian agein}.]
69 (return)
[ See vi. 43.]
70 (return)
[ {isonomie}, "equal
distribution," i.e. of civil rights.]
71 (return)
[ {ouden oikeion}: the
MSS. have {ouden oud' oikeion}, which might be translated "anything of its
own either."]
72 (return)
[ {to lego}: the MSS.
have {ton lego}, "each of the things about which I speak being best
in its own kind." The reading {to logo}, which certainly gives a more
satisfactory meaning, is found in Stobæus, who quotes the passage.]
73 (return)
[ {kakoteta}, as opposed
to the {arete} practised by the members of an aristocracy.]
74 (return)
[ {okto kaiebdomekonta
mneas}: the MSS. have {ebdomekonta mneas} only, and this reading seems to
have existed as early as the second century of our era: nevertheless the
correction is required, not only by the facts of the case, but also by
comparison with ch. 95.]
75 (return)
[ {nomos}, and so
throughout.]
76 (return)
[ or "Hygennians."]
77 (return)
[ i.e. the Cappadokians,
see i. 6.]
7701 (return)
[ See ii. 149.]
78 (return)
[ {muriadas}: the MSS.
have {muriasi}. With {muriadas} we must supply {medimnon}. The {medimnos}
is really about a bushel and a half.]
79 (return)
[ {Pausikai}: some MSS.
have {Pausoi}.]
80 (return)
[ {tous anaspastous
kaleomenous}.]
81 (return)
[ {Kaspioi}: some read by
conjecture {Kaspeiroi}, others {Kasioi}.]
82 (return)
[ {ogdokonta kai
oktakosia kai einakiskhilia}: the MSS. have {tesserakonta kai pentakosia
kai einakiskhilia} (9540), which is irreconcilable with the total sum
given below, and also with the sum obtained by adding up the separate
items given in Babylonian talents, whether we reduce them by the
proportion 70:60 given by the MSS. in ch. 89, or by the true proportion
78:60. On the other hand the total sum given below is precisely the sum of
the separate items (after subtracting the 140 talents used for the defence
of Kilikia), reduced in the proportion 78:60; and this proves the
necessity of the emendation here ({thop} for {thphm}) as well as supplying
a strong confirmation of that adopted in ch. 89.]
83 (return)
[ The reckoning
throughout is in round numbers, nothing less than the tens being
mentioned.]
84 (return)
[ {oi peri te Nusen}:
perhaps this should be corrected to {oi te peri Nusen}, because the
{sunamphoteroi} which follows seem to refer to two separate peoples.]
85 (return)
[ The passage "these
Ethiopians—dwellings" is marked by Stein as doubtful on internal
grounds. The Callantian Indians mentioned seem to be the same as the
Callantians mentioned in ch. 38.]
86 (return)
[ {khoinikas}.]
87 (return)
[ {dia penteteridos}.]
88 (return)
[ i.e. the Indus.]
89 (return)
[ Either {auton
tekomenon} is to be taken absolutely, equivalent to {autou tekomenou}, and
{ta krea} is the subject of {diaphtheiresthai}; or {auton} is the subject
and {ta krea} is accusative of definition, "wasting away in his flesh."
Some MSS. have {diaphtheirein}, "that he is spoiling his flesh for them."]
90 (return)
[ {gar}: some would read
{de}, but the meaning seems to be, "this is done universally, for in the
case of weakness arising from old age, the same takes place."]
91 (return)
[ {pros arktou te kai
boreo anemou}.]
92 (return)
[ This clause indicates
the manner in which the size is so exactly known.]
93 (return)
[ {autoi}, i.e. in
themselves as well as in their habits. Some MSS. read {to} for {autoi},
which is adopted by several Editors; others adopt the conjecture
{autois}.]
94 (return)
[ i.e. two in each
hind-leg.]
95 (return)
[ {kai paraluesthai}:
{kai} is omitted in some MSS. and by some Editors.]
96 (return)
[ {ouk omou}: some
Editors omit {ouk}: the meaning seems to be that in case of necessity they
are thrown off one after another to delay the pursuing animals.]
97 (return)
[ The meaning of the
passage is doubtful: possibly it should be translated (omitting {kai})
"the male camels, being inferior in speed to the females, flag in their
course and are dragged along, first one and then the other."]
9701 (return)
[ See ii. 75.]
98 (return)
[ {metri}: the MSS. have
{metre}, "womb," but for this Herod. seems to use the plural.]
99 (return)
[ {metera}: most MSS.
have {metran}.]
100 (return)
[ Most of the MSS. have
{auton} before {ta melea}, which by some Editors is omitted, and by others
altered to {autika}. If {auton} is to stand it must be taken with
{katapetomenas}, "flying down upon them," and so it is punctuated in the
Medicean MS.]
101 (return)
[ {elkea}. There is a
play upon the words {epelkein} and {elkea} which can hardly be reproduced
in translation.]
102 (return)
[ {Kassiteridas}.]
103 (return)
[ {o kassiteros}.]
104 (return)
[ cp. iv. 13.]
105 (return)
[ {akinakea}.]
106 (return)
[ This is the second of
the satrapies mentioned in the list, see ch. 90, named from its chief
town. Oroites also possessed himself of the first satrapy, of which the
chief town was Magnesia (ch. 122), and then of the third (see ch. 127).]
107 (return)
[ The satrapy of
Daskyleion is the third in the list, see ch. 90.]
108 (return)
[ {su gar en andron
logo}.]
109 (return)
[ Or, "banqueting
hall," cp. iv. 95.]
110 (return)
[ {apestrammenon}: most
of the MSS. have {epestrammenon}, "turned towards (the wall)."]
11001 (return)
[ "whenever he
(i.e. Zeus) rained."]
111 (return)
[ This clause, "as
Amasis the king of Egypt had foretold to him," is omitted in some MSS. and
by some Editors.]
112 (return)
[ {oideonton eti ton
pregmaton}: cp. ch. 76.]
113 (return)
[ i.e. satrapies: see
ch. 89, 90.]
114 (return)
[ {apikomenon kai
anakomisthenton}: the first perhaps referring to the slaves and the other
to the rest of the property.]
115 (return)
[ i.e. the art of
evasion.]
116 (return)
[ {es tou khrosou ten
theken}: {es} is not in the MSS., which have generally {tou khrusou sun
theke}: one only has {tou khrusou ten theken}.]
117 (return)
[ {stateras}: i.e. the
{stater Dareikos} "Daric," worth about £1; cp. note on vii. 28.]
118 (return)
[ {ekaton mneon}, "a
hundred minae," of which sixty go to the talent.]
119 (return)
[ This passage, from
"for this event happened" to the end of the chapter, is suspected as an
interpolation by some Editors, on internal grounds.]
120 (return)
[ Tarentum. Italy means
for Herodotus the southern part of the peninsula only.]
121 (return)
[ {restones}: so one
inferior MS., probably by conjectural emendation: the rest have
{krestones}. The Ionic form however of {rastone} would be {reistone}. Some
would read {khrestones}, a word which is not found, but might mean the
same as {kresmosunes} (ix. 33), "in consequence of the request of
Demokedes."]
122 (return)
[ {kat' emporien
strateuomenoi}: some MSS. read {kat' emporien, oi de strateuomenoi}, "some
for trade, others serving in the army."]
123 (return)
[ {prothura}.]
124 (return)
[ {e tis e oudeis}.]
125 (return)
[ {isonomien}: see ch.
80, note.]
126 (return)
[ {all' oud' axios eis
su ge}. Maiandrios can claim no credit or reward for giving up that of
which by his own unworthiness he would in any case have been deprived.]
127 (return)
[ {ou de ti}: some read
{oud' eti} or {ou de eti}, "no longer kept the purpose."]
128 (return)
[ {en gorgure}: the
word also means a "sewer" or "conduit."]
129 (return)
[ {prosempikraneesthai
emellon toisi Samioisi}.]
130 (return)
[ {tous
diphrophoreumenous}: a doubtful word: it seems to be a sort of title
belonging to Persians of a certain rank, perhaps those who were
accompanied by men to carry seats for them, the same as the {thronoi}
mentioned in ch. 144; or, "those who were borne in litters."]
131 (return)
[ {sageneusantes}: see
vi. 31. The word is thought by Stein to have been interpolated here.]
132 (return)
[ Or, "are very highly
accounted and tend to advancement."]
133 (return)
[ "opposite to."]
134 (return)
[ The words "and to the
Persians" are omitted in some MSS.]
1. After Babylon had been taken, the march of Dareios himself 1 against the Scythians took place: for now that Asia was flourishing in respect of population, and large sums were being gathered in as revenue, Dareios formed the desire to take vengeance upon the Scythians, because they had first invaded the Median land and had overcome in fight those who opposed them; and thus they had been the beginners of wrong. The Scythians in truth, as I have before said, 2 had ruled over Upper Asia 3 for eight-and-twenty years; for they had invaded Asia in their pursuit of the Kimmerians, and they had deposed 4 the Medes from their rule, who had rule over Asia before the Scythians came. Now when the Scythians had been absent from their own land for eight-and-twenty years, as they were returning to it after that interval of time, they were met by a contest 5 not less severe than that which they had had with the Medes, since they found an army of no mean size opposing them. For the wives of the Scythians, because their husbands were absent from them for a long time, had associated with the slaves.
2. Now the Scythians put out the eyes of all their slaves because of the milk which they drink; and they do as follows:—they take blow-pipes of bone just like flutes, and these they insert into the vagina of the mare and blow with their mouths, and others milk while they blow: and they say that they do this because the veins of the mare are thus filled, being blown out, and so the udder is let down. When they had drawn the milk they pour it into wooden vessels hollowed out, and they set the blind slaves in order about 6 the vessels and agitate the milk. Then that which comes to the top they skim off, considering it the more valuable part, whereas they esteem that which settles down to be less good than the other. For this reason 7 the Scythians put out the eyes of all whom they catch; for they are not tillers of the soil but nomads.
3. From these their slaves then, I say, and from their wives had been born and bred up a generation of young men, who having learnt the manner of their birth set themselves to oppose the Scythians as they were returning from the Medes. And first they cut off their land by digging a broad trench extending from the Tauric mountains to the Maiotian lake, at the point where 8 this is broadest; then afterwards when the Scythians attempted to invade the land, they took up a position against them and fought; and as they fought many times, and the Scythians were not able to get any advantage in the fighting, one of them said: "What a thing is this that we are doing, Scythians! We are fighting against our own slaves, and we are not only becoming fewer in number ourselves by being slain in battle, but also we are killing them, and so we shall have fewer to rule over in future. Now therefore to me it seems good that we leave spears and bows and that each one take his horse-whip and so go up close to them: for so long as they saw us with arms in our hands, they thought themselves equal to us and of equal birth; but when they shall see that we have whips instead of arms, they will perceive that they are our slaves, and having acknowledged this they will not await our onset."
4. When they heard this, the Scythians proceeded to do that which he said, and the others being panic-stricken by that which was done forgot their fighting and fled. Thus the Scythians had ruled over Asia; and in such manner, when they were driven out again by the Medes, they had returned to their own land. For this Dareios wished to take vengeance upon them, and was gathering together an army to go against them.
5. Now the Scythians say that their nation is the youngest of all nations, and that this came to pass as follows:—The first man who ever existed in this region, which then was desert, was one named Targitaos: and of this Targitaos they say, though I do not believe it for my part, however they say the parents were Zeus and the daughter of the river Borysthenes. Targitaos, they report, was produced from some such origin as this, and of him were begotten three sons, Lipoxaïs and Arpoxaïs and the youngest Colaxaïs. In the reign of these 9 there came down from heaven certain things wrought of gold, a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, 10 and a cup, and fell in the Scythian land: and first the eldest saw and came near them, desiring to take them, but the gold blazed with fire when he approached it: then when he had gone away from it, the second approached, and again it did the same thing. These then the gold repelled by blazing with fire; but when the third and youngest came up to it, the flame was quenched, and he carried them to his own house. The elder brothers then, acknowledging the significance of this thing, delivered the whole of the kingly power to the youngest.
6. From Lixopaïs, they say, are descended those Scythians who are called the race of the Auchatai; from the middle brother Arpoxaïs those who are called Catiaroi and Traspians, and from the youngest of them the "Royal" tribe, 11 who are called Paralatai: and the whole together are called, they say, Scolotoi, after the name of their king; 12 but the Hellenes gave them the name of Scythians.
7. Thus the Scythians say they were produced; and from the time of their origin, that is to say from the first king Targitaos, to the passing over of Dareios against them, they say that there is a period of a thousand years and no more. Now this sacred gold is guarded by the kings with the utmost care, and they visit it every year with solemn sacrifices of propitiation: moreover if any one goes to sleep while watching in the open air over this gold during the festival, the Scythians say that he does not live out the year; and there is given him for this so much land as he shall ride round himself on his horse in one day. Now as the land was large, Colaxaïs, they say, established three kingdoms for his sons; and of these he made one larger than the rest, and in this the gold is kept. But as to the upper parts which lie on the North side of those who dwell above this land, they say one can neither see nor pass through any further by reason of feathers which are poured down; for both the earth and the air are full of feathers, and this is that which shuts off the view.
8. Thus say the Scythians about themselves and about the region above them; but the Hellenes who dwell about the Pontus say as follows:—Heracles driving the cattle of Geryones came to this land, then desert, which the Scythians now inhabit; and Geryones, says the tale, dwelt away from the region of the Pontus, living in the island called by the Hellenes Erytheia, near Gadeira which is outside the Pillars of Heracles by the Ocean.—As to the Ocean, they say indeed that it flows round the whole earth beginning from the place of the sunrising, but they do not prove this by facts.—From thence Heracles came to the land now called Scythia; and as a storm came upon him together with icy cold, he drew over him his lion's skin and went to sleep. Meanwhile the mares harnessed in his chariot disappeared by a miraculous chance, as they were feeding.
9. Then when Heracles woke he sought for them; and having gone over the whole land, at last he came to the region which is called Hylaia; and there he found in a cave a kind of twofold creature formed by the union of a maiden and a serpent, whose upper parts from the buttocks upwards were those of a woman, but her lower parts were those of a snake. Having seen her and marvelled at her, he asked her then whether she had seen any mares straying anywhere; and she said that she had them herself and would not give them up until he lay with her; and Heracles lay with her on condition of receiving them. She then tried to put off the giving back of the mares, desiring to have Heracles with her as long as possible, while he on the other hand desired to get the mares and depart; and at last she gave them back and said: "These mares when they came hither I saved for thee, and thou didst give me reward for saving them; for I have by thee three sons. Tell me then, what must I do with these when they shall be grown to manhood, whether I shall settle them here, for over this land I have power alone, or send them away to thee?" She thus asked of him, and he, they say, replied: "When thou seest that the boys are grown to men, do this and thou shalt not fail of doing right:—whichsoever of them thou seest able to stretch this bow as I do now, and to be girded 1201 with this girdle, him cause to be the settler of this land; but whosoever of them fails in the deeds which I enjoin, send him forth out of the land: and if thou shalt do thus, thou wilt both have delight thyself and perform that which has been enjoined to thee."
10. Upon this he drew one of his bows (for up to that time Heracles, they say, was wont to carry two) and showed her the girdle, and then he delivered to her both the bow and the girdle, which had at the end of its clasp a golden cup; and having given them he departed. She then, when her sons had been born and had grown to be men, gave them names first, calling one of them Agathyrsos and the next Gelonos and the youngest Skythes; then bearing in mind the charge given to her, she did that which was enjoined. And two of her sons, Agathyrsos and Gelonos, not having proved themselves able to attain to the task set before them, departed from the land, being cast out by her who bore them; but Skythes the youngest of them performed the task and remained in the land: and from Skythes the son of Heracles were descended, they say, the succeeding kings of the Scythians (Skythians): and they say moreover that it is by reason of the cup that the Scythians still even to this day wear cups attached to their girdles: and this alone his mother contrived for Skythes. 13 Such is the story told by the Hellenes who dwell about the Pontus.
11. There is however also another story, which is as follows, and to this I am most inclined myself. It is to the effect that the nomad Scythians dwelling in Asia, being hard pressed in war by the Massagetai, left their abode and crossing the river Araxes came towards the Kimmerian land (for the land which now is occupied by the Scythians is said to have been in former times the land of the Kimmerians); and the Kimmerians, when the Scythians were coming against them, took counsel together, seeing that a great host was coming to fight against them; and it proved that their opinions were divided, both opinions being vehemently maintained, but the better being that of their kings: for the opinion of the people was that it was necessary to depart and that they ought not to run the risk of fighting against so many, 14 but that of the kings was to fight for their land with those who came against them: and as neither the people were willing by means to agree to the counsel of the kings nor the kings to that of the people, the people planned to depart without fighting and to deliver up the land to the invaders, while the kings resolved to die and to be laid in their own land, and not to flee with the mass of the people, considering the many goods of fortune which they had enjoyed, and the many evils which it might be supposed would come upon them, if they fled from their native land. Having resolved upon this, they parted into two bodies, and making their numbers equal they fought with one another: and when these had all been killed by one another's hands, then the people of the Kimmerians buried them by the bank of the river Tyras (where their burial-place is still to be seen), and having buried them, then they made their way out from the land, and the Scythians when they came upon it found the land deserted of its inhabitants.
12. And there are at the present time in the land of Scythia Kimmerian walls, and a Kimmerian ferry; and there is also a region which is called Kimmeria, and the so-called Kimmerian Bosphorus. It is known moreover that the Kimmerians, in their flight to Asia from the Scythians, also made a settlement on that peninsula on which now stands the Hellenic city of Sinope; and it is known too that the Scythians pursued them and invaded the land of Media, having missed their way; for while the Kimmerians kept ever along by the sea in their flight, the Scythians pursued them keeping Caucasus on their right hand, until at last they invaded Media, directing their course inland. This then which has been told is another story, and it is common both to Hellenes and Barbarians.
13. Aristeas however the son of Caÿstrobios, a man of Proconnesos, said in the verses which he composed, that he came to the land of the Issedonians being possessed by Phoebus, and that beyond the Issedonians dwelt Arimaspians, a one-eyed race, and beyond these the gold-guarding griffins, and beyond them the Hyperboreans extending as far as the sea: and all these except the Hyperboreans, beginning with the Arimaspians, were continually making war on their neighbours, and the Issedonians were gradually driven out of their country by the Arimaspians and the Scythians by the Issedonians, and so the Kimmerians, who dwelt on the Southern Sea, being pressed by the Scythians left their land. Thus neither does he agree in regard to this land with the report of the Scythians.
14. As to Aristeas who composed 15 this, I have said already whence he was; and I will tell also the tale which I heard about him in Proconnesos and Kyzicos. They say that Aristeas, who was in birth inferior to none of the citizens, entered into a fuller's shop in Proconnesos and there died; and the fuller closed his workshop and went away to report the matter to those who were related to the dead man. And when the news had been spread abroad about the city that Aristeas was dead, a man of Kyzicos who had come from the town of Artake entered into controversy with those who said so, and declared that he had met him going towards Kyzicos and had spoken with him: and while he was vehement in dispute, those who were related to the dead man came to the fuller's shop with the things proper in order to take up the corpse for burial; and when the house was opened, Aristeas was not found there either dead or alive. In the seventh year after this he appeared at Proconnesos and composed those verses which are now called by the Hellenes the Arimaspeia, and having composed them he disappeared the second time.
15. So much is told by these cities; and what follows I know happened to the people of Metapontion in Italy 16 two hundred 17 and forty years after the second disappearance of Aristeas, as I found by putting together the evidence at Proconnesos and Metapontion. The people of Metapontion say that Aristeas himself appeared in their land and bade them set up an altar of Apollo and place by its side a statue bearing the name of Aristeas of Proconnesos; for he told them that to their land alone of all the Italiotes 18 Apollo had come, and he, who now was Aristeas, was accompanying him, being then a raven when he accompanied the god. Having said this he disappeared; and the Metapontines say that they sent to Delphi and asked the god what the apparition of the man meant: and the Pythian prophetess bade them obey the command of the apparition, and told them that if they obeyed, it would be the better for them. They therefore accepted this answer and performed the commands; and there stands a statue now bearing the name of Aristeas close by the side of the altar dedicated to Apollo, 19 and round it stand laurel trees; and the altar is set up in the market-place. Let this suffice which has been said about Aristeas.
16. Now of the land about which this account has been begun, no one knows precisely what lies beyond it: 20 for I am not able to hear of any one who alleges that he knows as an eye-witness; and even Aristeas, the man of whom I was making mention just now, even he, I say, did not allege, although he was composing verse, 21 that he went further than the Issedonians; but that which is beyond them he spoke of by hearsay, and reported that it was the Issedonians who said these things. So far however as we were able to arrive at certainty by hearsay, carrying inquiries as far as possible, all this shall be told.
17. Beginning with the trading station of the Borysthenites,—for of the parts along the sea this is the central point of all Scythia,—beginning with this, the first regions are occupied by the Callipidai, who are Hellenic Scythians; and above these is another race, who are called Alazonians. 22 These last and the Callipidai in all other respects have the same customs as the Scythians, but they both sow corn and use it as food, and also onions, leeks, lentils and millet. Above the Alazonians dwell Scythians who till the ground, and these sow their corn not for food but to sell.
18.Beyond them dwell the Neuroi; and beyond the Neuroi towards the North Wind is a region without inhabitants, as far as we know. These races are along the river Hypanis to the West of the Borysthenes; but after crossing the Borysthenes, first from the sea-coast is Hylaia, and beyond this as one goes up the river dwell agricultural Scythians, whom the Hellenes who live upon the river Hypanis call Borysthenites, calling themselves at the same time citizens of Olbia. 23 These agricultural Scythians occupy the region which extends Eastwards for a distance of three days' journey, 24 reaching to a river which is called Panticapes, and Northwards for a distance of eleven days' sail up the Borysthenes. Then immediately beyond these begins the desert 25 and extends for a great distance; and on the other side of the desert dwell the Androphagoi, 26 a race apart by themselves and having no connection with the Scythians. Beyond them begins a region which is really desert and has no race of men in it, as far as we know.