203. Now the Caspian Sea is apart by itself, not having connection with the other Sea: for all that Sea which the Hellenes navigate, and the Sea beyond the Pillars, which is called Atlantis, and the Erythraian Sea are in fact all one, but the Caspian is separate and lies apart by itself. In length it is a voyage of fifteen days if one uses oars, 214 and in breadth, where it is broadest, a voyage of eight days. On the side towards the West of this Sea the Caucasus runs along by it, which is of all mountain-ranges both the greatest in extent and the loftiest: and the Caucasus has many various races of men dwelling in it, living for the most part on the wild produce of the forests; and among them there are said to be trees which produce leaves of such a kind that by pounding them and mixing water with them they paint figures upon their garments, and the figures do not wash out, but grow old with the woollen stuff as if they had been woven into it at the first: and men say that the sexual intercourse of these people is open like that of cattle.
204. On the West then of this Sea which is called Caspian the Caucasus is the boundary, while towards the East and the rising sun a plain succeeds which is of limitless extent to the view. Of this great plain then the Massagetai occupy a large part, against whom Cyrus had become eager to march; for there were many strong reasons which incited him to it and urged him onwards,—first the manner of his birth, that is to say the opinion held of him that he was more than a mere mortal man, and next the success which he had met with 215 in his wars, for whithersoever Cyrus directed his march, it was impossible for that nation to escape.
205. Now the ruler of the Massagetai was a woman, who was queen after the death of her husband, and her name was Tomyris. To her Cyrus sent and wooed her, pretending that he desired to have her for his wife: but Tomyris understanding that he was wooing not herself but rather the kingdom of the Massagetai, rejected his approaches: and Cyrus after this, as he made no progress by craft, marched to the Araxes, and proceeded to make an expedition openly against the Massagetai, forming bridges of boats over the river for his army to cross, and building towers upon the vessels which gave them passage across the river.
206. While he was busied about this labour, Tomyris sent a herald and said thus: "O king of the Medes, cease to press forward the work which thou art now pressing forward; for thou canst not tell whether these things will be in the end for thy advantage or no; cease to do so, I say, and be king over thine own people, and endure to see us ruling those whom we rule. Since however I know that thou wilt not be willing to receive this counsel, but dost choose anything rather than to be at rest, therefore if thou art greatly anxious to make trial of the Massagetai in fight, come now, leave that labour which thou hast in yoking together the banks of the river, and cross over into our land, when we have first withdrawn three days' journey from the river: or if thou desirest rather to receive us into your land, do thou this same thing thyself." Having heard this Cyrus called together the first men among the Persians, and having gathered these together he laid the matter before them for discussion, asking their advice as to which of the two things he should do: and their opinions all agreed in one, bidding him receive Tomyris and her army into his country.
207. But Croesus the Lydian, being present and finding fault with this opinion, declared an opinion opposite to that which had been set forth, saying as follows: "O king, I told thee in former time also, that since Zeus had given me over to thee, I would avert according to my power whatever occasion of falling I might see coming near thy house: and now my sufferings, which have been bitter, 216 have proved to be lessons of wisdom to me. If thou dost suppose that thou art immortal and that thou dost command an army which is also immortal, it will be of no use for me to declare to thee my judgment; but if thou hast perceived that thou art a mortal man thyself and dost command others who are so likewise, then learn this first, that for the affairs of men there is a revolving wheel, and that this in its revolution suffers not the same persons always to have good fortune. I therefore now have an opinion about the matter laid before us, which is opposite to that of these men: for if we shall consent to receive the enemy into our land, there is for thee this danger in so doing:—if thou shalt be worsted thou wilt lose in addition all thy realm, for it is evident that if the Massagetai are victors they will not turn back and fly, but will march upon the provinces of thy realm; and on the other hand if thou shalt be the victor, thou wilt not be victor so fully as if thou shouldest overcome the Massagetai after crossing over into their land and shouldest pursue them when they fled. For against that which I said before I will set the same again here, and say that thou, when thou hast conquered, wilt march straight against the realm of Tomyris. Moreover besides that which has been said, it is a disgrace and not to be endured that Cyrus the son of Cambyses should yield to a woman and so withdraw from her land. Now therefore it seems good to me that we should cross over and go forward from the crossing as far as they go in their retreat, and endeavour to get the better of them by doing as follows:—The Massagetai, as I am informed, are without experience of Persian good things, and have never enjoyed any great luxuries. Cut up therefore cattle without stint and dress the meat and set out for these men a banquet in our camp: moreover also provide without stint bowls of unmixed wine and provisions of every kind; and having so done, leave behind the most worthless part of thy army and let the rest begin to retreat from the camp towards the river: for if I am not mistaken in my judgment, they when they see a quantity of good things will fall to the feast, and after that it remains for us to display great deeds."
208. These were the conflicting opinions; and Cyrus, letting go the former opinion and choosing that of Croesus, gave notice to Tomyris to retire, as he was intending to cross over to her. She then proceeded to retire, as she had at first engaged to do, but Cyrus delivered Croesus into the hands of his son Cambyses, to whom he meant to give the kingdom, and gave him charge earnestly to honour him and to treat him well, if the crossing over to go against the Massagetai should not be prosperous. Having thus charged him and sent these away to the land of the Persians, he crossed over the river both himself and his army.
209. And when he had passed over the Araxes, night having come on he saw a vision in his sleep in the land of the Massagetai, as follows:—in his sleep it seemed to Cyrus that he saw the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes having upon his shoulders wings, and that with the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. Now of Hystaspes the son of Arsames, who was a man of the Achaimenid clan, the eldest son was Dareios, who was then, I suppose, a youth of about twenty years of age, and he had been left behind in the land of the Persians, for he was not yet of full age to go out to the wars. So then when Cyrus awoke he considered with himself concerning the vision: and as the vision seemed to him to be of great import, he called Hystaspes, and having taken him apart by himself he said: "Hystaspes, thy son has been found plotting against me and against my throne: and how I know this for certain I will declare to thee:—The gods have a care of me and show me beforehand all the evils that threaten me. So in the night that is past while sleeping I saw the eldest of thy sons having upon his shoulders wings, and with the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. To judge by this vision then, it cannot be but that he is plotting against me. Do thou therefore go by the quickest way back to Persia and take care that, when I return thither after having subdued these regions, thou set thy son before me to be examined."
210. Cyrus said thus supposing that Dareios was plotting against him; but in fact the divine powers were showing him beforehand that he was destined to find his end there and that his kingdom was coming about to Dareios. To this then Hystaspes replied as follows: "O king, heaven forbid 217 that there should be any man of Persian race who would plot against thee, and if there be any, I pray that he perish as quickly as may be; seeing that thou didst make the Persians to be free instead of slaves, and to rule all nations instead of being ruled by others. And if any vision announces to thee that my son is planning rebellion against thee, I deliver him over to thee to do with him whatsoever thou wilt."
211. Hystaspes then, having made answer with these words and having crossed over the Araxes, was going his way to the Persian land to keep watch over his son Dareios for Cyrus; and Cyrus meanwhile went forward and made a march of one day from the Araxes according to the suggestion of Croesus. After this when Cyrus and the best part of the army 218 of the Persians had marched back to the Araxes, and those who were unfit for fighting had been left behind, then a third part of the army of the Massagetai came to the attack and proceeded to slay, not without resistance, 219 those who were left behind of the army of Cyrus; and seeing the feast that was set forth, when they had overcome their enemies they lay down and feasted, and being satiated with food and wine they went to sleep. Then the Persians came upon them and slew many of them, and took alive many more even than they slew, and among these the son of the queen Tomyris, who was leading the army of the Massagetai; and his name was Spargapises.
212. She then, when she heard that which had come to pass concerning the army and also the things concerning her son, sent a herald to Cyrus and said as follows: "Cyrus, insatiable of blood, be not elated with pride by this which has come to pass, namely because with that fruit of the vine, with which ye fill yourselves and become so mad that as the wine descends into your bodies, evil words float up upon its stream,—because setting a snare, I say, with such a drug as this thou didst overcome my son, and not by valour in fight. Now therefore receive the word which I utter, giving thee good advice:—Restore to me my son and depart from this land without penalty, triumphant over a third part of the army of the Massagetai: but if thou shalt not do so, I swear to thee by the Sun, who is lord of the Massagetai, that surely I will give thee thy fill of blood, insatiable as thou art."
213. When these words were reported to him Cyrus made no account of them; and the son of the queen Tomyris, Spargapises, when the wine left him and he learnt in what evil case he was, entreated Cyrus that he might be loosed from his chains and gained his request, and then so soon as he was loosed and had got power over his hands he put himself to death.
214. He then ended his life in this manner; but Tomyris, as Cyrus did not listen to her, gathered together all her power and joined battle with Cyrus. This battle of all the battles fought by Barbarians I judge to have been the fiercest, and I am informed that it happened thus:—first, it is said, they stood apart and shot at one another, and afterwards when their arrows were all shot away, they fell upon one another and engaged in close combat with their spears and daggers; and so they continued to be in conflict with one another for a long time, and neither side would flee; but at last the Massagetai got the better in the fight: and the greater part of the Persian army was destroyed there on the spot, and Cyrus himself brought his life to an end there, after he had reigned in all thirty years wanting one. Then Tomyris filled a skin with human blood and had search made among the Persian dead for the corpse of Cyrus: and when she found it, she let his head down into the skin and doing outrage to the corpse she said at the same time this: "Though I yet live and have overcome thee in fight, nevertheless thou didst undo me by taking my son with craft: but I according to my threat will give thee thy fill of blood." Now as regards the end of the life of Cyrus there are many tales told, but this which I have related is to my mind the most worthy of belief.
215. As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress which is similar to that of the Scythians, and they have a manner of life which is also like theirs; and there are of them horsemen and also men who do not ride on horses (for they have both fashions), and moreover there are both archers and spearmen, and their custom it is to carry battle-axes; 220 and for everything they use either gold or bronze, for in all that has to do with spear-points or arrow-heads or battle-axes they use bronze, but for head-dresses and girdles and belts round the arm-pits 221 they employ gold as ornament: and in like manner as regards their horses, they put breast-plates of bronze about their chests, but on their bridles and bits and cheek-pieces they employ gold. Iron however and silver they use not at all, for they have them not in their land, but gold and bronze in abundance.
216. These are the customs which they have:—Each marries a wife, but they have their wives in common; for that which the Hellenes say that the Scythians do, is not in fact done by the Scythians but by the Massagetai, that is to say, whatever woman a man of the Massagetai may desire he hangs up his quiver in front of the waggon and has commerce with her freely. They have no precise limit of age laid down for their life, but when a man becomes very old, his nearest of kin come together and slaughter him solemnly 222 and cattle also with him; and then after that they boil the flesh and banquet upon it. This is considered by them the happiest lot; but him who has ended his life by disease they do not eat, but cover him up in the earth, counting it a misfortune that he did not attain to being slaughtered. They sow no crops but live on cattle and on fish, which last they get in abundance from the river Araxes; moreover they are drinkers of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun alone, and to him they sacrifice horses: and the rule 223 of the sacrifice is this:—to the swiftest of the gods they assign the swiftest of all mortal things.
1 (return)
[ {'Erodotou 'Alikarnesseos
istories apodexis ede, os k.t.l.} The meaning of the word {istorie} passes
gradually from "research" or "inquiry" to "narrative," "history"; cp. vii.
96. Aristotle in quoting these words writes {Thouriou} for
{'Alikarnesseos} ("Herodotus of Thurii"), and we know from Plutarch that
this reading existed in his time as a variation.]
2 (return)
[ Probably {erga} may here
mean enduring monuments like the pyramids and the works at Samos, cp. i.
93, ii. 35, etc.; in that case {ta te alla} refers back to {ta genomena},
though the verb {epolemesan} derives its subject from the mention of
Hellenes and Barbarians in the preceding clause.]
3 (return)
[ Many Editors have "with the
Phenicians," on the authority of some inferior MSS. and of the Aldine
edition.]
4 (return)
[ {arpages}.]
401 (return)
[ "thus or in some other
particular way."]
5 (return)
[ {Surion}, see ch. 72.
Herodotus perhaps meant to distinguish {Surioi} from {Suroi}, and to use
the first name for the Cappadokians and the second for the people of
Palestine, cp. ii. 104; but they are naturally confused in the MSS.]
6 (return)
[ {ex epidromes arpage}.]
7 (return)
[ {tes anoigomenes thures},
"the door that is opened."]
8 (return)
[ Or "because she was
ashamed."]
9 (return)
[ {phoitan}.]
10 (return)
[ {upeisdus}: Stein adopts
the conjecture {upekdus}, "slipping out of his hiding-place."]
11 (return)
[ This last sentence is by
many regarded as an interpolation. The line referred to is {Ou moi ta
Gugeo tou polukhrosou melei}.]
12 (return)
[ See v. 92.]
13 (return)
[ i.e. like other kings of
Lydia who came after him.]
14 (return)
[ {Kolophonos to astu}, as
opposed apparently to the acropolis, cp. viii. 51.]
15 (return)
[ See ch. 73.]
16 (return)
[ {o kai esballon tenikauta
es ten Milesien ten stratien}: an allusion apparently to the invasions of
the Milesian land at harvest time, which are described above. All the
operations mentioned in the last chapter have been loosely described to
Alyattes, and a correction is here added to inform the reader that they
belong equally to his father. It will hardly mend matters much if we take
{o Audos} in ch. 17 to include both father and son.]
17 (return)
[ {didaxanta}.]
18 (return)
[ This name is applied by
Herodotus to the southern part of the peninsula only.]
19 (return)
[ Tarentum.]
20 (return)
[ {en toisi edolioisi}:
properly "benches," but probably here the raised deck at the stern.]
21 (return)
[ {ou mega}: many of the
MSS. have {mega}.]
22 (return)
[ {stadioi}: furlongs of
about 606 English feet.]
23 (return)
[ {to epilogo}.]
24 (return)
[ This list of nations is
by some suspected as an interpolation; see Stein's note on the passage.]
25 (return)
[ {sophistai}: cp. ii. 49,
and iv. 95.]
26 (return)
[ {etheto}.]
27 (return)
[ {olbiotaton}.]
28 (return)
[ {stadious}.]
29 (return)
[ {romen}: many of the MSS.
have {gnomen}, "good disposition."]
30 (return)
[ i.e. their mother: but
some understand it to mean the goddess.]
31 (return)
[ {en telei touto
eskhonto}.]
32 (return)
[ {anolbioi}.]
33 (return)
[ {eutukhees}.]
34 (return)
[ {aperos}: the MSS. have
{apeiros}.]
35 (return)
[ {aikhme sideree
blethenta}.]
36 (return)
[ "in the house of
Croesus."]
37 (return)
[ {'Epistion}.]
38 (return)
[ {'Etaireion}.]
39 (return)
[ {suggrapsamenous}, i.e.
have it written down by the {propsetes} (see vii. 111 and viii. 37), who
interpreted and put into regular verse the inspired utterances of the
prophetess {promantis}.]
40 (return)
[ {es to megaron}.]
41 (return)
[ {oida d' ego}: oracles
often have a word of connection such as {de} or {alla} at the beginning
(cp. ch. 55, 174, etc.), which may indicate that they are part of a larger
connected utterance.]
42 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 178 and ix. 91
("I accept the omen.")]
43 (return)
[ See viii. 134.]
44 (return)
[ {kai touton}, i.e.
Amphiaraos: many Editors retain the readings of the Aldine edition, {kai
touto}, "that in this too he had found a true Oracle."]
45 (return)
[ {emiplinthia}, the plinth
being supposed to be square.]
46 (return)
[ {exapalaiota}, the palm
being about three inches, cp. ii. 149.]
47 (return)
[ {apephthou khrusou},
"refined gold."]
48 (return)
[ {triton emitalanton}: the
MSS. have {tria emitalanta}, which has been corrected partly on the
authority of Valla's translation.]
49 (return)
[ "white gold."]
50 (return)
[ Arranged evidently in
stages, of which the highest consisted of the 4 half-plinths of pure gold,
the second of 15 half-plinths, the third of 35, the fourth of 63, making
117 in all: see Stein's note.]
51 (return)
[ {elkon stathmon einaton
emitalanton kai eti duodeka mneas}. The {mnea} (mina) is 15.2 oz., and 60
of them go to a talent.]
52 (return)
[ {epi tou proneiou tes
gonies}, cp. viii. 122: the use of {epi} seems to suggest some kind of
raised corner-stone upon which the offerings stood.]
53 (return)
[ The {amphoreus} is about
9 gallons.]
54 (return)
[ Cp. iii. 41.]
55 (return)
[ {perirranteria}.]
56 (return)
[ {kheumata}, which some
translate "jugs" or "bowls."]
57 (return)
[ {umin}, as if both
Oracles were being addressed together.]
58 (return)
[ i.e. Delphi.]
59 (return)
[ {enephoreeto}, "he filled
himself with it."]
60 (return)
[ {Krestona}: Niebuhr would
read {Krotona} (Croton or Cortona in Etruria), partly on the authority of
Dionysius: see Stein's note. Two of the best MSS. are defective in this
part of the book.]
61 (return)
[ See ii. 51 and vi. 137.]
62 (return)
[ {auxetai es plethos ton
ethneon pollon}: "has increased to a multitude of its races, which are
many." Stein and Abicht both venture to adopt the conjecture {Pelasgon}
for {pollon}, "Pelasgians especially being added to them, and also many
other Barbarian nations."]
6201 (return)
[ {pros de on emoige
dokeei}: the MSS. have {emoi te}. Some Editors read {os de on} (Stein
{prosthe de on}) for {pros de on}. This whole passage is probably in some
way corrupt, but it can hardly be successfully emended.]
63 (return)
[ i.e. as it is of the
Hellenic race before it parted from the Pelasgian and ceased to be
Barbarian.]
64 (return)
[ {katekhomenon te kai
diespasmenon... upo Peisistratou}. Peisistratos was in part at least the
cause of the divisions.]
65 (return)
[ {paralon}.]
66 (return)
[ {uperakrion}.]
67 (return)
[ {toutous}: some read by
conjecture {triekosious}, "three hundred," the number which he actually
had according to Polyænus, i. 21.]
68 (return)
[ {doruphoroi}, the usual
word for a body-guard.]
69 (return)
[ {perielaunomenos de te
stasi}: Stein says "harassed by attacks of his own party," but the passage
to which he refers in ch. 61, {katallasseto ten ekhthren toisi
stasiotesi}, may be referred to in the quarrel made with his party by
Megacles when he joined Peisistratos.]
70 (return)
[ More literally, "since
from ancient time the Hellenic race had been marked off from the
Barbarians as being more skilful and more freed from foolish simplicity,
(and) since at that time among the Athenians, who are accounted the first
of the Hellenes in ability, these men devised a trick as follows."]
71 (return)
[ The cubit is reckoned as
24 finger-breadths, i.e. about 18 inches.]
72 (return)
[ So Rawlinson.]
73 (return)
[ See v. 70.]
74 (return)
[ {dia endekatou eteos}.
Not quite the same as {dia evdeka eteon} ("after an interval of eleven
years"); rather "in the eleventh year" (i.e. "after an interval of ten
years").]
75 (return)
[ {thein pompe
khreomenos}.]
76 (return)
[ For {'Akarnan} it has
been suggested to read {'Akharneus}, because this man is referred to as an
Athenian by various writers. However Acarnanians were celebrated for
prophetic power, and he might be called an Athenian as resident with
Peisistratos at Athens.]
77 (return)
[ Or "for that part of the
land from which the temple could be seen," but cp. Thuc. iii. 104. In
either case the meaning is the same.]
7701 (return)
[ {enomotias kai
triekadas kai sussitia}. The {enomotia} was the primary division of the
Spartan army: of the {triekas} nothing is known for certain.]
78 (return)
[ {kibdelo}, properly
"counterfeit": cp. ch. 75.]
79 (return)
[ {skhoino
diametresamenoi}: whether actually, for the purpose of distributing the
work among them, or because the rope which fastened them together lay on
the ground like a measuring-tape, is left uncertain.]
80 (return)
[ Cp. ix. 70.]
81 (return)
[ {epitarrothos}. Elsewhere
(that is in Homer) the word always means "helper," and Stein translates it
so here, "thou shalt be protector and patron of Tegea" (in the place of
Orestes). Mr. Woods explains it by the parallel of such phrases as
{Danaoisi makhes epitarrothoi}, to mean "thou shalt be a helper (of the
Lacedemonians) in the matter of Tegea," but this perhaps would be a form
of address too personal to the envoy, who is usually addressed in the
second person, but only as representative of those who sent him. The
conjectural reading {epitarrothon exeis}, "thou shalt have him as a helper
against Tegea," is tempting.]
82 (return)
[ {agathoergon}.]
83 (return)
[ This was to enable him
the better to gain his ends at Tegea.]
84 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 51, note.]
85 (return)
[ See ch. 6.]
86 (return)
[ {euzono andri}: cp. ch.
104 and ii. 34. The word {euzonos} is used of light-armed troops;
Hesychius says, {euzonos, me ekhon phortion}.]
87 (return)
[ {orgen ouk akros}: this
is the reading of all the best MSS., and it is sufficiently supported by
the parallel of v. 124, {psukhen ouk akros}. Most Editors however have
adopted the reading {orgen akros}, as equivalent to {akrakholos},
"quick-tempered."]
88 (return)
[ It has been suggested by
some that this clause is not genuine. It should not, however, be taken to
refer to the battle which was interrupted by the eclipse, for (1) that did
not occur in the period here spoken of; (2) the next clause is introduced
by {de} (which can hardly here stand for {gar}); (3) when the eclipse
occurred the fighting ceased, therefore it was no more a {nuktomakhin}
than any other battle which is interrupted by darkness coming on.]
89 (return)
[ See ch. 188. Nabunita
was his true name.]
90 (return)
[ See ch. 107 ff.]
91 (return)
[ Not "somewhere near the
city of Sinope," for it must have been at a considerable distance and
probably far inland. Sinope itself is at least fifty miles to the west of
the Halys. I take it to mean that Pteria was nearly due south of Sinope,
i.e. that the nearest road from Pteria to the sea led to Sinope. Pteria no
doubt was the name of a region as well as of a city.]
92 (return)
[ {anastatous epoiese}.]
93 (return)
[ This is the son of the
man mentioned in ch. 74.]
94 (return)
[ {us en autou xeinikos}.
Stein translates "so much of it as was mercenary," but it may be doubted
if this is possible. Mr. Woods, "which army of his was a foreign one."]
95 (return)
[ {Metros Dindumenes}, i.e.
Kybele: the mountain is Dindymos in Phrygia.]
96 (return)
[ i.e. the whole strip of
territory to the West of the peninsula of Argolis, which includes Thyrea
and extends southwards to Malea: "westwards as far as Malea" would be
absurd.]
97 (return)
[ {outos}: a conjectural
emendation of {autos}.]
98 (return)
[ {autos}: some MSS. read
{o autos}, "this same man."]
99 (return)
[ {aneneikamenon}, nearly
equivalent to {anastemaxanta} (cp. Hom. Il. xix. 314), {mnesamenos d'
adinos aneneikato phonesen te}. Some translate it here, "he recovered
himself," cp. ch. 116, {aneneikhtheis}.]
100 (return)
[ {ubristai}.]
101 (return)
[ {proesousi}: a
conjectural emendation of {poiesousi}, adopted in most of the modern
editions.]
102 (return)
[ {touto oneidisai}: or
{touton oneidisai}, "to reproach the god with these things." The best MSS.
have {touto}.]
103 (return)
[ {to kai... eipe ta eipe
Loxias k.t.l.}: various emendations have been proposed. If any one is to
be adopted, the boldest would perhaps be the best, {to de kai... eipe
Loxias}.]
104 (return)
[ {oia te kai alle
khore}, "such as other lands have."]
105 (return)
[ {stadioi ex kai duo
plethra}.]
106 (return)
[ {plethra tria kai
deka}.]
107 (return)
[ {Gugaie}.]
108 (return)
[ Or "Tyrrhenia."]
109 (return)
[ Or "Umbrians."]
110 (return)
[ {tes ano 'Asies}, i.e.
the parts which are removed from the Mediterranean.]
111 (return)
[ i.e. nature would not
be likely to supply so many regularly ascending circles. Stein alters the
text so that the sentence runs thus, "and whereas there are seven circles
of all, within the last is the royal palace," etc.]
112 (return)
[ i.e. "to laugh or to
spit is unseemly for those in presence of the king, and this last for all,
whether in the presence of the king or not." Cp. Xen. Cyrop. i. 2. 16,
{aiskhron men gar eti kai nun esti Persais kai to apoptuein kai to
apomuttesthai}, (quoted by Stein, who however gives a different
interpretation).]
113 (return)
[ {tauta de peri eouton
esemnune}: the translation given is that of Mr. Woods.]
114 (return)
[ {allos mentoi eouton eu
ekontes}: the translation is partly due to Mr. Woods.]
115 (return)
[ i.e. East of the Halys:
see note on ch. 95.]
116 (return)
[ See iv. 12.]
117 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 72.]
118 (return)
[ {ten katuperthe odon},
i.e. further away from the Euxine eastwards.]
119 (return)
[ {o theos}.]
120 (return)
[ {khoris men gar
phoron}: many Editors substitute {phoron} for {phoron}, but {phoron} may
stand if taken not with {khoris} but with {to ekastoisi epeballon}.]
121 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 184, "the
Assyrian history."]
122 (return)
[ {uperthemenos}, a
conjectural emendation of {upothemenos}, cp. ch. 108 where the MSS. give
{uperthemenos}, (the Medicean with {upo} written above as a correction).]
123 (return)
[ Or "expose me to risk,"
"stake my safety."]
124 (return)
[ Or "thou wilt suffer
the most evil kind of death": cp. ch. 167.]
12401 (return)
[ {tas aggelias
pherein}, i.e. to have the office of {aggeliephoros} (ch. 120) or
{esaggeleus} (iii. 84), the chamberlain through whom communications
passed.]
125 (return)
[ {dialabein}. So
translated by Mr. Woods.]
126 (return)
[ {es tas anagkas}, "to
the necessity," mentioned above.]
127 (return)
[ Or "to celebrate good
fortune."]
128 (return)
[ {akreon kheiron te kai
podon}: cp. ii. 121 (e), {apotamonta en to omo ten kheira}.]
129 (return)
[ {esti te o pais kai
periesti}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]
130 (return)
[ {erkhe}: a few inferior
MSS. have {eikhe}, which is adopted by several Editors.]
131 (return)
[ {para smikra...
kekhoreke}, "have come out equal to trifles."]
132 (return)
[ {kuon}: cp. ch. 110.]
133 (return)
[ {su nun}, answering to
{se gar theoi eporeousi}: the MSS. and some Editors read {su nun}.]
134 (return)
[ i.e. of the race of
Perses: see vii. 61.]
135 (return)
[ "how his change from a
throne to slavery was as compared with that feast, etc.," i.e. what did he
think of it as a retribution.]
136 (return)
[ See ch. 106. The actual
duration of the Median supremacy would be therefore a hundred years.]
13601 (return)
[ This is by some
altered to "Alilat," by comparison of iii. 8.]
137 (return)
[ {stemmasi}, i.e. the
chaplets wound round with wool which were worn at Hellenic sacrifices.]
138 (return)
[ {oulesi}.]
13801 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 61.]
139 (return)
[ {sitoisi}: perhaps
"plain dishes."]
140 (return)
[ {proskuneei}, i.e.
kisses his feet or the ground.]
141 (return)
[ {ton legomenon}, a
correction of {to legomeno}. (The Medicean MS. has {toi legomenoi} like
the rest, not {toi legomeno}, as stated by Stein.)]
142 (return)
[ {ekhomenon, kata ton
auton de logon}: the MSS. and most Editors have {ekhomenon}. {kata ton
auton de logon}; "and this same rule the Persians observe in giving
honour." This, however, makes it difficult (though not impossible) to
refer {to ethnos} in the next clause to the Medes, and it can hardly be
referred to the Persians, who certainly had not the same system of
government. Perhaps however we may translate thus, "for each race extended
forward thus their rule or their deputed authority."]
143 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 194.]
144 (return)
[ {polloi}: omitted, or
corrected variously, by Editors. There is, perhaps, something wrong about
the text in the next clause also, for it seems clear that white doves were
not objected to by the Persians. See Stein's note.]
145 (return)
[ See ch. 95.]
146 (return)
[ These words, "neither
those towards the East nor those towards the West" have perhaps been
interpolated as an explanation of {ta ano} and {ta kato}. As an
explanation they can hardly be correct, but the whole passage is vaguely
expressed.]
147 (return)
[ {tropous tesseras
paragogeon}.]
148 (return)
[ i.e. the Asiatic
Ionians who had formed a separate confederacy. Some understand it to mean
the Milesians, but this would give no satisfactory connection with what
follows.]